1

Migration Crisis: ‘Extermination and Ethnic Cleansing’ of

Rohingya Minorities in Myanmar and a Potential Threat to
Stability in South and South-East Asia

Mohammad Iqbal

Abstract
Burma became an independent state in 1948 and in 1989, the name of the country was changed from
Burma to Myanmar. The nation building and the rise of nationalism in Burma had turned into
identity-based conflicts. A nation- wide hatred towards Rohingyas developed during the 1970’s and
later turned into a social conflict and was encouraged by the military rulers. The citizenship Act of
1982 clearly secures indigenous status to each person who was a permanent resident of Arakan prior
to 1825. The international media and human rights organisations have recognised Rohingya
population of Myanmar as the world’s most persecuted minority. Since the independence of Burma,
Rohingyas are not being included in Burma’s list of 124 official minorities. Rohingyas have been
discriminated on the basis of their ethnicity and religion. They are also being deprived of their
‘citizenship right’ and have been denied by the Burmese rulers of their basic human, political,
economic and social rights. Onslaughts on Rohingyas by the Buddhist regime over the years have
made them stateless within the state and millions became international refugees. Over a million of
Rohingyas are now being camped as refugees in Bangladesh and nearly two million are scattered
across the globe. The latest violence in August, 2017, have compelled over half a million to flee into
Bangladesh and worsening the crisis further. They were forced by the Buddhists majority of Burma to
live a sub-human life.
Three research questions were raised in this study and they have been addressed with relevant
documents and proofs. Firstly, an effort has been made to prove that the Rohingya people are the
genuine citizens of Myanmar. The second question dealt with their plight and sufferings as an
outcome of planned and organised acts of ‘genocide’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’ by the Myanmar military
and extremist Buddhists. The third question was raised about the potential threat to regional peace and
stability in the south and south-east Asia stemming out of this crisis. The relevant discussion shows
how critical the current crisis is and the alarming consequences, if it is not defused soon.

1. Introduction
Myanmar was ruled by the British for a period of 124 years and was followed by a short
independence of democracy for 12 years. In 1962, the democratic process in Burma was
interrupted by a military coup and which had resulted in direct military rule for nearly half a
century. In 1989, the name of the country was changed from Burma to Myanmar. The nation
building and the rise of nationalism in Burma had turned into identity based conflicts. The
international media and human rights organisations have recognised Rohingya population of
Myanmar as the world’s most persecuted minority (Amnesty International, 2004). Since the
independence of Burma in 1948, Rohingyas are not being included in Burma’s list of 124
official minorities. Rohingyas have been discriminated on the basis of their ethnicity, religion

Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3066658

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and appearance. The 1962 Citizenship Act also deprived them of the ‘Citizenship Right’ and
they have been denied by the Burmese rulers of their basic human, political, economic and
social rights.
A nationwide hatred towards the Rohingya community developed during the 1970’s and later
turned into a social conflict and was encouraged by the military rulers (Yegar, 1972). The
Citizenship Act of 1982 clearly secures indigenous status to each and every person, who was
a ‘permanent resident’ (Rohingya as it means in Burmese language) of Arakan prior to 1825
(Zarni & Cowley, 2014). This research, attributed towards Rohingya ancestry in Arakan with
relevant documents and evidences, clearly shows that Rohingyas were there for centuries.
However, in the present circumstances, many of them lack the formal documents to prove
their residency status due to several exoduses over the decades of unstable governance since
1784. The Burmese rulers, later, took this opportunity to create a big reason to revoke their
citizenship and had labelled them as Bengali illegal migrants
Rohingya population has been deliberately and systematically been alienated and
marginalised within their homeland. This has resulted in the division of the community-both
physical and geographical and a huge social gap and mistrust been created by feelings of
abandonment by their own government and sectarian violence. Such circumstances also have
developed an innate fear for their physical and mental existence in Arakan. In a word, the
Rohingyas have been traumatized physically, psychologically and their social life and
economic wellbeing devastated beyond recognition. Further, the question of mistrust and
psychological trauma among the Rohingyas, have been totally overlooked by the local media
and subsequently by the government. Between 1977 and 2017, a total of one million
Rohingya refugees (mostly Muslims) have taken shelter in refugee camps of Bangladesh.
Since August 25, 2017, a little over 600,000 newly arrived refugees from devastated areas of
Rakhine state of Myanmar, have added further miseries to overpopulated Bangladeshi
government and its people of the border region. Bangladesh, being a developing nation,
cannot sustain the impact of a huge number of destitute refugees on its economy for an
indefinite period. Bangladeshis, traditionally being a hospitable nation, have extended their
helping hands to the victims of tyranny, atrocity and persecution and the two-thirds of whom
are mostly children, women and elderly people. The current Prime Minister of Bangladesh
recently declared that the people of Bangladesh, if needed, would share their meals with the
Rohingya refugees. Many families have lost their male members –either killed in onslaughts
by the Myanmar army or lost in the hills and forests of Rakhine. Many perished in the rough
sea on way to Bangladesh coast.
This research has tried to portray the century long plight of the Rohingya community through
onslaughts, genocides and mass cleansing by the majority Burmese. Moreover, the Burmese
authorities systematic denial of their (Rohingya) citizenship right and access to very basic
human services, been challenged here. An attempt has been made to prove that the Rohingyas
are the genuine citizens of Burma/Myanmar and the tyranny and persecution carried on them
by successive Burmese authorities, since 1784, deserve international condemnation and safe
repatriation of the Rohingya refugees to their homeland in Rakhine (Arakan) with full
citizenship rights. It has been observed by various international organizations such as the UN
and the HRW (Human Rights Watch) that a ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing’ operation
is being carried out by the present Burmese army and Buddhist extremists in Myanmar

Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3066658

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against the Rohingya civilians. Also, the current refugee crisis in Bangladesh-Myanmar
border is posing a threat to the stability in the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal.

2. Research Objectives
In order to achieve the purpose of the present research, the following three objectives were
set
a. To establish the fact that the Rohingya minorities are the indigenous population and
genuine citizens of Myanmar.
b. Past Burmese and the present Myanmar rulers have deliberately and systematically carried
out ‘genocide and ethnic cleansing’ of the Rohingya population and which, they (the
Burmese rulers) always have denied. This research will focus on those allegations with
relevant evidences.
c. To profile and see the current Rohingya migration crisis as a potential threat (if remain
unattended by the international community and no effective and credible solution is made in
foreseeable future) to the political stability of the region in the eastern rim of the Bay of
Bengal, involving the two neighbouring countries: Bangladesh and Myanmar.

2.1 The Research Framework and the Research Questions

The research framework has been characterized by a broader exploration of the continuous
development of incidences of genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya population
(mostly Muslims and a little fraction of Hindus) by the Myanmar army and Buddhists militias
in north Rakhine and bordering Bangladesh. This has resulted into mass influx of refugees
into Bangladesh territory. The present research framework is based on a period starting from
the 9th century history of Burma to present day Myanmar and involving the history of the
Rohingya population, pertain mostly to their political, economic and social existence and
experiences. The whole research was framed within a socio-historical context and therefore,
qualitative approach was applied to conduct it. The present research substantially resonates
with experiences (and also sufferings) of Rohingyas involved in political, social,
psychological, economic and religious aspects. Three critical research questions have been
employed based upon the above framework are as follows:
1. Are the Rohingya minorities belong to Burmese indigenous group and genuine
citizens of Myanmar?
2. Have they (Rohingyas) been subjected to genocide and victims of ‘ethnic cleansing’
in Myanmar?
3. Is the current Rohingya crisis is a real threat to political stability in eastern regions
of the Bay of Bengal?
The research methods involved in this research has included a review of literature and a
survey of secondary data and information that relate to life and political experiences of
Rohingya people in Myanmar for centuries.
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2.2 Limitations to this research

There are certain limitations to this research such as an overall lack in materials and
literature on Rohingya issues. Also, there is big gap between the reporting of the Rohingya
refugees and the version from the Myanmar authority on the current conditions of the
Rohingyas after 25 August, 2017 and still staying in Rakhine. It is evident from the UN
reports that the Myanmar regimes are concealing evidences surrounding the conflict as they
did it in the past. While conducting field research in Bangladesh, registered camps of
Rohingyas were not allowed for visit by outsiders. However, information could be gathered
from Rohingyas, living sporadically in nearby villages upon payments made to respondents
for participation in the interview process. Some relevant and rare research material were
collected from the archive of Chittagong Library which has proved to be valuable, pertaining
towards historical perspectives of Rohingyas in the greater Arakan of pre-partition period.

