CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

This section reviews the related literature under the following sub-headings:

2.1 Theoretical Framework

2.2 Factors Responsible for IDPs

2.3 Needs and Social Services for IDPs

2.4 Financial Strength of IDPs

2.5 Summary of Literature and Uniqueness of the Study

2.1 Theoretical Framework

This study adopts the Social learning theory is a theory of learning process and

social behavior which proposes that new behaviors can be acquired by observing and

imitating others. It states that learning is a cognitive process that takes place in a social

context and can occur purely through observation or direct instruction, even in the

absence of motor reproduction or direct reinforcement. In addition to the observation of

behavior, learning also occurs through the observation of rewards and punishments, a

process known as vicarious reinforcement. When a particular behavior is rewarded

regularly, it will most likely persist; conversely, if a particular behavior is constantly

punished, it will most likely desist. The theory expands on traditional behavioral

theories, in which behavior is governed solely by reinforcements, by placing emphasis on

the important roles of various internal processes in the learning individual.

Social Learning Theory integrated behavioral and cognitive theories of learning in

order to provide a comprehensive model that could account for the wide range of learning

1
 experiences that occur in the real world. As initially outlined by Bandura and Walters in

1963, the theory was entirely behavioral in nature; the crucial element that made it

innovative and increasingly influential was its emphasis upon the role of imitation. Over

the years, however, Bandura shifted to a more cognitive perspective, and this led to a

major revision of the theory in 1977.

2.2 Factors Responsible for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

Adesoji, Abdullahi and Eva (2018) studied on public opinion on the root causes of

terrorism and objectives of terrorists; A Boko Haram Case Study. The study adopted a

survey research design. The population was of the study was 100. The researchers used

questionnaire to collect data for their study. A three-scale Likert was used. The study

concludes that the public strongly believes that revenge against security forces is an

objective of Boko Haram.

Emmanuella, (2015) conducted his study titled “insurgency and humanitarian

crises in Nigeria”. The study was anchored with fragility theory as a guide, as well as

survey method involving the use of questionnaire and in- depth interview (index matrix

and table technique). The interview focuses on three internally displaced people’s camp

in the state for analysis. The finding of the study reveals that, there is a significant

relationship between Boko Haram insurgency and humanitarian crises when variables

such as: impact on human casualties (IHC), food insecurity (FI) and internally displace

persons (IDP’s) are held constant; while no significant relationships exist. The variables

such as: loss of livelihood (LOL) and government responses (GR) are held constant. By

way of recommendations, the study advocates the need for the Nigerian government to

2
focus more on reducing human casualties, loss of livelihood, food insecurity as well as

the rehabilitation of the internally displaced persons back to the society.

Shuaibu, Saleh, & Shehu, (2015) conducted a study titled “effects of Boko Haram

insurgency on Nigerian national security”. The study isolates security agents such as:

police force, department of state service Nigerian security, civil defense corps and the

Nigerian army personnel as the target population. The study adopted poverty theory as a

guide to explain the major causes of Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. Data were

generated by the use of survey method through the instrument of questionnaire. The

findings of the study reveals that, the Boko Haram insurgent has really made effective

security a difficult task to provide as this is not unconnected with a high level of

corruption within the top ranking officers to the organisation, poor and outdated weapons,

problem of logistics and many other internal security issues.

In Nigeria, most of the incidences of internal displacement occur because of

violent conflicts with ethnic religious and/or political undertones. Thousands are annually

internally displaced as a result of natural disasters including flooding in the North and

West, erosion in the East, oil spillage and development projects in the Niger Delta

(South-South). Some incidences also occur because of clashes between Fulani herdsmen

and farmers and between government forces and armed groups. This is in addition to the

over 400,000 Bakassi returnees that were internally displaced from the oil rich Bakassi

Peninsula that was handed over by Nigeria to Cameroon in 2008 resulting from the 10th

October, 2002 ruling f the International Court of Justice.

