Higelin and Hepp 2016

You might also like

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 6

JASREP-00665; No of Pages 6

Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jasrep

Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological foundations
and new perspectives in Oaxaca
Ricardo Higelin Ponce de León a,⁎, Guy David Hepp b
a
Department of Anthropology, Indiana University Bloomington, 701 Kirkwood Ave., Bloomington, IN 47405, USA
b
Department of Anthropology, California State University, San Bernardino, 5500 University Parkway, San Bernardino, CA 92407, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: In recent years, bioarchaeological research has emerged as one of the principal tools for studying diverse aspects
Received 11 July 2016 of ancient society through the analysis of human remains. Oaxaca, Mexico is a culturally diverse region of Meso-
Received in revised form 13 October 2016 america that today boasts at least sixteen discrete ethnolinguistic groups. Bioarchaeology in Oaxaca has tradition-
Accepted 13 October 2016
ally focused on the Late Formative and Classic period (500 BCE–800 CE) Zapotec city of Monte Albán, and on its
Available online xxxx
hinterland. Largely descriptive, these studies provided basic discussions of health, nutrition, and funerary offer-
Keywords:
ings. Beyond the Valley of Oaxaca, much less comprehensive bioarchaeological research has been undertaken
Bioarchaeology to date. Never before have data from the study of human remains in multiple geographical regions and time pe-
Mesoamerica riods within Oaxaca been assembled in a single venue. The goal of this collection of papers is to bring together the
Oaxaca results of bioarchaeological scholarship on diverse topics, time periods, and regions. These studies investigate ap-
Zapotec proximately 3500 years of precolumbian history, from the beginnings of the Early Formative (ca. 1650 BCE) to the
Mixtec Colonial period. The papers discuss five major geographical areas and consider various cultural groups including
Chontal the Zapotec, Mixtec, Chontal, and Chatino peoples. This special issue is the first academic product of which we are
Chatino
aware to provide such a concentrated yet diverse consideration of the social context and bioarchaeological signif-
icance of ancient human remains from Oaxaca.
© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction discipline has grown to consider many aspects of social organization


such as age, gender, identity, violence, ethnicity, and subsistence in a
Mexico's southern state of Oaxaca has captured the interest of trav- wide variety of geographical areas (Blomster, 2011; Geller, 2008;
elers and scholars both within Mexico and internationally (Fig. 1). The Gillespie, 2001; Rakita et al., 2005). Scholars have applied
mountainous region's natural biodiversity is well matched by its cultur- bioarchaeological approaches at multiple scalar levels, from that of indi-
al diversity, which is today demonstrated by the presence of at least six- viduals (osteobiographies) to that of populations. Mesoamericanist re-
teen discrete ethnolinguistic groups among its considerable indigenous search has produced numerous bioarchaeological publications, many
population (e.g., Bartolomé and Barabas, 1996; Joyce, 2010; Monaghan, of which have focused on the Maya region (Cucina and Tiesler, 2005;
1995; Stephen, 2005). Despite this rich cultural heritage, the region has Duncan and Schwarz, 2014; Maggiano et al., 2008; Metcalfe et al.,
not received the same intensity of study as have other areas of Meso- 2009; Tiesler and Cucina, 2006), and Central Mexico (Chávez Balderas,
america. Much Oaxacanist research to date has focused on the Zapotecs, 2010, 2007; Graulich, 2003; Joyce, 2000; López Luján and Olivier,
whose ancestors have occupied the Valley of Oaxaca for thousands of 2010; Manzanilla, 2002; Spence and Pereira, 2007). Though researchers
years, and to a lesser extent on Mixtec groups from surrounding high- have attempted some cross-cultural bioarchaeological comparisons in
land regions (e.g., Acosta and Romero, 1992; Spores, 1984) and the an- Mesoamerica (e.g., Márquez Morfín et al., 2002), Oaxaca has not re-
cestral Mixtec and Chatino populations of the western Pacific Coast (e.g., ceived the same level of attention paid to other areas. The goal of the
Barber, 2005; Barber et al., 2013; Hepp, 2015; Joyce, 1991). present special issue is to address this relative paucity of research by
As redefined by Buikstra (1977, p. 69), bioarchaeology is the scientif- considering past and ongoing bioarchaeological studies in several
ic study of human remains from archaeological contexts, and which in- parts of Oaxaca.
cludes “active participation [by] both archaeologists and physical
anthropologist in all phases of research design.” Over time, this
2. Bioarchaeological foundations in Oaxaca (1930–1960)
⁎ Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: rhigelin@indiana.edu (R. Higelin Ponce de León), As was true in other regions, the first bioarchaeological studies in
guy.hepp@csusb.edu (G.D. Hepp). Oaxaca were descriptive in nature. They focused on metrics,

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003
2352-409X/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Higelin Ponce de León, R., Hepp, G.D., Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological
foundations and new perspectives in Oaxaca, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003
2 R. Higelin Ponce de León, G.D. Hepp / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx

Fig. 1. Regions of Oaxaca.