3. A Short History of Arakan

The area known as North Arakan was once under the rule of the Hindu kings and before the
arrivals of the Buddhists. A big mountain range separates North Arakan from the rest of
Myanmar and this mountain range has acted as a frontier between the Muslims and the
Buddhists in the past. The capital Vessali was founded by Buddhists rulers in the 8th century
and the residents of the town were all converted to Buddhism. According to Yegar (1992)
‘…the Burmese do not seem to have settled in Arakan until possibly as late as the 10th
century AD. Hence earlier dynasties are thought to have been Indians, ruling over a
population similar to that of Bengal…’ (Yegar, M. 1972, p.9).
The Arab merchants arrived in Arakan in the 9th century and the locals had the first contact
with Islam. With the military support from the Sultan of Bengal, the whole of the Arakan
came under the Muslim Rule and the Kingdom of Arakan was established in 1531 and
continued till 1666, when it was conquered by the Moghul empire (ibid, p12). The fall of the
Muslim rule was caused by an internal power struggle among the Arakanese royal members.
Thus, the Burmese took the opportunity to invade Arakan in 1784 and by 1785, Arakan was
annexed to the rest of Burma. Following the conquest of Arakan, nearly 300,000 Muslims
were massacred by the Buddhists army and militias (Rahman, K.1957).
The word ‘Rohingya’ comes from ‘Rooinga’ and it denotes to natives of Rohang. The old
Muslim name for Arakan was ‘Rohang’ (Phayre, 1853, p78). Between 1784 and 1824, nearly
two-thirds of the Arakan’s population migrated to south eastern part of Chittagong and settled
around villages in Cox’s Bazar, just to escape the tyranny and persecution conducted by the
Burmese rulers. Later, when situation became normal, many Rohingyas, did return to Arakan
and the number of Muslims was increased from 121,288 in 1829 to 195,107 in 1832- a big
rise of 61 per cent (Indian Census, Burma province; 1911) (Gutman, P. 2001). Some
Arakanese had permanently settled in Cox’s Bazar and Chittagong areas and others returned
to Arakan during the British rule. In 1948, the Federation of Burma gained independence and
Arakan became a part of the Union of Burma (Rahman, K. 1957). In 1974, General Ne Win,
the head of the military government of Burma, changed the name of Arakan to Rakhine state
(Ahmed, I. 2010). In the following sections, the spread of Islam in Arakan and the fall of
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Muslim Arakan to Buddhists Burmans will be portrayed to show the relative positions of
Rohingyas at that time.

4. Islam in Arakan
Arab traders were the earliest people to travel to East Asia and some sort of contact was
established with the Arakan people during the pre-Islamic days in the 5th and 6th centuries
(Collis, 1960). The people of Arakan first embraced Islam in 788 AD by coming in contact
with the Muslim Arab merchants. By 900 AD, the whole of Arakan and the Chittagong
region came under the influence of Islam (Alam, 1965). However, that was the time when the
eastern and central parts of the Bengal Delta were being ruled by the Hindu dynasties after
the fall of the Buddhists kingdom. The Hindu rule finally came to an end with the conquest of
Bengal by the Muslims in 1203 AD (Hall, 1968). Therefore, it is historically proved that a
prosperous and culturally rich Muslim kingdom prevailed in the eastern coast of the Bay of
Bengal before the conquest of Bengal by Bakhtiar Khilji in 1203.
The Muslim society of Arakan was mainly based upon the influence of Arab Muslims who
formed the core of the society. The Islamic State of Arakan became the peace-heaven of the
east and formed a multi-religion and multicultural society by acknowledging the human
rights of all minorities in the society (Karim, 2000). The recent Burmese military regime, in
1997, has also acknowledged the success of the Arakanese Muslim rulers and stated
‘…Islam spread and deeply rooted in Arakan since 8th century from where, it further spread
into interior Burma…’ and further added
‘…the Arab influence during the 10th century increased to such a large extent in Chittagong
that a small Muslim Kingdom was established in this region and the ruler of the Kingdom
was called Sultan. The Islamic Kingdom, possibly was extended between the east bank of the
Meghna river in north and down to the Naf river in the south, including the Rakhine State of
today…’ (Lewa, 2010; p51).
After the conquest of Bengal in 1203 by the Muslims, the effect was rippled across the region
and the Muslim population of Arakan increased to almost double. Between the 15th and the
18th centuries, almost half of the total Buddhists of Arakan was converted to Islam. In fact,
Arakan and Chittagong were interrelated- based on historical, geo-political and ethnological
considerations. The Chittagong region was under the Arakani rules till the end of the 18th
century. The political, cultural and trade links between these two regions were so intense that
Arakan, at that time, was called ‘extended Chittagong’ (Alam, 1965).
During the 15th century, the Muslim state of Arakan was facing various challenges from its
neighbour hostile Buddhists states. The ruling Sultan invited Muslims from Bengal and a
very large contingent of Muslims, including fighters, migrated to Arakan to help the Sultan
(Gutman, 1995). This was the time, when the history of Arakan was re-written in a new
format as Arakan came into very close contact with the Bengal province of India. The
Muslims became the integral part of the Arakan society. They were rulers and held other
administrative positions in the State of Arakan and continued for the next 350 years until the
fall of the Arakan State in 1784 to the Buddhists rulers (ibid). During this long period, a
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distinctive tie developed between Bengal and Arakan in various aspects of society, culture
and administration.

4.1 The Golden Age of Arakan

The period between the 15th and the 18th century was called the golden age of Arakan. This
was a period of power and prosperity and a hybrid of Islamic-Buddhists culture was
developed there. The famous persons of that time were poet Daulat Qazi, Shah Alaol, and
others who glorified the ‘Darbar’ (court) of Arakan Sultan (Karim, 2000). High officials and
eminent of the society wore Persian and Mughal dresses and the minted coins were inscribed
with the ‘Kalema’ – the Islamic declaration of faith (ibid). The Arakanese army was mostly
comprised of Muslim men and was considered as a mighty force to its neighbouring states.
The Sultans and high military and civil officials contributed a lot to the growth and spread of
Islam in Arakan. Between 1430 AD and 1720 AD, the Arakan kingdom was ruled by the
Muslim rulers only (Gutman, 2001). During this time, Muslim preachers came from Delhi
and spread Islam and built several mosques in Arakan. The Muslim population of Arakan
was formed roughly of four ethnical origins: the Bengali, Indians, Afro-Asians and the locals
(Salimullah, 1981). However, the Bengali Muslims were the largest part of the total Muslim
population of Arakan. The inflow of working class Muslims from South Bengal into Arakan
had continued to build the Muslim population in Arakan. These evidences from historical
documents, clearly show that today’s Rohingyas has the authentic historical roots in the
Kingdom of Arakan. In course of time, the Rohingyas evolved with distinct ethnic
characteristics in Arakan (now Rakhine) from people of other ethnical background over the
centuries (Shin, 1961). The fact is that genealogically, Rohingyas are descendants of the
Indo-Aryan root and genetically, they are an ethnic mix of Bengali, Indians, Afghans, Central
Asians (Mughals), Arabs, Persians and Turks. In course of time, they have developed a
distinct culture and a mixed unique language called ‘Rohingya Bangla’ (Collis, 1960).
For several centuries, the Muslims of Arakan had played the phenomenal role of king makers
with other Muslim ministers. Some high class Buddhists, including members of the Royal
families, had adopted Muslim names and titles and Muslim Quazi courts had been set up
throughout the Kingdom of Arakan (Yegar, 1972). ‘Kalema’ inscribed coins and medals were
used in the state and the people followed the Muslim tradition at home and even the
Buddhists women of those days maintained the Islamic rule of 'Parda’ (cover). For a period
of five centuries or more, Muslims were in the centre of trade and commerce. They
(Muslims) also controlled the field of agriculture (ibid).

5. The Fall of Muslim Arakan to the Buddhists Burmans

The non-Muslim Burmese kings, traditionally, were enemies of Arakan, its people and
wealth. Among all of the Burmese states, Arakan had, for centuries, been the most prosperous
and peaceful region. Therefore, Burmans invaded Arakan, whenever, there was a chance. In
most occasions, Muslims of Arakan repulsed them and whenever, they (Muslims) failed to
resists attacks, kings, high officials and general people crossed the border and took refuge to
Bengal (Lewa, 2010). Therefore, Rohingyas are not 20th or 21st century refugees but known
to the Bengali people for centuries. The invasion of Burmans on Muslim Arakan dated back
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to 1403 AD. The then Sultan of Arakan, Sultan Ghiasuddin Azam Shah, with his family and
other royal nobles, took refuge at Gaur, the then capital of Bengal (ibid). After 27 years in
exile, Sultan Jalal Uddin of Bengal, provided him a big contingent of 30,000 Muslim army to
re-conquer the State of Arakan and he was successful on that occasion (ibid).
In 1784, the Buddhists Burmans again invaded Arakan, killed the Muslim Sultan and de-
populated the kingdom of Arakan. In that invasion, nearly 300,000 Arakanians were killed by
the Buddhists army and militias (Rahman, 1957). Between 1784 and 1824, prior to the British
conquer of Burma, Burmese ruled Arakan with extreme cruelty to Muslims and the Muslim
culture. For everything, that was materially and culturally Islamic, was razed to the ground or
burnt to ashes. Thousands of Rohingyas were killed in planned onslaughts. Same scenario,
the world is watching today in Rakhine state of Myanmar, in the year 2017. During that
period of brutal rules by the Burmans, over 200,000 Rohingyas were said to have fled to west
and settled near the port of Chittagong (Karim, 2000).
In 1825, with the fall of Burma to the British Empire, brought Burmese domination and
oppression over its minorities to an end. This gave an opportunity to smaller ethnic groups to
build up their social, cultural, educational and economic institutions. Never the less, the
Burmese rule for 40 years over Arakan and massacres of Muslims and other ethnic
minorities, implanted deep rooted hatred with inherited divide and rule strategy on cultural
and religious sectors between the Rohingya Muslims and the Rakhine Buddhists. The
outcome of this deep rooted hatred has been affecting the social harmony and peace of the
region for generations till today.

6. The Naming of Rohingyas

To find the genealogical roots of the Rohingya population of Burma, one historian, Arakani,
has raised the following question
‘…if Magh people can be Rakhine after the name of Rakhine Pree, then again this same people can be
known as ‘Marma’ in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, then, why the Rohingya who had originated in the
state of Arakan and having various ethnical backgrounds over the seven centuries, cannot be ethnic
Rohingyas after the name of Rohang…’ (Arakani, 1955, p.7).