Analysts have always expressed fears that the level of conflict and with it the

level of internal displacement, may increase each time general elections year draws

3
nearer. These fears were confirmed when the National Emergency Management Agency

(NEMA) reported that about 65,000 persons were displaced internally due to post-

election violence spread across six Northern states including Bauchi, Kaduna, Kano,

Niger, Katsina and Sokoto (Ladan, 2011).

Recent studies (Ladan, 2009-10) have also shown that people’s vulnerability to

internal displacement in Nigeria is not only due to natural and human-made disasters,

armed conflict, ethno-religious-political conflicts but also worsened by extreme poverty,

lack of equal access to socio-economic resources and balanced development, high

unemployment rate among able-bodied and frustrated youths as well as development and

environmental-induced displacements. It has been noted, however, that undue emphasis

on disaster-induced displacement led to government prioritising disaster risk reduction

and narrowing its focus to responding to disaster-induced displacement. This approach

has largely ignored non-disaster-induced internal displacement and lack of strategic

framework to address the plight of such displaced populations and to provide durable

solutions to all types of displacement.

The endorsement of this IDP policy by the Federal Government is a

demonstration of political will to providing durable solutions to the plight of IDPs and a

practical admission of the fact that ensuring IDPs protection and assistance primarily lies

with national authorities whose mandate and obligation it is to protect and care for

them.12 One of the key factors compounding the plight of IDPs in Nigeria lies in the

weak or non-existent process of enabling IDPs make an informed and voluntary decision

as to whether to return to their home communities, remain where they are, or settle

elsewhere in the country.

4
 The Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are a category of persons displaced

within a geographical location. This displacement makes them to suffer several

consequences as their means of livelihood such as agriculture and trade are wiped out as

a result of violent conflicts or disaster (Ladan, 2011). Such IDPs often experience

worsening situation of food insecurity and malnutrition, having been displaced from their

means of livelihood. The United Nations Guiding Principles (1998) defined Internally

Displaced Persons as; “persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to

flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence in particular, as a result of or

in order to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence,

violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed

an internationally recognized state border”. These situations among others create the need

for a humanitarian response. The African Union Convention for Protection and

Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention, 2009) also

defined Internally Displaced Persons, in line with that of the United Nations Guiding

Principles. Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are therefore, citizens of a country who

are displaced within the territory of a country as a result of natural disasters such as

erosion/flooding, desertification, etc. People could also be displaced as a result of man-

made disasters such as civil war, internal armed conflict, terrorism and so forth like the

cases in Nigeria. In these situations, people are left with the option of fleeing their homes

and natural habitats for safety. Durosaro and Ajiboye (2011) identified two major

components of the IDPs, first, the coercive or otherwise involuntary character of

movement and the fact that such movement takes place within national borders. As

earlier pointed out in this article, the most identified common causes of involuntary

5
movements are; armed conflicts, violence, human rights violation and disasters

(Norwegian Refugee Council, 2009). The second component of the IDPs is the

movement within national borders. Since IDPs remain legally under the protection of

national authorities of their habitual residence, unlike refugees who have been deprived

of the protection of their state (country) of origin, they are expected to enjoy the same

rights as the rest (undisplaced) of the population (Durosaro & Ajiboye, 2011). In

situations of displacements, victims face untold economic hardship, psychological trauma

and social dislocation. In this regard, they need the assistance of the government and

other humanitarian groups that could intervene to cushion the effect of hardship in order

to bring succor to the IDPs. NEMA was established as a federal government agency to

deal among other things, with the issue of internal displacement of citizens of the

country.

Prior to insurgency in northern Nigeria, displacement in the country have been

triggered by incessant torrential rainstorms, flashfloods, ethno-religious violence,

militancy, and state sanctioned demolitions of “illegal” structures, cutting across

Nigeria’s six geo-political zones. In these situations, displacement occurred at a minimal

level in terms of figures and groups hurt. However, following the thick of insurgency that

began over a decade ago, displacement have happened on a humongous scale and have

taken a devastating toll on vulnerable groups. In other words, the wave of insurgency in

the country have continued to account for the upsurge in the numbers of IDPs in Nigeria,

sparking a humanitarian crisis.