morphology, and biotypologies of ancient populations as identified Negro permitted Romero to undertake Mesoamerica's first comparative
through osteological analysis (López Alonso et al., 1988). Some of this analysis of cultural modification of human remains. In part, this work re-
research was made possible by the work of Alfonso Caso, whose excava- sulted in a dental modification typology, which bioarchaeologists con-
tions at the ancient Zapotec city of Monte Albán began in the 1930s and tinue to use today (Romero, 1970, 1958).
resulted in Oaxaca's first significant osteological collections. Caso's work
enticed Daniel Rubín de la Borbolla (a former student of Aleš Hrdlička at
the Smithsonian Institution) to investigate Monte Albán's mortuary 3. Bioarchaeology of Oaxaca in the era of processualism (1960–1990)
contexts. Rubín de la Borbolla, with his assistant Javier Romero, ana-
lyzed human remains from over 120 tombs and produced meticulous Following Caso's foundational work, major projects in the Valley of
descriptions of sex, age, stature, and cultural modifications such as Oaxaca brought more international scholars to the region and ultimate-
those to skulls and teeth (Caso, 1969; Romero, 1983). The most remark- ly resulted in the significant expansion of Oaxaca's osteological collec-
able early findings came from the famous Tomb 7, the study of which tions. Kent Flannery's Oaxaca Human Ecology Project (e.g., Flannery,
saw the first use in Mexican archaeology of X-ray technology to identify 2009, 1986) and Blanton and Kowalewski's Valley of Oaxaca Settlement
Paget diseases and other paleopathologies of the skull (Caso, 1932; de la Project (e.g., Blanton, 1978; Kowalewski et al., 1989) expanded archae-
Rubín, 1969). The interdisciplinary analysis of Monte Albán's osteologi- ological research to many new sites in the Valley of Oaxaca and recov-
cal collection, recovered from contexts such as Tomb 7, marked the be- ered human remains dating from the Formative (1650 BCE–250 CE)
ginning of collaborations between physical anthropologists and through Postclassic (900–1521 CE) periods (see Joyce, 2010, pp. 11–
archaeologists in Oaxaca and in Mexico at large. 12). John Paddock's (Paddock et al., 1968) intensive excavations at
Encouraged by the findings at Monte Albán, Caso and his collabora- Lambityeco also expanded research in the Valley of Oaxaca.
tors expanded their research to other highland sites such as Mitla. Lambityeco's Late Classic period occupations (approx. 600–800 CE) pro-
Among the most relevant early results of this research was a better un- duced the third largest osteological collection in the Valley of Oaxaca.
derstanding of taphonomy and decomposition of human remains in dif- Denise Hodges analyzed finds from Flannery's and Paddock's projects
ferent settings, as well as the description of an Omichicahuaztli, or (among others) as part of a cohesive bioarchaeological research initia-
notched human bone used as a percussion instrument, found in Mitla's tive. By applying the Stress Model proposed by Goodman et al. (1984),
Tomb 5 (Caso and Rubín de la Borbolla, 1936). Later in his career, Caso Hodges (1987) addressed the biological strains experienced by ancient
sent an archaeological team led by Jorge Acosta and Javier Romero Oaxacans as they intensified their agricultural practices during the For-
(who had been trained by Rubín de la Borbolla) to explore the Mixteca mative, Classic, and Postclassic periods. Hodges' work helped to expand
Alta region's Monte Negro site (Acosta and Romero, 1992). Human re- the description of human remains from traditional individual analyses
mains recovered from tombs at Monte Negro were notable for the var- to macro-scale comparative studies aimed at understanding broad
iation they presented in evidence for intentional cranial and dental trends in precolumbian Zapotec life. These studies also helped
modifications. Osteological collections from Monte Albán and Monte bioarchaeological research in Oaxaca to address broader

Please cite this article as: Higelin Ponce de León, R., Hepp, G.D., Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological
foundations and new perspectives in Oaxaca, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003
R. Higelin Ponce de León, G.D. Hepp / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx 3