The term Rohang or Roshang is the historic name of Arakan (ibid). The Rohingya poet Shah
Alaol of the Arakan court, had mentioned the kingdom as ‘Roshang’ in his writings in the
17th century. Since then, it has been changed in the present form ’Rohingya’ and follows the
name of the country ‘Rohang’ ( In the Bengali literature works of the 12th and the 13th
centuries and in the James Rennel’s (a British surveyor) map of the 18th century, the name of
the region is written as ‘Roshang’ (Phayre, 1853). However, in the Chittagonian dialect, the
country is called ‘Rohang’ (Kanungo, 1994). Historian Francis Buchannan (1799) explained
about a dialect that had originated from Hindi language and was spoken by the Muslims, who
have long been settled in Arakan for nearly three centuries. They called themselves as
Roainga or the natives of Arakan (Charney, 2005). Therefore, the present Myanmar rulers
and prejudiced Buddhists Rakhines who allege that there had never been the word
‘Rohingya’ in the history of Arakan and such a term is the creation of cross-border
insurgents, is just a plain conspiracy to deny Rohingya people’s ethnic right in Myanmar.
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6.1 Burma Denies Citizenship of Rohingyas

Since 1962, Burma’s military rulers have been labelling Rohingya people as intruders and
illegal migrants from neighbouring Bangladesh and categorically denying their citizenship
right. In addition, the Burmese authority also crying about ‘Islamization’ of Burma’s 55
million of Buddhists population by a very small, neglected, forgotten and under-privileged
Rohingya community. The current Rohingya population of Burma is less than a million and
since 25 August, 2017, due to ethnic cleansing operation, genocide and other atrocities being
carried out by the Burmese military and armed Buddhists mobs, the entire Rakhine has
become Rohingya less (Jugantor, 18 Oct. 2017). Their so called action and statements
transmit the rage of ‘systematic racism’ and ‘Islamaphobia’. The current Myanmar regime is
making an effort for ‘Rakhinization’ of the state of Arakan (once dominated by the majority
of Muslims) by ‘Buddhistization’ and ‘de-Muslimization through extermination (ethnic
cleansing and genocide) of the Muslim Rohingya people. They have been using, since 1962,
the oppressive state apparatus of the army regimes and in various shapes and manifestations.
The current army rulers and armed Buddhists mobs, being inflamed by the Buddhists monk
leaders, propagate extreme hatred against the Muslim Rohingyas and, in parallel, incites,
aides and abets communal strife or crimes in Arakan (Rakhine). But the truth is that the
Rohingyas are as much citizens as anyone else in Myanmar. They are neither aliens nor do
the Buddhists Maughs of Rakhine have any special privileges over them.
Rohingyas believe in a peaceful co-existence for several centuries and also regard hate
mongers as evils of the Burmese society. The Muslims of Arakan are peace loving and preach
Islam in a very peaceful and acceptable way and never tried to impose Islam on any non-
Muslim by applying force. Since 1926, they have been subjected to criminal atrocities and
crimes against humanity in various forms and being perpetrated by both the government and
civilian actors (monk and political leaders) (Yegar, 1972).
Today’s Rohingyas are living in sub-human conditions as stateless people within Myanmar
and mostly (nearly a million) in Bangladesh and also as refugees in other countries, including
Australia and Canada. Those, who are still in Myanmar are living in sub-human condition –
without food, drinking water and medicine. Alone in Rakhine, out of a total of 402 Rohingya
villages, 288 have already been burnt to ashes (Amnesty International and UN Reports in
Jugantor, 19 Oct. 2017). They have labelled the protesting Rohingyas as ‘extremist militants’
who plan to occupy the Rakhine state. Present Myanmar rulers are trying to reap benefit from
the global sentiment against the Muslims and Islam and in particular, after 9/11 incident.

7 Rohingyas: The Genuine Citizens of Myanmar

The Burmese word ‘Rohingya’ means ‘permanent resident’. From historical evidences and
documents, it is beyond any doubt that the Muslim Arakanese or Rohingyas are the
indigenous people of Arakan, currently known as Rakhaine. Rohingyas have a genealogical
link up with the people of the ancient kingdom of ‘Wesali’ or ‘Vessali’ of Arakan (Gutman,
1995, 2001). The Rohingya people of today are the descendants of its ancient inhabitants.
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The Aryans from central west Asia arrived in the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal in the 3rd
or 4th century and the Rohingyas were Indians and resembling the people of the Bengal delta
(Maurice &Bau, 1960). Before the 8th century, north Arakan was ruled by the Hindu
dynasties. In 788 AD, the Hindu Chandra dynasty founded the city of Vessali, which, later
became an important port city of the east (ibid).Vessali port and its activities were extended
to present day Chittagong to the north (Alam, 1965). The Hindu kingdom of Vessali in the
eastern coast of Bengal was ruled by the people of Indian origin.

7.1 Rakhine Buddhists were Slaves to the Vessali people

Evidences show that the Burmese have settled in Arakan during the late 10th century and the
Rakhines were the last significant ethnic group to settle in Arakan (Collis, 1960 & Gutman,
2001, 1995). Therefore, it is a fact that the Rakhines (Burmese Buddhists) could not be
genealogically the same as the people of the Vessali dynasties. The truth is that the newly
arrived Rakhnie Burmese from draught and famine affected areas of the north and the eastern
Burma (which used to be very poor and impoverished regions of Burma at that time) used to
be the slaves of the Vessali people. Historically, the name Rakhine first appeared in slave
name in the 12th century inscriptions (Hall, 1968, Phayre, 1853, Arakani, 1955 & Yegar,
1972). In some inscriptions, the Burmese word Rakhine was used as a meaning for ‘slave’ or
‘slavery’. The stone inscriptions found dating between the 8th and 12th centuries, not a single
was written in present day Rakhine language (Hall, 1968 & Arakani, 1955). The early
scriptures found in Arakan were clearly written in ancient Bengali letters, indicative of a
presence of Bengali culture in that region (ibid). Therefore, it can be said that the earlier
dynasties of Arakan, including the Chittagong region, were thought to have been Indians and
ruled over a population similar to that of the Bengali origin.
With the arrival of the Burmese Rakhines, in search of jobs in the wealthy state of Arakan,
also came the Burmese language. In course of time, the Arakanese people began to speak a
dialect of Burmese, which, continues to present day (Chowdhory, 2000). In the 13th century
and by the influence of the Sinhalese (SriLankan) Buddhists, the Theravada Buddhism spread
all across Burma (Charney, 2005). Therefore, whatever interpretations the current Myanmar
rulers make in denying the Rohingyas from their citizenship right, the solid evidences and
legitimate information clearly prove and establish the truth that the Rohingyas, beyond any
doubt, are the genuine indigenous people and citizens of Myanmar.

8 Arakan– Chittagong- Bengal Relations

The relations between Arakan and Bengal via Chittagong are based on historical, geo-
political and ethnological considerations. Until 1784, with the fall of the Arakan kingdom to
Buddhists Burmans, Arakan was known as ‘extended Chittagong’ (Chowdhory, 2000 &
Alam, 1965). Between the 6th and the 17th centuries, Chittagong had been conquered by the
Arakanese for at least nine times (ibid). The Chittagong region was under the Vessali rulers
of Arakan between the 6th and the 8th centuries and once again during the 16th and the 17th
centuries. Vessali was a Hindu kingdom of the east and was in Indian land. The residents of
Vessali were Indians and similar to those residents in Bengal. They closely resembled the
present day Rohingyas and not the present day Rakhines, who resemble close to the Burmans
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(Karim, 2000). Between 1430 -1630 AD, a large number of Muslims from Chittagong region
migrated to Arakan for economic reasons and settled there. Chittagong as an international sea
port, has undergone a change through lasting impact on its language, religion and culture.
With the consolidation of Muslim rule in Chittagong, Muslims from Afghanistan (Pathans),
Turkey, Indian Mughals and also Bengali Muslims had settled there. These Newly Muslim
settlers in Chittagong and Arakan had contributed much to the development of the Rohingya
society in that region (ibid).
The Moghul Subedar of Bengal, Shaesta Khan and his son Umed Khan, led a joint invasion
to south east Bengal and had conquered Chittagong in 1666 (Kanungo, 1994 & Alam, 1965).
The Moghul victory had changed the political landscape of Chittagong and Arakan. The
Moghul army crossed the Naf river and conquered the whole of Arakan by 1667 (Yegar,
1972 & Shin, 1961). But the entire Moghul army and its administration retreated from
Arakan by 1669 as the weather and the physical condition of the region did not suit them
well. In that time, the people of Chittagong-Arakan used three languages: Bengali, Persian
and local Arakani. The whole region used the three languages in the coins for convenience of
its extended settlements across the region (Karim, 2000 & Kanungo, 1994). One British army
officer, during the Second World War in Burma had described the local Rohingya inhabitants
in his diary as follows:
‘…they are generally known as Bengalis or Chittagonians, quite incorrectly, and to look at, they are
quite unlike any other product of India or Burma that I have seen. They (Rohingyas) resemble the
Arab in name, in dress and in habit. The women, and more particularly, the young girls have a
distinctive touch about them….as a race, they have been here for over three hundred years. They are
living in a hostile country, and have been for hundreds of years, and yet they survive…’ (Major Irwin,
Mandalay, 1941).