The International Displacement Monitoring Council (IDMC) reports that over 3

million people have been displaced in Nigeria (IDMC, 2016), thereby, ranking the

6
 country has having the highest population of IDPs in Africa (Premium Times, 2014).

Although local authorities such as the National Emergency Management Agency

(NEMA) have, to a reasonable degree, assume certain responsibilities for displaced

persons, in terms of providing temporary shelters and facilitating aids delivery, more

calls, however, have been made by the Nigerian political leadership urging for additional

support from the organized private sector (including non-government organizations, for-

profit organizations, civil society organizations, faith-based organization etc.), with

reference to the deployment of helping professionals to camps where this people are

sheltered.

Today, in response to such calls, many independent humanitarian organizations

within and outside the shores of the country, have been active on ground level in

providing support services to IDPs. As an advantage in conducting various tasks, these

organizations utilizes the services of helping professionals such as healthcare workers,

psychiatrists, social workers, among others.

2.3 Needs and Social Services for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

The literature on social work services to displaced persons, as noted earlier, is

very limited. Consequently, the two studies that have investigated this subject matter in

Nigeria will be reviewed alongside one study conducted in Ukraine.

The first study was conducted in southern Nigeria involving 25 organizations (20

nongovernment organizations and 5 government agencies) and 55 IDPs (Enwereji, 2009).

These organizations were committed to providing support services to displaced persons,

albeit it was not specified whether these organizations utilized the services of social

workers. Using a mixed methods approach, the researcher found that services rendered to

7
IDPs were inadequate, in that intervention efforts overly concentrated on addressing the

immediate needs of displaced persons with no focus on addressing the long-term needs or

societal issues expressed by IDPs. Although Enwereji (2009) did not indicate whether or

not needs assessments were carried out before interventions were made, it was found that

in-kind items such as food and clothing which were provided on ad-hoc basis dominated

the services rendered to IDPs. Moreover, the researcher, while noting the significance of

psychosocial services in offsetting the trauma experience of displaced persons, found that

the delivery of such service was fragmented, in which case, 3 (12%) of the organizations

surveyed reportedly offered.

The second study was conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross

(ICRC) in northern Nigeria and surveyed 35 state and non-state humanitarian

organizations (ICRC, 2016). Findings revealed that IDPs received fairly adequate

humanitarian assistance such as food and clothing but that in relation to rendering

psychosocial services there were ‘significant gap’ despite overwhelming complaints of

mental health problems by displaced persons (ICRC, 2016, p.44).

Semigina (2015) conducted a study involving 10 social workers who were drawn

from 10 organizations (2 public and 8 private) proving services to displaced persons in

Ukraine. Using a mixed method approach based on a rapid assessment technique, the

author found that social work services were lopsided and insufficient as intervention

efforts were mainly oriented to therapeutic treatment and/or crisis intervention. She

concluded that social work services ‘lack[ed] systematic approaches… [since] they are

not empowering strategies but passive tactics of meeting basic needs’ (p.10).

8
1. Negative coping mechanisms: IDPs’ financial struggles, including the high costs

of living in urban areas, and their increased vulnerability affect the safety of

internally displaced children.

• Child labour: Children from impoverished families may be forced to work,

putting them at risk of violence, exploitation and abuse. Urban centres are home

to both formal and inform labour markets. But in many developing economies, the

informal market represents the larger share of the economy. Many internally

displaced children work within this sector, which is typically unregulated and

often involves illegal activities. Hazardous and exploitative working conditions,

and risks associated with unregulated jobs, pose severe protection concerns and

potentially put children in conflict with the law. Displaced children are often only

able to work at unskilled jobs that negatively impact their lives, including their

health and education. In a recent study on displaced families in urban

Afghanistan, 21 per cent of surveyed families had at least one working child

under 14 years of age. In Kabul, 26 per cent of families sent at least one child to

work, compared to 15 per cent among rural IDP families. (DMC, 2017). In

Khartoum, children, generally confined to the unskilled labour market, sell

cigarettes or water, labour in factories or do domestic work.16 They may be

forced to sell things on the street, to wash cars or beg, putting them at risk of

being hit by a motor vehicle, being kidnapped or suffering some other kind of

violence.17 In the cities of Dhaka, Goma and Bukavu, the need for survival has

pushed some displaced girls into prostitution (Abdelmoneium, 2017).