anthropological research agendas regarding social inequality and sub- Other bioarchaeological research has underscored the symbolic
sistence change. value of human femora in ancient Oaxaca (Higelin Ponce de León,
2012). Mortuary contexts at sites such as Mitla and Lambityeco have
produced osteological assemblages curiously missing these human leg
4. Recent bioarchaeology of Monte Albán and the Valley of Oaxaca bones (Feinman et al., 2010; Urcid, 2008). Other sites, including San
Miguel Albarradas, appear to have a relative surplus of this anatomical
The theoretical paradigms of processual and post-processual archae- component among their tomb contents, particularly in contexts dating
ology left lasting impressions upon bioarchaeological study in Oaxaca. to the Late Classic and Early Postclassic periods (Higelin Ponce de León
Building upon new techniques of osteological analysis, researchers et al., 2013; Martínez Tuñon and Higelin Ponce de León, 2015). Urcid
began to test new theoretical frameworks intended to address ques- (2008) suggested that ancient governors might have collected human
tions about social inequality, conflict and conquest, and religion. Exca- femora as staffs to symbolize and legitimate rulership of communities.
vations at Monte Albán during the latter 20th and early 21st centuries Feinman et al. (2010) supported this conclusion but added that these
have prompted a considerable expansion of highland Oaxaca's osteolog- bones were also used to produce musical instruments known as
ical collections (González Licón, 2011; Robles García, 2001; Winter, Omichicahuaztlis. Ancient Omichicahuaztlis have formed a part of
1974). The resulting research has included specialized studies of cranial bioarchaeological discussions regarding Mesoamerica since the late
trepanation (Wilkinson, 1975), social organization and mortuary prac- 1800s (Lumholtz and Hrdlička, 1898), and have been documented in
tice (Wilkinson and Norelli, 1981), stable isotopic analysis of health, Oaxacan archaeological assemblages for nearly a century (e.g., Caso
diet, and social inequality (Blitz, 1995; Brito Benítez and Baños López, and Rubín de la Borbolla, 1936). Scholars have suggested that warriors
2003), and morphoscopic analyses as part of a Health Index initiative or- or governors played the instruments at funerary rituals (Alvarado
ganized by Steckel and Rose (2002) and as employed in related social Tezozómoc, 2001 [1598]; Beyer, 1934; Von Winning, 1959) or used
inequality studies (e.g., Márquez Morfín and González Licón, 2006, them as shamanic amulets or war trophies (García Payón, 1941;
2001). Much of this research has sought evidence of social stratification, Pereira, 2005). The artifacts themselves have not been analyzed in detail
though results available to date have found little significant health var- until recently, when Sánchez Santiago and Higelin Ponce de León
iation between elites and commoners (Blitz, 1995; Brito Benítez, 2000). (2014) reviewed fourteen of them from the Valley of Oaxaca and the
Exceptions to this pattern include Late Formative and Classic period so- Mixteca Baja. Across Mesoamerica people used human femora, tibiae,
cial inequality evident in burial differentiation by class (but not by sex) and humeri, as well as animal bones, to produce musical instruments.
at Monte Albán (Blitz, 1995; Brito Benítez, 2000; Hodges, 1987; Though Oaxacan Omichicahuaztlis are fewer in number than those
Martínez López et al., 2014; Winter and Martínez López, 1996). from Central Mexico, they likely played a significant role in the region's
Inspired by the classic study of Tomb 7, recent mortuary research at ancient funerary rituals (Sánchez Santiago and Higelin Ponce de León,
Monte Albán has resulted in some of Oaxaca's most interdisciplinary 2014).
and collaborative scholarship between archaeologists and
bioarchaeologists (McCafferty and McCafferty, 2003; McCafferty et al., 5. Bioarchaeology beyond the Valley of Oaxaca
1994; Middleton et al., 1998; Winter, 2011; Winter and Martínez
López, 1996). Beyond Monte Albán, researchers have studied musculo- In recent decades, bioarchaeological research in areas of Oaxaca be-
skeletal markers and made comparisons with Health Index data at three yond the highland valleys has increased. Archaeological projects on the
Formative period sites in the Valley of Oaxaca (Alfaro Castro and López coast, and particularly in the lower Río Verde Valley, have resulted in
Alonso, 2009). Other studies of highland Oaxaca's ancient mortuary the identification of several communal mortuary areas and formal ceme-
contexts have addressed collective memory (Higelin Ponce de León et teries representing thousands of years of human occupation (Barber et al.,
al., 2013; Martínez Tuñon and Higelin Ponce de León, 2015; Robles 2013; Hepp, 2015; Joyce, 2010, pp. 181–185, Joyce, 1991). Significant
García and Molina Villegas, 1998), the reuse of mortuary spaces (Lind finds among these contexts have included evidence for an Early Forma-
and Urcid, 1983; Middleton et al., 1998; Urcid, 2008), and the signifi- tive period farming village in the region (Hepp, 2015), communal ceme-
cance of individual mortuary contexts (Feinman et al., 2010; García teries of the Late and Terminal Formative periods (Barber et al., 2013;
Ríos and Higelin Ponce de León, 2015). Joyce, 1991), and a deer femur flute from a Terminal Formative period
Though mortuary practice has been a primary focus of recent ar- cemetery at Yugüe (Barber et al., 2009; Barber and Olvera Sánchez,
chaeological and bioarchaeological research in Oaxaca, violence and 2012; Mayes and Barber, 2008). This deer bone flute underscores the sig-
warfare in support of Late Formative period Zapotec militaristic expan- nificance of music in ritual practice and mortuary contexts in coastal Oa-
sion has been another topic of interest. On the basis of over 60 skull frag- xaca, a relationship also demonstrated by the analysis of the region's
ments recovered at La Coyotera in the Cañada de Cuicatlán, Spencer Formative period ceramic musical instruments (Hepp et al., 2014). The
(1982) argued that human crania were displayed as war trophies and osteobiographical approach applied by Mayes and Barber (2008) to the
as symbols of Zapotec political dominance across highland Oaxaca. high-status Yugüe burial that contained the deer bone flute also repre-
The possible existence of an ancient Oaxacan skull rack (or Tzompantli) sents an innovative new direction for bioarchaeology in the region, as
is enticing, and such finds could be further supported if accompanied by Oaxaca's first truly osteobiographical study. Other osteological finds
perimortem cut marks or fractures to the parietal and temporal bones. from coastal Oaxaca have elicited comparison with highland deposits.
In fact, possible evidence for violence has been recovered at another For instance, Sherman et al. (2010) suggested that a cemetery at the
site in the southern portion of the Valley of Oaxaca, San Martín Tilcajete. site of Cerro de La Cruz might indicate violence related to an expansionist
Specifically, Duncan et al. (2009) suggested that a cut mark on a Late Monte Albán state. Research by coastal scholars over the last three de-
Formative period human left maxilla from the site may indicate an an- cades has indicated otherwise, however. As summarized by Barber et al.
cient war trophy. Urcid (2010) has argued that poor preservation of (2013, p. 101), Late Formative burials at Cerro de la Cruz “represented
human remains and a lack of specialist training to identify cut marks, continuous interment over a span of decades, if not a century or more,”
trauma, and other wounds have hampered the identification of evi- of a broad sample of community members demonstrating a lack of evi-
dence for ancient violence throughout Mesoamerica. To date, icono- dence for perimortem trauma. This conclusion corresponds with those
graphic interpretations of objects such as engraved stones have of other scholars who have found a general lack of evidence for Zapotec
proven to be among the most reliable indicators of warfare in imperialism in Oaxaca's coastal regions (Levine, 2013; Zeitlin, 1990;
precolumbian Oaxaca (Urcid, 2010). More osteological evidence Zeitlin and Joyce, 1999).
would be instrumental in securely demonstrating Zapotec militaristic In the Mixteca Baja region of Oaxaca, scholars have studied evidence
expansion in the highlands during the Formative period. for cranial trepanation (Christensen and Winter, 1997) and other