During the war, the British Army recorded the Muslim Rohingyas as ‘Arakanese’ and the
Rakhine Buddhists as ‘Maghs’. It has been observed by researchers such as Karim (2000),
Chowdhory (2000) and Kanungo (1994) that many people in Southern Chittagong are of
Arakan origin and speak the ‘Roai’ dialect. According to Salimullah (1981), a Bangladeshi
anthropologist, the planned extermination of the Rohingya Muslims by the Burmese rulers,
had been resulted into the influx of refugees from Arakan to Bengal and in the development
of various ethnic groups in today’s Chittagong of Bangladesh. Some of the important groups
are the Chakmas, Mogh, Baruas and the Rohingyas. Still the influx of the persecuted
Rohingya people into Bangladesh is continuing today. Historians, univocally support the fact
that the greatness of the Arakan Kingdom emerged with the occupation of Chittagong and the
superiority collapsed with the loss of the port.
There was no political boundary between Chittagong and Arakan, up until the British came to
Arakan in 1825. The two regions embraced each other under the same administration for
several hundreds of years. This has allowed the people of these two regions their historic
rights to settle either in Chittagong or Arakan, whatever they wished. Still, Rohingya,
Rakhine, Magh and Marma communities are found in South Chittagong.
8.1 Rohingya Language and Culture and Its Relationship to Citizenship Right
Since the First World War, the Burmese authorities have ridiculed Muslim Rohingyas for not
knowing or learning Rakhnie and Burmese languages as an important factor for their
(Rohingyas) rejection of citizenship right in Myanmar. The reality is that the Myanmar
 11

authorities, inspired by the Rakhine Buddhists leaders and politicians, have compelled the
Rohingya population to live an isolated life in Arakan though, they comprise nearly 90 per
cent of the total Arakan population. Rohingyas are subject to various social, economic and
political discrimination. They are denied access to education and since 1962, restrictions have
been imposed on their movements, doing businesses and farming. Rohingyas need to obtain
permission from authorities for getting married and are not allowed to cross the border. They
have very limited access to medical services and other social amenities. Above all, they do
not have right to vote. Finally, in 1982, the then army general of Burma, officially denied the
citizenship right of Rohingyas and they (Rohingyas) became stateless within the state
(Ahmed, 2010). However, authors such as Tun Pru (1958), Win & Han (1969) observed that
the Rohingya language was one of the ancient languages that was closely related to the
common language of Arakan today. The constitution of the Union of Burma Believes in
multi-culturalism and multi-ethnicism and also believes upon principle of ‘unity of diversity’.
It pledges federal democracy, human rights, respect for the diversity and social harmony
(ibid).
In 1959, according to Verma, the Supreme Court of Burma, remarked in a case
‘…Today, in various parts of Burma, there are people, who, because of their origin and isolated way
of life, are totally unlike the Burmese in appearance or speak of events which had occurred outside the
limit of their habitation. They are, never the less, statutory citizens under the Union Citizenship
Act….Thus, mere race or physical appearance of a person or whether or not he/she has knowledge of
any language of the union, is not the test for as to whether he/she is a citizen of the union. Here, it
may also be mentioned that the citizenship rights of natural born citizen may not be revoked. A
natural born citizen is one who becomes a citizen by the fact of his/her birth…’ (Verma, 1961,
p.122). In this connection, Gutman (1995) stated that
‘…The present day Rakhine could not be genealogically the same as to the people of Vessali
dynasties. Those early people were Aryan in descends. They claimed to be Chandra Bangshi,
descendants from the moon. After all, they are Indians, very much like to the people of Bengal. The
scriptures of those early days found in Arakan, indicate that they were in early Bengal script and
thence the culture there was also Bengali…’ (Gutman, 1995, p.16). He further continued on the
possibility for linkages of present day Rakhine language to the language of old inscriptions
and stated
‘…During the early period, not a single inscription, in our present day speaking of Rakhine language
was found (ibid, p.18). In his support and to acknowledge the truth that old Rakhines were
slaves to the wealthy, rich and noble Arakanians, came the following statement from a
Rakhine politician and a social scientist Tun Pru, who said
‘…In old Burmese literature and inscriptions, the name Rakhine first appeared in slave names in the
inscriptions of the 12th century (Tun Pru, 1958, p.13).

In support of the presence of the Rohingyas in Arakan in ancient period, the example for the
Annada Sandra Stone Monument in Shitahaung temple of Arakan can be cited. This stone
monument was erected by King Annada Chandra in the 8th century. The language on the
monument’s inscription clearly show that it was not a Rakhine but similar to Rohingya
language, which is still evident today. But, we afraid such evidences, which clearly
demonstrate the presence of the Rohingyas in Arakan for a thousand years or more, may be
demolished or such supportive inscriptions may be taken out of monuments and temples.
 12

Historical records and documents show that Rohingyas were in clear majority in Arakan up to
1942 (Alam, 1965).
Till 1950, the Muslim culture and language had dominated the social life of Arakan and
Muslims could communicate in their own language with the Buddhists Rakhines. In fact, till
the end of the British rule in Burma, Muslims in Arakan did not feel it necessary to learn
Rakhine language. Burmese and Urdu schools were patronized by the British administration
(Yegar, 1972). Since 1962, the Rohingya language, no more had received support and
encouragement by the Burmese military rulers. Therefore, it can be said that the Rohingya
language, once used as a common language for communication by all the people of Arakan
for centuries, cannot be considerate, at any point, as a foreign language in Arakan. These are
some of the evidences and arguments that can be put forward in support of the first question
of this research that the Rohingya minorities in Myanmar, without any question or doubt,
belong to the Burmese indigenous communities and the genuine citizens of Myanmar. Their
citizenship has been written and being acknowledged in the constitution for the Union of
Burma of 1948.

9. Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing of the Muslim Rohingyas in Arakan

Persecution and extermination of the Rohingyas by the Buddhists Rakhines and Burmese
military are not a recent feature of the 21st century. The systematic cleansing of the Rohingya
Muslims through orchestrated genocides by the Burmese army and Buddhists armed groups,
have been continuing for the last three hundred years. Since 1962, the Burmese rulers were
planning to convert the prosperous and peaceful Muslim Rohingya community from a
majority to a minority sub-class and then to be replaced by the Buddhists Rakhine and
Burmans from other states of Burma. Finally, they succeeded in transforming the Rohingyas
from a majority to a minority and then, virtually to a Rohingya less Arakan (Myanmar) in
2017. Thus the long term dreams s of the Buddhists Burmese people came to be materialized
in recent years (2012-17).

9.1 Racial Riots and the Muslim Genocide in Arakan

The first known and infamous bloodied riot, known as ‘Clean Muslim Movement’ was
launched by the Rakhine Moghs in March 1942 (Arakani, 1955). It was a surprise but
premeditated attack by the armed Rakhines on the peace loving and unarmed Muslim
Rohingyas. This was the time when Burma fell to Japan in the Second World War and the
British army withdrew from the whole of Burma. An administration vacuum and chaos
prevailed over there. Before that, in 1938, a massive anti-Muslim riot in capital Rangoon and
other major cities of Burma, had caused deaths to scores of Muslims. Thousands of children,
women and elderly people were butchered by the Burman Maghs. Later, the Muslim deaths
counted to be as over 100,000 and nearly the same number of Rohingya Muslims took refuge
in Chittagong area of today’s Bangladesh. Rohingya settlement were burnt down and some
Muslim dominated areas were totally de-populated and later Rakhine Buddhists settlements
were erected in those areas. However, the Muslims of North Arakan were united and could
repulse the Buddhists attack and in encounters, nearly 2000 Buddhists militants were killed
 13

(Rahman, 1958). The political outcome of the 1938 and the 1942 communal riots was
envisaged by a British army officer, then posted in Burma, as follows:
‘…the Muslims of Arakan were pushed to the north because of the communal rioting. The Arakan
before the war, had been occupied over its entire length by both Muslims and Maugh Buddhists. Then
in 1942, the sects set to and to fought. The result of this war was roughly that the Maughs took over
the southern half of the country and the Muslims- the northern…’ (Irwin, 1946, p.21).

In the conclusion, Rahman (1958) also stated that the 1938 and 1942 planned massacres of
the unarmed, helpless and innocent Muslim Rohingyas of Arakan by well-armed Buddhists
Rakhines, may be counted as genocide. The genocide was initiated by the Buddhists
Rakhines and not by the Muslim Rohingyas and the fact was well documented. The following
Table shows the major armed operations launched against the Rohingyas. Such armed
operations had resulted in expulsion of the Rohingya population and massive destruction of
their settlements.
Table 1
Major Armed Operations against the Rohingyas in Burma
No. Date Armed operations
1. November, 1948 Military operation conducted by the 5th Burmese Regiment
2. 1948-50 Burma Territorial Force Operation
3. March 1952 Military Operation by the 2nd Chin Regiment.
4. October 1952 May Yu Operation
5. October 1954 Mone Thone Operation
6. January 1955 Army operation against immigrants (Rohingyas targeted)
7. 1955-59 Union Military Police Operation
8. 1959 Captain Htin Kyaw operation
9. October 1966 Captain Htin Kyaw operation
10. Oct-Dec. 1968 Kya Gan operation
11. 1969 Ngazinka operation
12. 1969-71 Myat Mon operation
13. 1973 Major Aung Than operation
14. 1974-78 SABE operation
15. 1978-79 Naga Min (King Dragon) operation
16. 1979-80 Shwe Hin Tha operation
17. 1981-91 Galon operation
18. 1992 Pyi Thaya operation
19. 1992-2011 Na-Sa-Ka operation
20. 2012 Na-Sa-Ka and Maugh militia combined operation
21. August 2017 Ongoing Military & Rakhine Buddhists militia operation
Sources: ARNO Press Releases: 29 October, 2001& 17 August, 2013; Time magazine report, 2 October, 2017
(cover story). (ARNO: Arakan Rohingya National Organization).