9
Child Marriage:

Child marriage as a negative coping strategy for internally displaced families has

been documented across several displacement contexts. In Afghanistan, women tend to

marry at a later age than in the past. But this is not the case for displaced women. A

survey of young women living in informal settlements in Jalalabad, Kabul and Kandahar

showed that these women were having children as early as 16 and may have married

when they were even younger (NRC, 2012) A research study on the protection of IDPs

in Afghanistan found that in a third of IDP families, at least one child was forced to

marry. Overall, 27 per cent of internally displaced girls were forced to marry against their

will. Food insecurity and poverty are often important motivators, cited by 52.1 per cent

of surveyed IDP households as reasons for child marriage. Young IDPs desire to be

independent and establish their own households rather than live in crowded makeshift

dwellings with their birth families, may also be a driver.

Recruitment by armed forces, armed groups and gangs:

Children displaced in urban areas where conflict or violence is ongoing can be

caught in the crossfire. They also are at risk of being recruited by armed forces, armed

forces or other armed groups. IDPs tend to live in poor and unsafe districts where they

are exposed to criminal activities and gangs (ICRC, 2018). Unaccompanied displaced

children, such as those separated from their families, are especially vulnerable. They may

face ‘round-ups’, forced conscription and sexual assault. Angela. 2017; Anne-Lynn,

2916). In Colombia, because adolescents there can evade heavy criminal sentences, they

are sought out by armed groups. This is more likely to happen in peripheral or

marginalized neighbourhoods and villages where social support and access to education

10
 is limited and where household conditions do not provide the necessary support. In

Bogotá, the main employment opportunities for displaced children and adolescents are in

the military or with paramilitary and guerrilla forces. In urban slums with limited rule of

law, young IDPs also face a high probability of arbitrary arrest or detention.

2. Access to quality services:

Internally displaced children in urban settings face significant challenges in

accessing services without registration and documentation. In displacement camps,

registration of displaced people is often the only requirement for accessing aid and

services. But in cities, access to services generally requires personal identification papers.

Without these, children and their families may be unable to enrol in school, or to receive

healthcare, humanitarian aid and secure housing. This makes the loss of personal

identification documents, and challenges replacing them, a recurring issue for all IDPs,

especially problematic for children in urban areas (Angela, 2017).

In Afghanistan, national identity cards are issued only in the area of origin.

Children, including the displaced, cannot attend school without them, despite their

constitutional right to an education (Chaloka, 2016). Children without birth certificates

cannot access health services.29 Without immunization cards or medical records, they

may be unable to receive vaccinations, increasing their risk of preventable disease.30 In

Iraq, ration cards are issued only to male heads of households, preventing unaccompanied

children or families headed by women from accessing food assistance.31 In Uganda,

ration cards may be distributed only to IDPs living in camps, not to displaced children in

non-camp, urban settings (Hilde, Dolan and Dennis, 2017) Missing documentation can

11
also make it impossible for families to secure formal tenancy contracts, forcing them to

live in constant fear of eviction and homelessness or to end up in substandard shelters.

In Nigeria, while primary and secondary health care services are often more accessible to

internally displaced children in urban areas, compared with their rural counterparts,

secondary health care is frequently unaffordable (UNICEF, 2019).