Please cite this article as: Higelin Ponce de León, R., Hepp, G.D., Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological
foundations and new perspectives in Oaxaca, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003
4 R. Higelin Ponce de León, G.D. Hepp / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx

aspects of precolumbian mortuary practice (e.g., Alfaro Castro and symbolic connection between the living and their ancestors in the
Rivera Guzmán, 2014). More bioarchaeological research has also taken Mixteca Alta, as well as the ways in which a home's biography could
place in the Mixteca Alta, where sites such as Huamelulpan, Yucunama, be intimately intertwined with mortuary ritual. Such concepts are
and Etlatongo have produced osteological collections from Formative well established for Classic and Postclassic period Oaxaca (and Meso-
through Classic period occupations (e.g., Blomster, 2011; Gaxiola america more generally), but have not received much attention in dis-
González, 1984; Matadamas Díaz, 1991). Research at the site of cussions of the Formative period. In Skeletal Health and the
Teposcolula has contributed to understandings of the region's Postclas- Abandonment of a Late–Terminal Formative Urban Center in the Mixteca
sic and Colonial period occupations. In particular, morphoscopic studies Alta: A Bioarchaeological Analysis of Human Remains from Cerro Jazmin
based on the Health Index model, stable isotope research, and DNA stud- (this issue), Pérez Rodríguez, Higelin Ponce de León, and Martínez
ies (Warinner et al., 2014, 2012), demonstrated that Postclassic period Tuñón present their discussion of human remains from Late and Termi-
mortuary differentiation in the region was based more on social class nal Formative period occupation in the Mixteca Alta. In particular, these
than on sex. A bioarchaeological analysis of Colonial period contexts in authors question whether changes in the quality of life for residents of
the Mixteca Alta (Roldán López, 2014) also indicated probable increases Cerro Jazmin may have been related to the site's abandonment.
in disease and mortality at the time of contact with Europeans, a conclu- The papers collected here also consider other highland contexts that
sion that could be further bolstered by future paleodemographic research. have received even less research attention than the Mixteca Alta. In
Postclassic and Early Colonial Mortuary Practices in the Nejapa Region of
6. New contributions of the present special issue Oaxaca, Southern Mexico (this issue), King and Higelin Ponce de León
shift our focus to the Nejapa region, which is situated in Oaxaca's Sierra
Though the regional research projects summarized above demon- Sur. Though these authors discuss general patterns of mortuary practice
strate significant advancements in bioarchaeological study in Oaxaca in Nejapa, they focus particular attention on the remains of eight indi-
over the past century, few projects have attempted to synthesize such viduals from Colonial period deposits at Majaltepec, where younger
information across Oaxaca's diverse geographical and cultural land- women were sometimes interred with the remains of infants or chil-
scape. Most bioarchaeological research in the area has focused on the dren, a pattern that is unusual among Early Colonial burials in Mexico.
Valley of Oaxaca, and particularly on Monte Albán. Other regions such In An Osteobiography of a Oaxacan Late Adolescent Female (this issue),
as the Mixteca Alta and Baja, as well as large stretches of the coast, Alfaro Castro, Waters, and Zvorober discuss mortuary practice and call
have received relatively little attention despite archaeological evidence on the emerging field of osteobiographical research to discuss the par-
for their rich prehispanic histories. This pattern of unequal research ticular history of one young woman from a Late Postclassic or Early Co-
focus in Oaxaca is beginning to change, as we have also outlined lonial period Chontal community. This research is based specifically on
above, and it is to this continued expansion of bioarchaeological per- musculoskeletal markers, evidence for paleopathology identified
spectives in Oaxaca that we dedicate this edited special issue. through morphoscopic analysis, and dietary information from the
Authors contributing to this issue present new interpretations and study of stable isotopes. Alfaro Castro and colleagues' use of multiple
apply novel analytical techniques to expand our understandings of mor- lines of evidence represents not only an exciting new trend in
tuary practice in ancient Oaxaca. In Death on the Early Formative Oaxaca bioarchaeology but also the first ever bioarchaeological and
Coast: The Human Remains of La Consentida (this issue), Hepp, Sandberg, osteobiographical research focused on the Chontal region. These authors
and Aguilar present the results of their interdisciplinary study of mortu- demonstrate how osteobiography can be a useful bioarchaeological ap-
ary contexts at an Early Formative period village site. AMS radiocarbon proach to studying an ancient population through the remains of a single
dates from secure contexts at La Consentida suggest that it has produced individual.
some of Mesoamerica's oldest known pottery and mounded earthen ar- For the purposes of comparing research beyond the Valley of Oaxaca
chitecture. Human remains from the site, among the earliest known ex- with that better-known region, it is useful to discuss recent
amples in Oaxaca, provide the opportunity to investigate mortuary bioarchaeological studies applying new methodologies to previously
practice, subsistence changes, and shifting social organization at one of studied areas. In Oaxaca and its Neighbors in Prehispanic Times: Popula-
Mesoamerica's first agrarian villages. Isotopic values, for instance, sug- tion Movements from the Perspective of Dental Morphological Traits (this
gest more maize reliance at La Consentida than found at other Early For- issue), Cucina, Edgar, and Ragsdale provide another study pushing the
mative period coastal sites in Mesoamerica. In The Bioarchaeology of the boundaries of bioarchaeological methods. With a particular focus on
Cerro de la Cruz Cemetery, Oaxaca, Mexico (this issue), Mayes and Joyce the analysis of biodistance markers identified in dental morphology,
discuss a Late Formative through Early Classic period cemetery from Cucina and collaborators address issues of mobility and interaction be-
the site of Cerro de La Cruz in the same coastal area of Oaxaca. These au- tween ancient Maya and Zapotec populations during Classic and Post-
thors provide results from morphoscopic and stable isotopic analyses of classic times. In Collective Memory in San Sebastian Etla, Oaxaca:
twenty-five individuals to expand our understandings of diet and mor- Bioarchaeological Approaches to an Early Formative Period (1400–
tuary practice in the region. The results of this research are directly rel- 1200 BCE) Mortuary Space (this issue), Cervantes Pérez, Mijangos García,
evant to broader discussions regarding the archaeology of Formative and Andrade Cuautle discuss the rare discovery of an Early Formative
period Oaxaca, especially those related to the aforementioned lack of period highland Oaxacan cemetery. Building upon their analysis of
evidence for Zapotec militaristic expansion on the coast. In particular, grave offerings, body treatment, and demographic information, these
this paper contributes to the Zapotec imperialism debate by demon- authors argue that the San Sebastian Etla cemetery represents an early
strating that not all cultural expansions of Late and Terminal Formative expression of collective identity and memory production. In Differences
period Oaxaca were predicated upon warfare, as they sometimes were in the Classic Period Mortuary Treatment of Adults and Children in the Val-
among the slightly later Maya (Duncan, 2011, 2005). ley of Oaxaca (this issue), Higelin Ponce de León, Feinman, Robles García,
Highland regions outside the Valley of Oaxaca also represent a sig- Nicholas, Ríos Allier, and Ramón Celis discuss in detail highland Zapotec
nificant focus of the present special issue. In Knowing the Dead in the mortuary practices related to the burial of children during the Classic
Mixteca Alta, Oaxaca: Yucuita Phase Burials at Etlatongo (this issue), period. In particular, these authors question the long-held position
Blomster and Higelin Ponce de León review Late Middle Formative peri- that ancient Mesoamericans treated adults and children differently in
od evidence from a household context at the site of Etlatongo, where death. They accomplish this goal, in part, by comparing the well-
seven individuals were interred over time in a central location. These known Zapotecs with their peers from Teotihuacán in the Valley of
authors emphasize the spiritual connection that would have existed be- Mexico.
tween the house's living occupants and the remains of their ancestors, A final component of the present special issue is the commentary es-
who were buried under the house. These findings highlight the says provided by two established researchers in the fields of