9.2 Demographical Changes in Arakan

Since 1991-92, with massive onslaughts on Rohingyas and their mass expulsions from
Rakhine villages, have brought rapid demographic changes in North Arakan. By October
2017, 288 villages were burnt down totally and nearly two thirds of the north Rakhine has
 14

been declared as Rohingya or Muslim free area. UN and Human Rights Commission
observers have seen signs declaring ‘Muslim Free Area’ at many places, where, human
settlements have been razed to the ground. In these areas, Rohingyas have systematically
been uprooted and being replaced by the Buddhists settlers. They have carried out gruesome
and barbaric armed operations and crimes against humanity on helpless and unarmed
Rohingya civilians who had nothing to do with the 25 August incident (a so called attack by
the ARSA militants on Myanmar security check posts). These activities by the Buddhists
clearly show that the Rakhine Buddhists, themselves, have illegally infiltrated into Arakan.
On the other hand, the Myanmar Government, since 2004, has been trying to implicate the
Rohingya groups to have connection with terrorist organisations such as Taliban and Al-
Qaeda. Successive Myanmar rulers have created such unsubstantiated and concocted
allegations against the Rohingya people just to suit their interests. In return, Rohingyas have
strongly condemned such allegations against them and rejected any direct or indirect
connection with any terrorist organization (ARNO Report, 2005).
The informative discussion with examples, so far proves the second question of this research
that the Rohingyas have been subject to genocide and victims of ethnic cleansing in Myanmar
for nearly 80 years. More supportive documents may appear in following sections in
connection with the same issue of genocide and the ethnic cleansing. However, it is required
to go back to the discussion on Rohingya situation after the Second World War as a prelude
to the beginning of their plight in the 21st century and further- up to the present day.

10. Post Second World War Rohingyas in Arakan and the Repatriation
After the 1938 and 1942 riots, Rakhine leaders were actively engaged to cripple the Rohingya
Muslims politically, socially and economically. Muslims of Arakan were under constant
threat and onslaughts on them by the Rakhine Maughs, extremist politicians and
ultranationalist. Immediately before the independence of Burma, the Arakan Communist
Party demanded the total independence of Arakan and resisted the repatriation of Rohingya
refugees in East Pakistan to repossess their residential properties in five Arakanese towns
(Zarni & Cowley, 2014). Eventually, the Rohingya refugees, once well of and prosperous,
were made landless and internally displaced. In such hostile circumstances, Rohingya
Muslims were trying to find possible ways for the restoration of their rights and freedom.as a
result, in 1951, Rohingya Muslim leaders demanded for a Muslim state in Northern Arakan
within the Burmese Federation and of course, this was a time appropriate demand for their
survival as an ethnic group. In this context, the Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF), in their
quarterly publication (1976), stated
‘…Muslim Rohingyas were never separatists. They have been consistent in their demands for the
restoration of their rights and freedom within the Burma Union as per with other nationalities of the
country. Again in the case of the statehood of Arakan for the totalitarian domination of Rakhines with
the slogans ‘…Arakan and Buddhism are synonymous and Arakan is for Rakhine only.
Muslim/Kalaiyas are illegal immigrants and they have nothing to do with Arakan…’ (RPF, 1976,
p.33).
On the other hand, the Muslim Rohingyas demanded a state of their own in the zone of their
‘traditional homeland’ in northern Arakan, where, they have been settled for centuries.
 15

However, during the partition of the Indian sub-continent in 1947, a separate group of
Rohingyas intended for joining into East Pakistan (present Bangladesh). However, majority
of the Rohingyas had expressed to be remained with the Burma Union. Such a division
among the Rohingyas had made them weak and shaky in demands for independence. Had
they remained united at that time and set for a certain demand to be annexed to East Pakistan,
surely, they would not have seen the plight of today and led a sub-human life in refugee
camps of Bangladesh.

10.1 The Union of Burma and the Rohingya Issue

With the formation of the Union of Burma in 1949. The Rohingya issue still remained
unsolved. In 1950, Rohingya leaders wrote to the Prime Minister of Burma and stated
‘…On behalf of our people, we declare that we, as a whole, never want to be seceded from the Union
and that we wish to live with our Arakanese Buddhists brothers as brothers and sisters in perpetual
harmony and accord. We wholeheartedly depreciate any such ideas and point out that these
propaganda of willing to join Pakistan are highly detrimental to and dangerous not only for us but also
for the solidarity of the Union. We emphatically submit that we are within the Union of Burma, being
her most loyal citizens. We also emphatically pledge that in any part in the Union of Burma, foreign
aggression shall be defeated with our blood and lives…’ (Verma, 1961, p.129).

Indeed Rohingyas paid their innate patriotism through their blood and lives, but not to any
foreign aggressor, but to those whom they called brothers and sisters and trusted much. The
naivety and a lack of foresight of Rohingyas were paid through immense sufferings and loss
of their physical and psychological existences – becoming slaves to those, once who were
their slaves.
The ‘Union of Burma Citizenship Act’ was enacted in 1948. The Act clearly indicated the
rights for citizenship to all ethnic groups existed within Burma since 1823 AD, including the
Rohingya Muslims. They were to be declared as the indigenous people of the Burma Union.
The opposition Rohingya group (who were the minority among the Rohingyas), the
‘Mujahidin Movement’, demanded following conditions to be filled by the Union (Arakani,
1955, Pp. 6-7).
1. The formation of an autonomous Muslim State in North Arakan within the Union of
Burma, extended between the west banks up to the eastern part of the Naf River.
2. Formation of the North Arakan Muslim Regiment with the same privilege of the
National Army of Burma
3. Urdu to be accepted as a regional language with Burmese as a National language.
4. Responsible government officials of the state must be from local Muslims.
5. Non-Muslim minority communities of North Arakan will enjoy full rights and fair
treatments as that of Muslim minorities in other parts of Burma.
6. Foreign affairs, defence, finance and commerce will remain under the Central
government. The other portfolios shall be decided jointly between the local and the
central authorities.
7. Subject to the acceptance of the above demands, a Pact will be signed between
Mujahedeen Representatives and the Burma Government. A general amnesty must be
declared to other Muslim political leaders and the Mujahidin Party of North Arakan.
 16

10.2 The Betrayal by the Burmese Government

The seven point demand, however, was officially subdued by the Burmese Government in
the ‘Maungdaw Meeting’ in 1951. Burmese authorities also tried to show that the Muslim
population was very low (4 per cent of the total national population) and unjustifiable for
demanding a separate land, whereas, Muslim population of Burma at that time was 12-15 per
cent. Also, the Muslim population constituted 80-95 per cent of the Arakan’s population
(Gutman, 1995 & Karim, 2000). Therefore, the demand for a Rohingya state of their own in
their ‘traditional homeland’ was genuine and logical in a situation, where, Rakhines were
(and still on) uncompromising and were opposed to the Rohingyas’ co-existence as equals in
Arakan. It is also a fact that both the Rohingyas (Arakanese) and the Buddhists Maughs
(Rakhainese) were co-existing before the Burmese invasion of 1784 and the occupation of
Burma by the British in 1824 (Yegar, 1972). The Burmese authority had been trying to
disqualify the Rohingya people a statehood since 1950 by labelling them as a ‘meagre’
minority group. In this context Arakani added that
‘…The Rohingyas are not a manageable minority and their population is larger than many other
people in Burma…the Muslim Rohingya have a long history, separate language, culture and
civilization, an economically viable and sizeable territory in North Arakan. They feel themselves
distinct from others. Thus they have all the prerequisite qualifications to have a state of their own,
within the Federal Union of Burma, as per with other national groups of the country to protect and
promote their rights and freedom and safeguard their legitimate interests…’ (Arakani, 1955, p.15).

Instead, quite a reverse situation is observed in today’s Arakan in 2017. Rohingyas do not
have complete freedom or religion and are not allowed to freely practice and preach their
own religion. At this moment, Rohingya Muslims and even the minority of Rohingyas, the
Hindus, are not able to preserve and grow Islamic and Hindu culture among their people.
They are unable to pursue, practice and follow their respective personal laws, in relation to
their marriage, inheritance, education, economic actives and a restriction on social
movements.
Myanmar is a diverse society and it is important to accept and respect the cultural differences
(language, life style, dress code, faith and food). In 1950, principle of ‘unity in diversity’ was
developed by the then Burmese regime and where, all of the basis of the multiculturalism
were acknowledged. However, the clauses of the principle had never been applied to save the
basic interests of the Rohingya citizens of Burma.

10.3 Rohingyas Never Opposed for the Federal Democracy

After the Second World War, the Burmese Army General Aung Sun (Su Ki’s father) visited
Akyab and sought co-operation from the Rohingya Muslims of Arakan. Rohingya leaders
demanded for an autonomous state and to be remained within the Federation of Burma
(Yegar, 1972). In that meeting, the Rohingyas asked for the peaceful co-existence, the right to
exist as equals on the system of the parity in Arakan, federal democracy and for human
rights. In the meeting, General Aung Sun said
 17

‘…We reject the big brother policy. There is no ‘prime’ or ‘sub’ nation in Arakan. The Rohingyas
love Arakan and Burma and will, without a second thought, sacrifice their lives for its defence and
prosperity. They will guard, maintain and uphold its diversity in culture and all cost and will never
allow any attempt and conspiracy for the disintegration of the Union…’ (RPF, 1976, p.41).