Education:

Schools serve as an essential safe haven for internally displaced children. They

can be essential to helping children regain a sense of normalcy and receive the support

they need to integrate into their host communities. But internally displaced children in

urban areas often face significant challenges to their right to education. These include

their families’ financial struggles, the children’s lack of documentation or legal status,

discrimination, and language barriers. Displaced children may not be able to study

because they have been forced to work or marry or because schools are being used as

emergency shelters for IDPs. Overcrowded classrooms serve as another impediment to a

quality education. IDP camps, by contrast, tend to have better educational resources

because they are the focus of humanitarian interventions and donor attention (UNICEF,

2019; ICRC, 2018).

In Libya, 20 per cent of all IDPs live in former schools or empty warehouses,

lacking access to sanitation. Beyond the health concerns, this means that children from

the host community and those that are internally displaced cannot use these facilities as

they were intended. When schools serve as shelters, children’s access to education, as

well as their social life and psychological stability, are affected. In Iraq, the start of the

12
school year was delayed by six months in 2014 because schools were being utilized as

emergency shelters for IDPs (ACAPs, 2016).

Adequate and affordable housing:

There are several housing situations common to internally displaced children and

their families in urban areas. These include sharing a house with relatives or a host

family, renting an apartment alone or with other displaced households, staying in

collective shelters and living in informal settlements on a city’s margins. Internally

displaced children also may end up on the street when housing is unavailable. For

adolescent boys, the search for housing can be particularly difficult. For example, in El

Salvador, governments do not accommodate IDPs. This forces mothers to seek refuge in

women’s shelters that do not accept boys over age 12.

According to Angela (2017), children’s shelters often do not accommodate

parents, causing families to be separated. Each of these situations can affect children’s

physical and mental health. Family unity protects children’s lives, their development and

their well-being. Internally displaced families that stay together are more likely to thrive

and contribute productively to host communities, thereby encouraging their acceptance

and integration.

The location of housing is crucial to ensuring children’s access to schools, health

care and other services. If settlements are far away from schools, or if transport is either

non-existent or too expensive, children cannot access the services they need.

Additionally, the informal settlements where IDPs often live tend to be located in

precarious areas. These may include river banks, exposed to flooding and landslides, and

out of reach of municipal services such as waste management and sanitation. For those

13
without housing, the consequences are significant. Homelessness can compromise the

growth, development and security of internally displaced children. Forced evictions can

also affect internally displaced families, jeopardizing family stability and threatening

livelihoods (UNICEF, 2018).

Access to basic services in the home, such as safe drinking water and adequate

sanitation, is fundamental to ensuring children’s health. Lack of safe drinking water

within or close to the home can mean long journeys to collect water at remote water

points, particularly for girls who are often assigned this chore. Such journeys can

negatively impact children’s education and subject them to harassment and other threats

along the way

Internally displaced families in South Sudanese urban centres tend to live in

overcrowded, illegal settlements with lower humanitarian indicators than those in camps.

Substandard shelters and overcrowding facilitate the transmission of communicable

diseases that are particularly dangerous for children. Diseases such as measles, mumps,

rubella, polio and yellow fever thrive in densely populated urban areas. Towns and cities

in regions where flows of forcibly displaced people are common need to be prepared to

absorb large population movements. This means factoring displacement into urban plans,

which need to be flexible enough to adapt to changing situations, so that they can better

manage growth. Where urban areas are at risk of disasters, relocation sites should be

identified as part of disaster preparedness. This type of contingency and preparedness

planning also requires building the capacity of urban authorities and equipping them with

the tools to manage displacement well, during both normal times and crises (Lam,

McCarthy & Brennan, 2015).

14
2.4 Financial Strength of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

In 2015, the majority of the IDPs population arising from the Boko Haram

insurgency constituted 79 per cent of the IDPs population in Nigeria. These Internally

Displaced Persons (IDPs) including widowed women and children orphaned by the

conflict, are largely catered for by international humanitarian Non-Governmental

Organizations (NGOs) and agencies of the United Nations, in collaboration with local

and federal emergency relief agencies.

Despite the efforts of both the local and international humanitarian agencies,

many of the internally displaced people are still exposed to debilitating hunger and

disease conditions with little or no means of livelihood sustenance.