Please cite this article as: Higelin Ponce de León, R., Hepp, G.D., Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological
foundations and new perspectives in Oaxaca, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003
R. Higelin Ponce de León, G.D. Hepp / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx 5

bioarchaeology and mortuary studies, Della Cook and Jane Baxter. In Caso, A., Rubín de la Borbolla, D.F., 1936. Exploraciones en Mitla, 1934–1935. Instituto
Panamericano de Geografía e Historia, Publicación 21. Mexico City.
these concluding statements the reader will find that the papers pre- Chávez Balderas, X., 2007. Rituales Funerarios en el Templo Mayor de Tenochtitlan.
sented here fit well within the context of previous research on human Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
remains in the Americas, but also that they are part of an effort to ex- Chávez Balderas, X., 2010. Decapitación Ritual en el Templo Mayor de Tenochtitlán:
estudio Tafonómico. In: López Luján, L., Olivier, G. (Eds.), El Sacrificio Humano En
pand the methodological, geographic, and cultural boundaries of mod- La Tradición Religiosa Mesoamericana. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
ern bioarchaeological study. Collectively, the papers presented in this Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 317–344.
special issue discuss human remains from over 3500 years of Oaxaca's Christensen, A.F., Winter, M., 1997. Culturally modified skeletal remains from the site of
Huamelulpan, Oaxaca, Mexico. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol. 7, 467–480.
precolumbian and Early Colonial past. With emphasis on everything Cucina, A., Tiesler, V., 2005. Past, present and future itineraries in Maya bioarchaeology.
from mortuary ritual and social organization to dietary evidence and in- J. Anthropol. Sci. 83, 29–42.
dividual osteobiographies, these papers build upon previous research Higelin Ponce de León, R., 2012. Symbolism and Use of Human Femora by the Zapotecs in
Oaxaca, México during Prehispanic Times. (Unpublished M.A. thesis). Southern Illi-
that was largely descriptive and focused on the Zapotecs of the Valley
nois University, Carbondale.
of Oaxaca. Through investigation of regions as diverse as the Chontal, Higelin Ponce de León, R., Martínez Tuñon, A., Robles García, N.M., Tuross, N., 2013. San
Nejapa, Mixteca Alta, and coastal areas of Oaxaca, and through inquiry Miguel Albarradas: interpretaciones Culturales de un Espacio Funerario. Estud.
into topics as varied as diet, health, ritual activity, life history, social or- Antropol. Biológica xvi 95–118.
Rubín de la Borbolla, D.F., 1969. La Osamenta Humana Encontrada en la Tumba 7. In: Rubín
ganization, and mobility, these papers propose to significantly expand de la Borbolla, D.F., Perrin, T.G., Aragón, E.O., Isaac, C., Moreno Valle, R., Vargas y Vargas,
our perspectives on ancient society in Oaxaca. L., Easby Jr., D.T. (Eds.), Estudios Técnicos Sobre La Tumba 7 de Monte Albán. Instituto
Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 275–324.
Duncan, W.N., 2005. Understanding veneration and violation in the archaeological record.
In: Buikstra, J.E., Beck, L.E., Williams, S.R. (Eds.), Interacting with the Dead: Perspec-
Acknowledgments tives on Mortuary Archaeology for the New Millennium. University Press of Florida,
Gainesville, pp. 207–227.
Duncan, W.N., 2011. Bioarchaeological analysis of sacrificial victims from a postclassic
We thank all of the authors who contributed to this special issue and Maya temple from Ixlú, El Petén, Guatemala. Lat. Am. Antiq. 22, 549–572.
the editors of the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports for working Duncan, W.N., Schwarz, K.R., 2014. Partible, permeable, and relational bodies in a Maya
with us throughout the process. We are also grateful to Della Cook mass grave. Commingled and Disarticulated Human Remains. Springer, New York,
pp. 149–170.
and Jane Baxter for their thoughtful comments, as well as a large cadre Duncan, W.N., Elson, C., Spencer, C.S., Redmond, E.M., 2009. A human maxilla trophy from
of anonymous reviewers who helped to improve each paper collected Cerro Tilcajete, Oaxaca, Mexico. Mexicon 108–113.
here. We also express our thanks to those who participated in the orig- Feinman, G.M., Nicholas, L.M., Baker, L.C., 2010. The missing femur at the Mitla fortress
and its implications. Antiquity 84, 1089–1101.
inal Society for American Archaeology conference symposium from
Flannery, K.V. (Ed.), 1986. Guilá Naquitz: Archaic Foraging and Early Agriculture in Oaxa-
which this project emerged. We hope that this collection will further ca, Mexico, Studies in Archaeology. Academic Press, Orlando.
the cause of studying the ancient people of Oaxaca, a place we love. Flannery, K.V. (Ed.), 2009. The Early Mesoamerican Village: Updated Edition. Left Coast
Press, Walnut Creek.
García Payón, J., 1941. Manera de Disponer de los Muertos entre los Matlatzincas del Valle
References de Toluca. Rev. Mex. Estud. Antropológicos 5, 64–78.
García Ríos, C.D., Higelin Ponce de León, R., 2015. La tumba 1 de San Pedro Ixtlahuaca.
Acosta, J.R., Romero, J., 1992. Exploraciones en Monte Negro, Oaxaca: 1937-38, 1938-39 y Arqueol. Mex. 132, 56–59.
1939-40. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City. Gaxiola González, M., 1984. Huamelulpan: Un Centro Urbano de la Mixteca Alta.
Alfaro Castro, M.E., López Alonso, S., 2009. Condiciones de Salud de los Antiguos Colección Científica 114. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Pobladores de los Valles Centrales Oaxaqueños durante el Formativo. La Aliment. en Geller, P.A., 2008. Conceiving sex: fomenting a feminist bioarchaeology. J. Soc. Archaeol. 8,
la América Precolombina y Colon. Una Aproximación Interdiscip 7, pp. 145–158. 113–138.