General Aung Sun did realize that if he failed to earn support from the Arakani Rohingyas for
his proposed federation, there was a possibility that the whole of the Arakan State might be
merged to East Pakistan by virtue of its majority in Muslim population. In fact, the
Rohingyan’s claim for an autonomous state had reflected the democratic aspiration of the
people of Burma. Rohingyas were committed to Burma democracy movement, as it was
linked to peace. The anti- Muslim and Rohingya activities by the Rakhine Buddhists in the
1940’s, had preached racism, xenophobia and Islamophobia in the region and which is
continuing still today. After the creation of Pakistan in August, 1947, some Rakhine leaders
spread the rumour that the Muslims from Chittagong region of the then East Pakistan, were
about to invade the State of Arakan in Burma to create Arakanistan- a separate and
independent land for the Rohingya Muslims in Burma. This led to confusion and mistrust
among Burmese people against the Rohingyas of Arakan and had ignited social tension in the
region and was followed by another bloodied onslaught on Rohingyas in 1950-51 (Karim,
2000 & Rahman, 1957). The ongoing situation in Rakhine state of Myanmar clearly
undermines the role the Rohingya leaders had played during the partition of the Indian sub-
continent by not merging to East Pakistan. They have been paying the price for that since
1962 and ironically, all most all of the Rohingyas of Rakhine are now being sheltered and
cared for in Bangladesh.
However, documents proved that the Burma Government had acknowledged the ‘Rohingya
language’ as an ‘indigenous language’ and relayed a program in Rohingya language, thrice a
week from Burma Broadcasting Service (BBS) (Win & Han, 1969). The evidence shows that
the then Burmese Government had clearly recognized the indigenous status of Rohingyas in
Burma.
Since 1962, the Burmese Authorities had been trying to articulate the Rohingya refugee crisis
as a case of illegal infiltration by the East Pakistanis and later, as a case for illegal
Bangladeshi immigration into Arakan. These allegations were made to label the Rohingyas as
illegal migrants from Bangladesh and settled in Arakan in search for a better life in Myanmar.

11. Post 1962 Rohingyas in Arakan

The 1962 ‘Citizenship Act’ came as menace to the Rohingya people of Arakan which
deprived them of the ‘citizenship right’ and was denied by the Burmese rulers of their basic
human, political, economic and social rights. A nation -wide hatred towards the Rohingyas
was developed during the 1970’s and, later, turned into a social conflict and encouraged by
the military rulers. Again on 15 October, 1982, the ‘Burma Citizenship Law’ was enacted. In
its law number 4, section 3 defines the citizens of Burma as ‘nationals’ such as Kachin,
Karen, Kayak, Chin, Burman, Mon, Rakhine and Shun and other 116 ethnic groups as have
settled in any of the territories of the Union of Burma and in the period, prior to 1823 (Burma
Citizenship Law: 15 Oct. 1982). Unfortunately, it was a matter of concern that the name of
 18

the Rohingyas, as a genuine indigenous population of the Union, did not appear in the list.
The systematic and planned extermination and onslaughts on Rohingyas began following the
declaration of the Citizenship Act. The first state organised onslaught on Rohingyas was
carried by a Burmese army Captain – Htin Kyan in in October 1966. The operation lasted for
nearly two months and 2-3 thousands of Muslim Rohingyas were killed and nearly 20,000
were made home- less. They were driven out of their properties in South Arakan to North and
sought refuge there. Such internal displacement of Rohingyas continued since then in the
following years (Lewa, 2010). However, mass exodus of Rohingyas started when the
infamous Naga Min operation was launched in 1978-79. This had resulted into mass killings,
burning of scores of Rohingya villages, confiscation of their properties and belongings. The
numbers of Rohingyas killed during that operation is still unknown. However, from the
victims, it was known that nearly five thousands of Rohingya men, women, children and
elderly were brutally murdered by the Burmese militia and armed Buddhists Rakhines. Later,
the then Bangladeshi authority launched a counter offensive to drove Burmese army and
militias out of the border areas and resulted in a deadly clash, in which, scores of Burmese
army and militias were killed (Jugantor, 13 January, 2013). Then the Burmese Government
declared a truce between the two countries and had agreed to take back nearly two hundred
thousands of Rohingya refugees sheltered in Bangladesh at that time (ibid, 2013).

11.1 Recognition of Rohingyas as Legal Residents of Burma: 1978 and 1992 Agreements
In 1977, Burma began registering its citizens and screened out ‘foreigners’. This was done,
primarily to target the Rohingyas. A secret 1978 document, published by the Princeton
University in 2014, indicates that Burma had recognized the Rohingya minorities as legal
residences of Myanmar (Burma). This document was prepared in the ‘1978 Repatriation
Agreement’ with Bangladesh. The agreement was signed on 9 July, 1978 in Rangoon, the
capital of Burma, in presence of foreign ministers of Burma and Bangladesh. The agreement
stated
‘…the Government of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma agrees to the repatriation at the
earliest of the lawful residents of Burma, who are now sheltered in the camps in Bangladesh on
presentation of Burmese National Registration Card along with the members of their families…’
(Forbes Report: Dec.29, 2014).
The agreement itself was an evidence that Burma, in 1978, had agreed to recognize Rohingya
refugees in Bangladeshi camps as the ‘lawful residents of Burma ‘, provided that the refugees
had national registration cards or other documents with them.
Between 1991 and 1992, Burmese military rulers, once again launched further onslaughts
called Pyi Thaya and Na-Sa-Ka operations against the Rohingya Muslims. Indiscriminate
killings of civilians, rapes, forced labour and religious persecution caused another nearly
250,000 Rohingyas to flee to Bangladesh. However, once again the two neighbouring
countries came to reach an agreement on the future of Rohingya refugees. The agreement was
signed in Dhaka- the Bangladeshi capital by the foreign ministers of the two countries on 27
April, 1992. The agreement clearly indicated the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh as
‘Myanmar Residents and members of Myanmar society’.
 19

Between 1992 and 2012, a long span of 20 years, no satisfactory progress was made in
courses of repatriation and re-settlement of Rohingya refugees to Rakhine-their original
homeland. Myanmar, as usual, had continued to violate both 1978 and 1992 agreements and
the human rights of the Rohingya people. On the Rohingya issue, the Burmese leader, Suu
Kyi, has remained silent and extended her general support to Myanmar Army Generals. She,
in a sense, has directly protected the atrocities and excesses being committed by the Burmese
army and armed Buddhists Rakhines against the Muslim Rohingyas.
Such an arrogance, continued violations of agreements and indifferences shown towards
international laws and rules pertain to human rights, must not be overlooked by the peace
seeking people of the world, who actually hold the banner of the global human rights
movement. It is expected that other states and international organizations should increase
economic and diplomatic pressure on the Burmese authorities. As the United Nations, Human
Rights Watch and some international news agencies, so far, have gathered sufficient
evidences about ongoing atrocities (since 25 August, 2017) and leading to ‘ethnic cleansing’
of Rohingyas (as labelled by the UN in Myanmar), now is the time for imposing rigorous
measures such as ‘economic sanctions’, ‘breaking trade and diplomatic ties’ with the rogue
country. This might help in curbing its repressive measures down on a helpless indigenous
group, being on verge of extinction.

12. Rohingyas in the 21st Century: the Beginning of the Final Episode – the
Ethnic Cleansing
The systematic and orchestrated ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in the last four
decades, by Myanmar, has created the current crisis in South Asia. No doubt that Myanmar is
solely responsible for the development of this crisis and the human tragedy for a million
people as well. At this stage, the Bangladeshi government has asked Myanmar for
repatriation of all Rohingya refugees –staying in Bangladeshi refugee camps at Cox’s Bazar.
In this context, it has also been urged that the repatriation and the rehabilitation processes to
be monitored by the international observers such as the UN and associated organisations. The
number of Rohingya refugees, who has been in Bangladeshi camps since 1992 are over
4000,000 and the latest influx of refugees after 25 August, 2017, has been added to make the
number over a million. Between 25 August, 2017 and 25 October, 2017, a further 603,000
Rohingya Muslim refugees took shelter in Bangladesh and according to the victims’ and UN
observers’ reports and photographic evidences, many more were waiting near the border line
of Bangladesh and Myanmar for making an entry to Bangladesh (UN Report in Jugantor, 27
October, 2017).
At this stage, the refugees are staying at various camps- permanent as well as makeshift and
located within close proximities to Cox’s Bazar-an important and economically significant
tourist spot in Bangladesh. As the area is overpopulated now and the environmentalists,
considering the adversity on local environment, have expressed grave concern on future of
tourism and the associated economy of the region. In the long run, public sentiment against
the refugees may grow (already developed) and may lead to social and political tensions.
Further, there is a possibility for deterioration of social harmony in the region and the
Bangladeshi government, with the indifference shown to the crisis by Myanmar, being
 20