The Centre for the Study of Economies of Africa (CSEA) conducted an

assessment of livelihood opportunities for IDPs in FCT Abuja to assess income-

generating activities undertaken by IDPs, their vocational skills and training needs.

Particularly, the survey entailed mapping out the market systems in project areas to;

identify the current opportunities for skills and products; identify barriers to exploiting

current opportunities and suggest ways in which IDPs can navigate them.

The plights of displaced persons across the world have become a formidable

global challenge with overwhelming disastrous implications for human development,

including hunger, insecurity, and death, among other growing humanitarian crises

(International Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2019). One of the greatest direct

consequences of such displacement is the upsurge of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

(International Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2019).

15
 Since 2009, North-eastern Nigeria, which consists of six states that include Borno,

Adamawa, Yobe, Bauchi, Gombe, and Taraba has largely been challenged by the internal

displacement crisis. Mba (2017) finds that 13.33% of the IDPs in the area were displaced

by communal clashes, 0.99% by natural disasters and 85.68% of the displacement was

caused by the Boko Haram insurgency. The above statistics confirm that insurgency has

largely been responsible for the mass internal displacement of persons, especially in

Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states, which have remained the epicenter of insurgent

activities in North-eastern Nigeria since 2009. The crisis, which is linked to poor

governance and religious extremism, is characterized by bombing, kidnapping, and

destruction of lives and property. It is on record that the Boko Haram insurgency had

killed over 30,000 people between 2009 and 2018, driven over 1.8 million out of their

homes, and destroyed property worth #16 billion (International Review of the Red Cross,

2018). Apart from the mass internal displacement of persons, the insurgency has also

generated 177,000 refugees in neighboring countries of Cameroon, Chad, and the Niger

Republic (Reliefweb, 2020).

Thus, the North-eastern States have witnessed the unprecedented negative impact

of the Boko Haram insurgency from 2009 to date; which eventually culminated in the

declaration of a State of Emergency (SOE) in the three most affected states of Borno,

Yobe, and the Adamawa States in 2013 by Former President Goodluck Jonathan. Most of

the 9.6 million people (National Bureau of Statistics, 2018) living in the then SOE states

have been affected in one way or the other by the insurgency attacks, which have led to

the collapse of the survival structures of many families, virtual extermination of

16
communities, destruction of social infrastructure and intense destruction of supply chain

process of the economy and dispersal of a larger chunk of citizens in the affected states.

Much of the physical destructions by the insurgents were recorded in Borno State

as many Local Government Areas, including but not limited to Dikwa, Marte, Bama,

Gamboru, Ngala, Gwoza were overrun. Other Local Government Areas that were

attacked by the insurgents include Chibok, Askira Uba, Kala Balge, Kukawa, and Abadan

(Reliefweb, 2020). The loss of lives, destruction of property, and the disruption of

economic activities forced residents of these areas to flee to Maiduguri metropolis where

they were crammed together in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) while

others squat amongst many poor host families in the city under precarious conditions

devoid of privacy, basic hygiene and conveniences. In Yobe State, Gujba and Gulani

Local Government Areas were at a point effectively taken over and cut off from

Damaturu; the State capital with the destruction of the Katarko Bridge by the insurgents.

Schools, public buildings, places of worship, markets, and residential buildings were also

destroyed by the insurgents in the two Local Government Areas. During the peak of the

crisis, the southwards expansion of the Boko Haram activities culminated in the invasion

of Madagali and Michika Local Government Areas of Adamawa State. Mubi, the capital

of the Mubi Local Government Area and the second-largest commercial town in the State

was temporarily overrun and occupied by the insurgents. The palpable fear led to a mass

exodus of IDPs into Yola; the Adamawa State capital where they took refuge in seven

camps while others reside within the host communities. The insurgent threat also led to

the forced closure of the Adamawa State University, Mubi (Samuel, 2020).