Alfaro Castro, M.E., Rivera Guzmán, I., 2014. La Tumba 10 de Cerro de las Minas, un Estudio Gillespie, S.D., 2001. Personhood, agency, and mortuary ritual: a case study from the an-
Preliminar Sobre las Prácticas Funerarias Prehispánicas del Periodo Clásico en la Mixteca cient Maya. J. Anthropol. Archaeol. 20, 73–112.
Baja de Oaxaca. In: Ortiz Escamilla, R. (Ed.), Recuerdos Y Costumbres Vivas En La González Licón, E., 2011. Desigualdad Social y Condiciones de Vida en Monte Albán, Oaxa-
Mixteca. Universidad Tecnológica de la Mixteca, Huajuapan de León, Mexico, pp. 43–74. ca. ENAH-INAH-SEP-PROMEP, Mexico City.
Alvarado Tezozómoc, F., 2001. Crónica Mexicana 4. UNAM, Mexico City. Goodman, A.H., Martin, D.L., Armelagos, G.J., Clark, G., 1984. Indications of stress from
Barber, S.B., 2005. Heterogeneity, Identity, and Complexity: Negotiating Status and Au- bones and teeth. In: Cohen, M.N., Armelagos, G.J. (Eds.), Paleopathology at the Origins
thority in Terminal Formative Coastal Oaxaca (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation). (Un- of Agriculture. Academic Press, New York, pp. 13–49.
published Ph.D. dissertation). University of Colorado, Boulder. Graulich, M., 2003. El sacrificio humano en Mesoamérica. Rev. Arqueol. Mex. 11, 18–23.
Barber, S.B., Olvera Sánchez, M., 2012. A divine wind: the arts of death and music in ter- Hepp, G.D., 2015. La Consentida: Initial Early Formative Period Settlement, Subsistence,
minal formative Oaxaca. Anc. Mesoam. 23, 9–24. and Social Organization on the Pacific Coast of Oaxaca, Mexico. (Unpublished Ph.D.
Barber, S.B., Sánchez Santiago, G., Olvera Sánchez, M., 2009. Sounds of death and life in dissertation). University of Colorado, Boulder.
Mesoamerica: the bone flutes of ancient Oaxaca. Yearb. Tradit. Music 41, 40–56. Hepp, G.D., Barber, S.B., Joyce, A.A., 2014. Communing with nature, the ancestors,
Barber, S.B., Joyce, A.A., Mayes, A.T., Butler, M., 2013. Formative period burial practices and and the neighbors: ancient ceramic musical instruments from coastal Oaxaca,
cemeteries. In: Joyce, A.A. (Ed.), Polity and Ecology in Formative Period Coastal Oaxa- Mexico. World Archaeol. 46, 380–399.
ca. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, pp. 97–133. Hodges, D.C., 1987. Health and agricultural intensification in the prehistoric valley of Oa-
Bartolomé, M.A., Barabas, A.M., 1996. Tierra de la Palabra: Historia y Etnografía de los xaca, Mexico. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 73, 323–332.
Chatinos de Oaxaca. 2nd ed. Instituto Oaxaqueño de las Culturas, Instituto Nacional Joyce, A.A., 1991. Formative Period Occupation in the Lower Río Verde Valley, Oaxaca,
de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, Oaxaca City. Mexico: Interregional Interaction and Social Change (Unpublished Ph.D. disserta-
Beyer, H., 1934. Mexican bone battles. Studies in Middle America. Tulane University. Mid- tion). (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation). Rutgers the State University of New Jersey,
dle American Research Institute, pp. 329–349. New Brunswick.
Blanton, R.E., 1978. Monte Albán: Settlement Patterns at the Ancient Zapotec Capital. Ac- Joyce, R.A., 2000. Girling the girl and Boying the boy: the production of adulthood in an-
ademic Press, New York. cient Mesoamerica. World Archaeol. 31, 473–483.
Blitz, J.A., 1995. Dietary Variability and Social Inequality at Monte Alban, Oaxaca, Mexico. Joyce, A.A., 2010. Mixtecs, Zapotecs, and Chatinos: Ancient Peoples of Southern Mexico.
(Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation). University of Wisconsin, Madison. Wiley-Blackwell, Malden.
Blomster, J.P., 2011. Bodies, bones and burials: corporeal constructs and enduring rela- Kowalewski, S.A., Feinman, G.M., Finsten, L.M., Blanton, R.E., Nichols, D.L., 1989. Monte
tionships in Oaxaca, Mexico. In: Fitzsimmons, J.L., Shimada, I. (Eds.), Living with the Albán's hinterland, part II: prehispanic settlement patterns in Tlacolula, Etla, and
Dead: Mortuary Ritual in Mesoamerica. University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Ocotlán, the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology vol.
pp. 102–160. 23. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
Brito Benítez, E.L., 2000. Análisis Social de la Población Prehispánica de Monte Albán a Levine, M.N., 2013. Examining ceramic evidence for the Zapotec imperialism hypothesis in
través del Estudio de la Dieta. (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation). UNAM, Mexico City. the lower Río Verde region of Oaxaca, Mexico. In: Joyce, A.A. (Ed.), Polity and Ecology
Brito Benítez, E.L., Baños López, L., 2003. Alimentación y Estratificación Social en Monte in Formative Period Coastal Oaxaca. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, pp. 227–263.
Albán. Estud. Antropol. Biológica 11, 811–822. Lind, M.D., Urcid, J., 1983. The Lords of Lambityeco and their nearest neighbors. Notas
Buikstra, J.E., 1977. Biocultural dimensions of archeological study: a regional perspective. Mesoamericanas. 9, pp. 78–111.
In: Blakely, R.L. (Ed.), Biocultural Adaptation in Prehistoric AmericaSouthern Anthro- López Alonso, S., Lagunas Rodriguez, Z., Serrano Sánchez, C., 1988. La Antropología Física
pological Society Proceedings vol. 11. Athens, GA, pp. 67–84. en Oaxaca. In: García Mora, C., Villalobos Salgado, M. (Eds.), La Antropología En El Sur
Caso, A., 1932. Monte Albán, richest archaeological find in America. Natl. Geogr. Mag. 62, de México. INAH, Mexico City, pp. 159–180.
487–512. López Luján, L., Olivier, G. (Eds.), 2010. El Sacrificio Humano en la Tradición Religiosa
Caso, A., 1969. El Tesoro de Monte Albán, Memorias del Instituto Nacional de Mesoamericana. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Universidad Nacional
Antropología e Historia 3. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City. Autónoma de México, Mexico City.