frustrated and might think of taking drastic measures. Those points will be addressed later in
the section.
Bangladesh, as a poor country by itself, cannot sustain the long term costs for maintenance of
a million refugees on its soil. Therefore, it is imperative to say that Myanmar must obey and
materialize the ‘Coffee-Annan Commission Report’ on Rohingya refugee crisis without
further delay. Such an agreement was made between the representatives of two countries in
Rangoon on 27 October, 2017 (Dhaka Tribune Report). However, Bangladesh casted its
doubt on Myanmar’s intentions towards sorting out an effective solution in solving the
ongoing crisis. The Myanmar regime, has developed this century long crisis and now it’s
their turn to resolve this as the lengthening of the process, may, jeopardise all peace efforts.
Myanmar must return the citizenship right to Rohingya refugees (which they scrapped in
1982 declaration of Citizenship Act of Burma) now staying in Bangladesh and across the
globe. Other than 1 million Rohingyas in Bangladesh, over 350,000 are in Pakistan, 200,000
in Saudi Arabia, 150,000 in Malaysia, 40,000 in India and a few thousands are living in
Indonesia (UNHCR Report, September, 2017). After repatriation, Rohingyas must be equally
treated as other indigenous groups and allow all of their ‘citizen’s rights’ so that they can live
as normal citizens of Myanmar
The latest onslaught on Rohingya minorities in Rakhine state of Myanmar was not a sudden
outburst of religious and ethnic hatred of the Buddhists regime against the Muslims, rather, a
long preparation had preceded the 25 August incident. UN observers-stationed in Myanmar,
had warned against such heinous planning of the Burmese regime as early as in February of
2017, immediately after the China-Myanmar meeting, where, the economic future of West
Myanmar (Rakhine State) was highlighted. However, no attention was paid to that warning
by the higher authorities at that time and UN concentrated more on internally displaced
Rohingyas (in 2012 riots) staying at various concentration camps within Myanmar. However,
the attack on security posts in West Myanmar on the night of 25 August by the ARSA (the
Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) was a mere co-incident to the launching of such a massive
onslaught on the whole community of Rohingyas. To make a plan and organise such a
mammoth operation to uproot and clean nearly a million people, takes several weeks and not
only a few hours. Immediate after the onslaught began on 25 August, one powerful political
leader had declared in a local gathering in Mangdouw town of north Rakhine that such ethnic
cleansing would continue till the last Rohingya is left or dead (The Myanmar Times: 2
September, 2017).

12.1 The Impact of Rohingya Influx on Bangladeshi Economy

The Bangladeshi economy cannot sustain the impact of the presence of the Rohingya
refugees for a long term. Nearly a million of refugees are causing an immense and adverse
effect on the regional economy of the country. The locals of Ukhia and Teknaf (the two
Bangladeshi districts) are suffering much from a sudden price hike in the consumer market
and in transport sector as well. Bangladesh, at the moment needs an additional $600 million
to meet the maintenance and living costs for nearly 600,000 new Rohingya refugees staying
on its soil. In reply, UN had promised to finance the aid program by providing only $230
million and which is only 38.3 per cent of the actual demand. The rest, $370m have to be
provided by the domestic economy. On top of that, the inflow of the Rohingyas continue as
 21

new Rohingya settlements in central and north Rakhine have been subject to the ongoing
‘Rohingya cleansing’ operation. So far, 302 Rohingya villages were burnt down and an
estimated number of nearly ten thousands of Rohingya men, women, elderly people and
children were slaughtered (Amnesty International and the BBC news: 28 October, 2017).
Meanwhile, the newly arrived Rohingyas (after 25 August, 2017) already have cleared nearly
4000 acres of forested land burning nearly 500 tons of wood daily for cooking purposes. This
is how the limited forest resources of Bangladesh are being consumed and at the same time,
risking the ecological balance of the region.
The sudden increase (nearly three times) of the local population are causing severe threat
towards the local tourism and the economy. Therefore, as evident from local reports and
news, public sentiment against the Rohingya refugees may incur damage to social cohesion
and create rifts between the refugees and the locals. This may ignite conflicts between the
two groups in coming periods. Some Rohingya youths are already indulged in criminal and
anti-social activities such as theft, violence and even causing physical harm to the members
of law enforcing agencies. Perhaps, such anti- social behaviours and attitudes are the possible
outcomes grown among the youths out of poverty, in-secured future and the trauma they have
gone through since birth. A detail research on the aspects of social integration and the future
of the Rohingya refugees, who are at limbo at the moment, is highly needed. Such a research
and its outcome may assist in determining the overall impact of the on-going migration crisis
on all levels of the domestic economy. This is also important in terms of measuring the
impact of the crisis and its urgency for finding an effective and permanent solution for the
problem.

12.2 Possible Options towards an Effective Solution for the Refugee Crisis
The 25 August incident was very much limited to a small armed insurgency on Myanmar’s
security, whereas, innocent Rohingya civilians are paying the price for that. The massive
military crackdown on Rohingyas has been labelled as ‘a textbook example of ethnic
cleansing’ by the UN officials (BBC News: 4 September, 2017). It is evident that religion and
ethnicity have played the most significant role in the selective and indiscriminate violence
against the Rohingyas. In addition to the Burmese army regime, Buddhists monks have also
leading a right –winged extremist campaign since 2012 (These Buddhists monks are well
organised, socially influential and are unmanageable. They use social media for making
propaganda against the Burmese Muslims and successfully shape public discussions.
Rohingyas have been living in Rakhine (Arakan) for centuries and the Burmese people had
overlooked their lifestyle and sharing of its resources. However, since 1980, Burmese
authorities have expanded its control over territory and river routes. They have made huge
investment (including foreign investors such as China, Japan, S. Korea, India and Russia) in
mining, oil, natural gas, timber and agriculture and after 2010 –in tourism. As a co-incidence,
ethnic minorities such as Karen, Rohingya, Mon and Shan, are settled in resourceful regions
of Myanmar.
It has already been discussed that Bangladesh cannot sustain long term maintenance for a
million of refugees on its soil. Sooner or later, the crisis would be multi-folded and grab the
host society and that can lead to a social disorder. The continuation of violence in Rakhine
state and the influx of refugees, could further destabilise the region. It has been reported
 22

(Jugantor, Oct. 17, 2017) that undocumented refugees are travelling to areas in land and
searching for opportunities for living. Inevitably, new conflicts and competition would grow
over the available and limited resources as the Rohingyas are, perhaps, going to stay longer
and seek for a permanent settlement in Bangladesh.
In such circumstances, Bangladesh may urge for the international community to come
forward and share the burden of this humanitarian crisis. With the concentration of a million
of foreign citizens in a politically sensitive place, such as Cox’s Bazar and the hilly areas of
Chittagong, the national security is threatened. The country is already facing a rising threat
from Islamic hard-liners such as Al-Qaeda and the IS, a possible spread of violent extremism
in the region. A group has already stood up against the local Buddhists community and
urging for replacing Buddhists settlements by the Rohingya refugees. The group claims that
the current Buddhists settlers are the Burmese migrants and now is the time for their
repatriation into their homeland.
As the ongoing refugee crisis has entered its third month, no other international power
appears to come forward to help solve the crisis. India, the closest ally of Bangladesh, as has
been claimed by the government, has failed to criticise Myanmar’s army crackdown against
the Rohingyas. However, only UK remains active on this issue and has managed to organise
a special sitting of the Security Council of the UN. Even then, no effective resolution against
Myanmar could be taken amidst Chinese and Russian resistances. The role of the Muslim
nations was also dubious. Although, the Muslim leaders have condemned the heinous acts
and atrocities committed by the current Myanmar regime, but have not yet engaged seriously
in helping solve the crisis. Their engagement were limited only to supplying humanitarian aid
to Bangladesh.
ASEAN (the Association for the South-East Asian Nations), comprising of thirteen south-east
Asian nations, has been criticised for not taking an appropriate approach to stop the ‘ethnic
cleansing’ operation-being conducted by the Myanmar army and the extremist Buddhists
against the Rohingyas of Rakhine. Inn its September 2017 meeting, ASEAN issued a
statement on the crisis which misled the reality of actual situation in Rakhine and to the
contrary, insurgency was attributed as a factor to the escalation of the truce between
Rohingyas and the Myanmar government. Only one member state of the ASEAN, Malaysia,
had contradicted to such statements and protested on its contents, where the reality of the
situation and atrocities being carried out against Rohingyas were totally overlooked. The
other member nations were just silent spectators of the proceedings. However, the UK took
initiative to hold an urgent meeting of the UN Security Council on 26 September, 2017 on the
Rohingya crisis. Unfortunately, the session had ended without reaching a fruitful solution to
the problem. In the meeting, China and Russia were against any such resolution to be taken
which could prompt any drastic action against the Myanmar government for their current role
being played in ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya people. None the less, the European Union
and the US have been condemning the Myanmar’s actions against the Rohingya people and
suggested for possible economic and military sanctions on Myanmar. The reality is that such
statements have apparently failed to control the ongoing situation in Rakhine and still,
thousands more Rohingyas are crossing borders into Bangladesh. New reports of onslaughts,
atrocities and burning of more Rohingya villages are appearing. It is expected that towards
the end of this year (2017), the whole of Rakhine state would become Rohingya free.
 23