17
 The Assessment Capacity Project (ACP) (2018) identifies eight potential risks

that every displaced person faces. These include landlessness, which removes the main

foundation upon which the displaced productive capacity, commercial activities, and

livelihoods are dependant, especially in the rural area where the livelihood of many

residents is based on the agricultural produce; thus reducing their chance of tension-free

life. Joblessness is another fundamental feature of displacement as job loss is very high

among the displaced population. Job loss among the IDPs is essentially noticeable in both

the rural and urban sectors, especially among those who are self-employed as agricultural

laborers or industrial workers. Loss of shelter or homelessness is a major feature of

displacement, such loss of a family's home along with their cultural heritage often results

in alienation and social status deprivation. Forced displacement leads to loss of access to

common property resources, including pastures, forested lands, water bodies, quarries,

and agricultural land, community schools, which serve common and collective purposes

for the displaced in their natural habitats. As posited by the Assessment Projects Capacity

(2018), forced displacement is bound to cause food insecurity among the victims in form

of reduced food availability, accessibility, affordability, and utility, which the ousters

often face, leading to the food crisis, malnutrition, and undernourishment among the

displaced persons.

According to Badurdeen (2010), there are concerted efforts at protecting

internally displaced persons by the global community through the development of thirty

Guiding Principles for Internal Displacement of Persons (GPID), which were designed

and adopted by the United Nations to meet the challenges of severe deprivation, hardship,

and discrimination encountered by the IDPs. The policies recognize the right of IDPs to

18
be protected, defended, fed, and empowered while under the custody of the national

authorities, and the non-state actors also have the moral responsibilities to care for the

IDPs.

Related to the UN international Guiding Principles for the IDPs from the regional

perspective is the African Union Convention on the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs),

known as the Kampala Convention (KC), which legally emphasizes the right of dignified

existence of all IDPs within the country and the non-denial of their fundamental rights to

dignity (International Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2019). Regrettably, out of the

fifty-four member states of the African Union, only seven have laws and policies relating

to IDPs. These include Angola, Burundi, Kenya, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and

Uganda (International Displacement Monitoring Centre, 2019). As noted by the

International Displacement Monitoring Centre (2019), precisely, Nigeria does not have

specific laws to cater to the wellbeing of the IDPs. Though a legal framework was

proposed in 2006, the drafted bill was not passed into law. Nevertheless the GPID is non-

binding on membership of the UN, it has gained considerable authority as a valuable

practical guide to all stakeholders and responders to the plights of the IDPs globally.

In their work, Adesote et al. (2015) traced the genesis of internal displacement in

Nigeria to the Biafran war (1967–1970), in which about 500,000 people died with about

1million others becoming internally displaced. Even though displacement of this

magnitude has not been repeated in the country, there had been internal displacement in

Nigeria in 2002 when approximately 30,000 people were forced to flee their homes after

ethno-religious violence rocked the Northern states of Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Taraba,

Nassarawa, Benue, and Plateau states, among others. According to the Global Report on

19
Internal Displacement (2019), the exact human displacement figure in Nigeria is difficult

to estimate because many internally displaced persons seek shelter within social networks

and relocate to other towns and communities to join their families and clan members.

The performance of NEMA in managing the IDP crisis in Nigeria over the years

has also come under intense scrutiny by stakeholders. A critical segment of the society;

the Human Rights Watch (2018) contends NEMA has not performed optimally in the

discharge of its statutory functions towards the displaced while NEMA claim to be doing

its best relative to available resources (National Emergency Management Agency, 2018).

NEMA's efforts towards addressing the plights of the IDPs in the views of Ajijola (2017)

are grossly hampered by underfunding and lack of technical competence, while also

noting that lack of awareness of available post-camp opportunities are part of the causal

factors of victim's vulnerability to intense sufferings. The author suggests that NEMA

should build a culture of curtailing mass displacement with an effective mechanism to

identify all potential early warning internal displacement signals and address them before

they burst in Nigeria.