Please cite this article as: Higelin Ponce de León, R., Hepp, G.D., Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological
foundations and new perspectives in Oaxaca, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003
6 R. Higelin Ponce de León, G.D. Hepp / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports xxx (2016) xxx–xxx

Lumholtz, C., Hrdlička, A., 1898. Marked Human Bones from a Prehistoric Tarasco Indian Roldán López, L.L., 2014. El Impacto Biológico de la Conquista Española de Yucundaa. In:
Burial Place in the State of Michoacan, Mexico (By Order of the Trustees of the Amer- Spores, R., Robles García, N.M. (Eds.), Yucundaa: La Ciudad Mixteca Y Su
ican Museum of Natural History). Transformación Prehispánica-Colonial. INAH, Fundación Harp Helú, Oaxaca, Mexico,
Maggiano, I.S., Schultz, M., Kierdorf, H., Sosa, T.S., Maggiano, C.M., Tiesler, V., 2008. Cross- pp. 353–410.
sectional analysis of long bones, occupational activities and long-distance trade of the Romero, J., 1958. Mutilaciones Dentarias: Prehispánicas de México y América en General.
classic Maya from Xcambó. Am. J. Phys. Anthropol. 136, 470–477. vol. 3. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Manzanilla, L., 2002. Living with the ancestors and offering to the Gods: domestic ritual at Romero, J., 1970. Dental mutilation, trephination, and cranial deformation. Physical An-
Teotihuacan. Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica. Cotsen Institute of Archaeolo- thropology. Handbook of Middle American Indians. 9.
gy Press, Los Angeles, pp. 43–52. Romero, J., 1983. Las Tumbas y los Entierros Prehispánicos de Oaxaca. Proc. An. Antropol.
Márquez Morfín, L., González Licón, E., 2001. Estratificación Social, Salud y Nutrición en 20, 91–113.
un Grupo de Pobladores. Procesos de Cambio Y Conceptualización Del Tiempo: Sánchez Santiago, G., Higelin Ponce de León, R., 2014. El Quego Xilla en la Antigua Oaxaca:
Memoria de La Primera Mesa Redonda de Monte Albán. Consejo Nacional para la Una Aproximación a los Idiófonos de Ludimiento. Flower World - Music Archaeol.
Cultura y las Artes, pp. 73–96. Am. 3, 101–121.
Márquez Morfín, L., González Licón, E., 2006. Salud, Nutrición y Desigualdad Social en Sherman, J.R., Balkansky, A.K., Spencer, C.S., Nicholls, B.D., 2010. The expansionary dy-
Monte Albán durante el Clásico. In: Márquez Morfín, L., Hernández Espinoza, P. namics of the nascent Monte Albán state. J. Anthropol. Archaeol. 29, 278–301.
(Eds.), Salud Y Sociedad En El México Prehispánico Y Colonial. Conaculta. INAH. Spence, M.W., Pereira, G., 2007. The human skeletal remains of the moon pyramid,
PROMEP., Mexico City, pp. 231–264. Teotihuacan. Anc. Mesoam. 18, 147–157.
Márquez Morfín, L., McCaa, R., Storey, R., Del Angel, A., 2002. Health and nutrition in pre- Spencer, C.R., 1982. The Cuicatlán Cañada and Monte Albán: A Study of Primary State For-
hispanic Mesoamerica. In: Steckel, R.H., Rose, J.C. (Eds.), The Backbone of History: mation. Academic Press, New York.
Health and Nutrition in the Western Hemisphere. Cambridge University Press, New Spores, R., 1984. The Mixtecs in Ancient and Colonial Times. University of Oklahoma
York, pp. 307–338. Press, Norman.
Martínez López, C., Winter, M., Markens, R., 2014. Muerte y Vida entre los Zapotecos de Steckel, R.H., Rose, J.C. (Eds.), 2002. The Backbone of History: Health and Nutrition in the
Monte Albán. INAH-Secretaria de las Culturas y Artes de Oaxaca. Fundación Harp- Western Hemisphere. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Helú, Oaxaca, Mexico. Stephen, L., 2005. Zapotec Women: Gender, Class, and Ethnicity in Globalized Oaxaca.
Martínez Tuñon, A., Higelin Ponce de León, R., 2015. Colectividad Funeraria de una Tumba Duke University Press, Durham.
en San Miguel Albarradas, Oaxaca. Arqueol. Mex. 132, 60–63. Tiesler, V., Cucina, A., 2006. Procedures in human heart extraction and ritual meaning: a
Matadamas Díaz, R., 1991. Rescate Arqueológico en Yucunama, Mixteca Alta de Oaxaca. Taphonomic assessment of anthropogenic marks in classic Maya skeletons. Lat. Am.
Notas Mesoamericanas. 13, pp. 163–176. Antiq. 17, 493–510.
Mayes, A.T., Barber, S.B., 2008. Osteobiography of a high-status burial from the lower Río Urcid, J., 2008. El Arte de Pintar Tumbas: sociedad e Ideología Zapotecas (400–800 d.C).