Buddhists extremist groups, already have put signs in various towns and villages and showing
the areas free from Muslim population (HRW Report, 3 October, 2017).
The deployment of the UN observation and monitoring team, since 1992, in the trouble
stricken state of Rakhine (Arakan), has always remained ill prepared to deal with the
impending Rohingya crisis. The last onslaught and an articulated and pre-planned resumption
of ethnic cleansing through genocide and burning down Rohingya villages in August 2017,
was apprehended early by some of the UN team members being deployed in Myanmar. They
could accurately predicted a serious deterioration of the Rohingya situation since February
2017. At that time, they urged the UN to undertake ‘serious contingency planning’ (The
Guardian, 6 October, 2017). However, the UN Resident Co-ordinator in Myanmar ignored
the recommendations made earlier by the UN to take preventive measures against Myanmar’s
plan for ‘ethnic cleansing’, genocide and scorched-earth campaign against the unarmed
Rohingya population. The recommendations urged other UN agencies such as the World
Food Program, UN Refugee Agency and Save the Children to be prepared to face the risk of
further outbreaks of violence. Mysteriously, the final report on the Rohingya crisis just
disappeared off the agenda in meetings with the Myanmar authority in May and June 2017. In
this connection, Phil Robertson of the Human Rights Watch, stated that
‘…the UN must acknowledge a significant share of blame in letting this situation descend
this far, this fast…’ (Robertson, P., July, 2017)
Now, it is an open secret that China have played an important role in recent onslaughts on
Rohingyas by its ‘silent support’ to Myanmar (The Myanmar Times, 17 October, 2017).
China has a long intention for developing a sea-port at Kiakphew and therefore, its presence
in Rakhine state is so important to them. This sea-port will enable China to maintain
connection to other south and south-east Asian nations using sea routes. Considering all such
future prospects for increasing of trade and the economic potentiality of the west coast
(includes the whole of Rakhine) of Myanmar, China will soon invest a sum of $10 billion in
Kiakphew (The Iravati, July 10, 2017). In addition, China will construct a railway linkage
between Rakhine to the Unan province of China. Nevertheless, China is not interested in any
new conflict to be developed between Bangladesh and Myanmar. The fact is Myanmar is
already been engaged in at least five such domestic conflicts with other rebel groups such as
Karen, Kachin and Shun in its north, north-east and in eastern provinces. Therefore, any
further development of border tensions or clashes with Bangladesh in its western border, may
adversely affect the Chinese plan for expansion of its economic control over the region in the
eastern part of the Bay of Bengal.

12.3 Can Bangladesh Apply Force on Myanmar for a Possible and an Effective Solution
to the current crisis? Example from ‘Karen Struggle’ and the Emergence of the
Sovereign State of Karen.
Karen people are another important indigenous ethnic group of Burma who were denied their
socio-economic and political rights by the Burmese authority during the formation of the
Union of Burma in 1948. Once the Karen people demanded their rights and the result was a
massive army crackdown on them such as that happened to Rohingyas. Karen community (a
population of 6-7 million) became stateless within the state and in 1949, formed the Karen
 24

National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karen National Union (KNU) as its political
wing. On 14 June, 1949, the KNU declared the Karen Free State and also declared war
against the Burmese government and launched armed insurgencies against the Burmese
security forces (Gravers, 1996). Their struggle had continued for nearly 60 years till 2012,
when a peace treaty was signed between the Karens and the Burmese military. During the
long struggle, hundreds of thousands of Karens took shelter in the eastern and the south-
eastern hills and forests of Burma-Thai border such as the Rohingyas are now sheltered in
Bangladesh-Myanmar border areas. During the war, Thailand used Karen State as a buffer
zone against the Burmese. Thailand and the US governments backed the Karen struggle up to
1997, when Burma became a member of the ASEAN along with Thailand and other South-
East Asian nations.
Bangladesh, so far has tried its best to find a solution to the present crisis through diplomatic
efforts. But, the indifference shown by the Myanmar authorities towards the gravity of the
situation and attitudes from their tight lipped top leaders, indicate that the problem is not
going to be resolved soon. What Myanmar did on previous occasions (1978 and 1992
declarations) perhaps, would be repeated again in 2017. Further discussions, talk and the
shuttle cork diplomacy made by country representatives, would not bring any result to free
Rohingya refugees from their plight and agony. Bangladesh, of course, cannot bear the
burden for an indefinite period and sooner the repatriation of Rohingyas on Bangladesh soil is
completed –the better for the stability of the region. On the other hand, Rohingyas already
have understood the reality that they cannot stay on a foreign land indefinitely and they have
to go back to their place of origin –Rakhine or Arakan. Therefore, they have formed their
military wing- the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and proclaimed their
independence (ARSA Report: 13 September, 2017).
ARSA was formed in 2013- formerly known as Harkat-Ul-Yakin and is active in north
Arakan. This is a Saudi based organisation and its primary aim is to liberate the Rohingya
people of Rakhine from dehumanising oppression and perpetrated by all successive Burmese
regimes since 1948 (ibid). In this context, it can be said that with bad motives and doubtful
intentions as shown by Myanmar in its recent and also in past actions on Rohingya issues, the
use of force, as a last option can be placed on board. ARSA can be expanded, enforced,
equipped and trained in order to carry effective insurgency operations on its enemy. Such
actions, obviously would let into border clashes between the two countries, as it happened in
the case of Karen struggle for liberation between Burma and Thailand. Bangladesh should
calculate its cost in backing the ARSA movement and which, in turn, should offset the cost
incurred by the maintenance of one million Rohingya refugees over a long period. A
continuous pressure on Myanmar’s western border, summed up by other conflicts in the north
and south-east provinces, would make Myanmar to rethink its position on Rohingya issues.
At the same time, the start of a new war front would cause great concern and bring a deep
attention from world powers for restoration of peace and stability in the region. The struggle
for ARSA should have only one goal and that is to free north Rakhine and to establish the
Rohingya State of Arakan. This would be a difficult, long term and a painstaking process
with huge sacrifices to be made by the Rohingya liberation army as it happened to Karens in
East Burma.
 25

13. Findings and Conclusion

The analysis of this research was focussed mainly upon three aspects of the current Rohingya
refugee crisis in South Asia. First of all, the research has dealt with the challenges made
towards the stateless Rohingyas on their question of identity by the Myanmar authorities.
This urged the researcher to gather evidences-including valid documents regarding their
origin and settlement history since the 6th century AD. This has been discussed in detail in
sections three to eight of this research. The findings in those sections are sufficient to prove
that the Rohingyas are the genuine citizens of Arakan or the present Rakhine state of
Myanmar. In addition, since the emergence of the Union of Burma in 1948, available
documents in various books, journals, newspapers and handbooks also contain various
declarations and court statements with regard to Rohingyas’ citizenship status, until in 1962,
when the military rulers took over power from a democratically elected government and
revoked their right for citizenship. Nonetheless, this research has proved, beyond any doubt
that the Rohingyas are one of the indigenous groups of Burma and were forcefully pushed
across the border into Bangladesh during the last four decades.
The second question, in relation to Rohingya peoples’ agony and plight as a result of
onslaughts and mass atrocities against them by the Burmese rulers at different periods, have
been successfully addressed in sections nine to thirteen of this research. Plenty of genuine
archive documents, statements and information were gathered to prove that the Rohingyas
have been subjected to extreme levels of atrocities such as in the level of ‘genocide’ and mass
killing by the Buddhist rulers of Burma in the past and also today- in 2017. At the moment,
for Rohingyas, there is certainly nothing back across the border in Rakhine. Myanmar’s army
wiped out over 300 Rohingya villages since August 25, 2017 and have killed, so far, an
estimated number of over 3000 Rohingyas in massive crackdowns across the state of
Rakhine. The army and the Buddhists armed cadres have turned their houses, mosques, crop
fields, grain stores and business establishments into dunes of ash. In a period of only 60 days,
a total of 603,000 Rohingyas had taken shelters in the muddy camps inside Bangladesh.
Today’s picture shows that few ethnic groups on earth have been locked into such hopeless
condition and in a ‘limbo’ on an international border. They are traumatized, weary and
desperately ‘stateless’. They have no earnings and therefore, no future and their identity is in
dispute. Myanmar’s Buddhists majority vilified Rohingyas as ‘sub-human. They insists
Rohingyas as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh even though they (Rohingyas) have lived
in Rakhine (Arakan) for centuries.
So far no progress have been made in finding an effective solution to the Rohingya refugee
crisis. The situation is turning from bad to worse as the Burmese rulers paying no attention to
any international condemnation or listening to the UN requests. Myanmar also knows that the
huge international investment, especially made by China, would help them bypassing the
current crisis and upkeep their regional interests intact. In fact, the Rohingyas would not be
returning to Myanmar anytime soon. Even if it happens, how many of the refugees, it is
 26

doubtful, would be able to make that as none of them has got the required piece of paper-the
citizenship certificate, which the Myanmar authorities are demanding from them. Sooner or
later, Bangladesh also could be alienated over the Rohingya issue as the country does not
want to host the Rohingyas indefinitely. Therefore, Rohingyas, finding no other way, could
follow the path of the KNLA (Karen National Liberation Army) – in struggle for the
independence of Arakan as their sovereign land. At that stage and finding no other option,
somehow Bangladesh would back them to achieve their goal as Thailand did so to the Karen
liberation force for the independence of Karen State in Myanmar. Therefore, undoubtedly,
the current Rohingya crisis is a real threat to the stability in the eastern regions of the Bay of
Bengal and proves the validity of the third question of this research.
The failure of the international organisations such as the UN to apprehend in time the dying
situation of Rohingyas in Rakhine and the long term indifference of power nations shown to
ongoing refugee crisis, have let the situation descended so far to its current state. Therefore,
too little time is left for finding an effective solution to the Rohingya crisis. Further delay is
certainly going to destabilise the peace and may escalate violence across the whole region
involving the two countries locked in an uncertain future.

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