Verde valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol. 18, 573–588. In: de la Fuente, B. (Ed.), La Pintura Mural Prehispánica En México vol. IV. UNAM-
McCafferty, G.G., McCafferty, S.D., 2003. Questioning a queen? A gender-informed evalu- IIAS, Mexico City, pp. 513–626.
ation of Monte Alban's tomb 7. In: Queens, A. (Ed.), Ancient Queens, Archaeological Urcid, J., 2010. El Sacrificio Humano en el Suroeste de Mesoamerica. In: López Luján, L.,
Explorations. Altamira Press, Walnut Creek, pp. 41–58. Olivier, G. (Eds.), El Sacrificio Humano En La Tradición Religiosa Mesoamericana.
McCafferty, S.D., McCafferty, G.G., Brumfiel, E.M., Coggins, C., Costin, C.L., Finsten, L.M., Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
Gero, J.M., Klein, C.F., McKeever-Furst, J.L., Paddock, J., Stephen, L., 1994. Engendering México, Mexico City, pp. 115–168.
tomb 7 at Monte Alban: respinning an old yarn [and comments and reply]. Curr. Von Winning, H., 1959. A decorated bone rattle from Culhuacan, Mexico. Am. Antiq. 86–
Anthropol. 35, 143–166. 93.
Metcalfe, J.Z., White, C.D., Longstaffe, F.J., Wrobel, G., Cook, D.C., Pyburn, K.A., 2009. Isoto- Warinner, C., Robles García, N.M., Spores, R., Tuross, N., 2012. Disease, demography, and
pic evidence for diet at Chau Hiix, Belize: testing regional models of hierarchy and diet in early colonial New Spain: investigation of a sixteenth-century Mixtec ceme-
heterarchy. Lat. Am. Antiq. 20, 15–36. tery at Teposcolula Yucundaa. Lat. Am. Antiq. 23, 467–489.
Middleton, W.D., Feinman, G.M., Molina Villegas, G., 1998. Tomb use and reuse in Oaxaca, Warinner, C., Tuross, N., Spores, R., Robles García, N.M., 2014. Ancient DNA and stable iso-
Mexico. Anc. Mesoam. 9, 297–308. tope analysis of the Teposcolula Grand Plaza Cemetery. In: Spores, R., Robles García,
Monaghan, J., 1995. The Covenants with Earth and Rain: Exchange, Sacrifice, and Revela- N.M. (Eds.), La Ciudad Mixteca Y Su Transformación Prehispánica-Colonial. INAH,
tion in Mixtec Sociality. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Fundación Harp Helú, Oaxaca, Mexico, pp. 527–540.
Paddock, J., Mogor, J.R., Lind, M.D., 1968. Lambityeco tomb 2: a preliminary report. Boletín Wilkinson, R.G., 1975. Trephination by drilling in Ancient Mexico. Bull. N. Y. Acad. Med.
Estud. Oaxaqueños 25, 1–24. 51, 838.
Pereira, G., 2005. The utilization of grooved human bones: a reanalysis of artificially mod- Wilkinson, R.G., Norelli, R.J., 1981. A biocultural analysis of social organization at Monte
ified human bones excavated by Carl Lumholtz at Zacapu, Michoacán, Mexico. Lat. Albán. Am. Antiq. 743–758.
Am. Antiq. 16, 293–312. Winter, M., 1974. Residential patterns at Monte Albán, Oaxaca, Mexico. Science 186 (80),
Rakita, G.F., Buikstra, J.E., Beck, L.A., Williams, S.R. (Eds.), 2005. Interacting with the Dead: 981–987.
Perspectives on Mortuary Archaeology for the New Millennium. University Press of Winter, M., 2011. Social memory and the origins of Monte Albán. Anc. Mesoam. 22,
Florida, Gainesville. 393–409.
Robles García, N.M., 2001. Breve Historia Sobre las Discusiones de Monte Albán. Memoria Winter, M., Martínez López, C., 1996. Entierros Humanos de Monte Albán: Dos Estudios.
de La Primera Mesa Redonda de Monte Albán: Procesos de Cambio Y Proyecto Especial Monte Albán No. 7, Oaxaca, Mexico.
Conceptualización Del Tiempo. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico Zeitlin, R.N., 1990. The isthmus and the valley of Oaxaca: questions about Zapotec impe-
City, pp. 15–21. rialism in formative period Mesoamerica. Am. Antiq. 55, 250–261.
Robles García, N.M., Molina Villegas, G., 1998. Exploración de una Tumba Prehispánica en Zeitlin, R.N., Joyce, A.A., 1999. The Zapotec-imperialism argument: insights from the Oa-
el Sitio Llaadzie en la Comunidad de Mitla, Oaxaca. Cuad. del Sur Ciencias Soc. 12, xaca coast. Curr. Anthropol. 40, 383–392.
21–52.

Please cite this article as: Higelin Ponce de León, R., Hepp, G.D., Talking with the dead from southern Mexico: Tracing bioarchaeological
foundations and new perspectives in Oaxaca, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.10.003

You might also like