What has been distilled from this review is that internally displaced persons are

facing series of challenges from different crises; arising from the natural and human-

induced crisis. The critical gap left for this study to fill borders on the fact that none of

the existing literature has adequately studied the institutional capacity of NEMA to

respond to the plights of the IDPs although the agency is the primary national responder

to them, a gap this study intends to bridge by examining the response capacity of the

agency to the burgeoning situation of the IDPs in North-eastern Nigeria.

20
2.5 Summary and Uniqueness of the Study

Recent studies (Ladan, 2009-10) have also shown that people’s vulnerability to

internal displacement in Nigeria is not only due to natural and human-made disasters,

armed conflict, ethno-religious-political conflicts but also worsened by extreme poverty,

lack of equal access to socio-economic resources and balanced development, high

unemployment rate among able-bodied and frustrated youths as well as development and

environmental-induced displacements. It has been noted, however, that undue emphasis

on disaster-induced displacement led to government prioritising disaster risk reduction

and narrowing its focus to responding to disaster-induced displacement. This approach

has largely ignored non-disaster-induced internal displacement and lack of strategic

framework to address the plight of such displaced populations and to provide durable

solutions to all types of displacement.

Thus, the North-eastern States have witnessed the unprecedented negative impact of

the Boko Haram insurgency from 2009 to date; which eventually culminated in the

declaration of a State of Emergency (SOE) in the three most affected states of Borno,

Yobe, and the Adamawa States in 2013 by Former President Goodluck Jonathan. Most of

the 9.6 million people (National Bureau of Statistics, 2018) living in the then SOE states

have been affected in one way or the other by the insurgency attacks, which have led to

the collapse of the survival structures of many families, virtual extermination of

communities, destruction of social infrastructure and intense destruction of supply chain

process of the economy and dispersal of a larger chunk of citizens in the affected states.

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 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

This section focused on the methodology of the study, how data will be collected,

organized and analyzed. The following are the components that will be discussed under this

section:

3.1 Research Design

3.2 Population and Sample

3.3 Research Instrument

3.4 Procedure for Data Collection

3.5 Method of Data Analysis

3.1 Research Design

This study used survey design. Survey design in educational studies has been strongly

supported by the result of educational research. A survey study according to Miller

(1991) is a procedure for the collection of information or data associated with education

to extend the understanding of educational issues and to assist in the development of

educational policies in order to find out necessary solutions to educational problems.

In addition, Waziri (2014), define survey research is potentially useful technique in

education and is a valuable means of gathering data, he further stressed that a survey

method involves large and small population where samples are selected and studied in

order to discover relative incidence distribution, interrelations of sociological and

psychological variables. Therefore, the research is a survey because it involves large

sample and a questionnaire is going to be used.

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3.2 Population and Sample

The population for this study consists of all the IDPs in the selected IDPs camp.

Stratified sampling techniques will be adopted. Anderson (1980) maintained that 25% of

a population is enough sample for a research sample for a research purpose. The sample

will include two hundred (200) males and female IDPs in the selected camps.

3.3 Research Instrument

The instrument used for data collection is self-design questionnaire containing items each

carefully structured on each of the objectives covered or investigated in this study. The

questionnaire will be fashioned along four point modified Likert scale, developed by the

researcher. The questionnaire scores was scaled with Strongly Agreed (SA), Agreed (A),

Strongly Disagreed (SD), Disagree (D) was attributed to each item on the questionnaire.

The researcher personally administered the questionnaire with the help of research

assistance and of two other trained assistants that will help in the administration of the

questionnaire in the area by the researcher.

3.4 Procedure for Data Collection

The administration of the instrument will be done in the following order: the researcher

will collect an introductory letter from the Faculty of Education, University of Maiduguri

to help in the establishment of rapport with the various authorities of the sample schools

and others that they say may involve. The researcher will sought permission from

administrators of the sample schools before embarking on the data collection process.

Appointment will be book and the researcher will visit the administrators of the sample

schools to administer the questionnaire. The researcher will visit some IDPs camps in

Maiduguri, these are Bakassi, Dalori and Teachers’ Village. All the items on the

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 questionnaire in each of the variables will be personally checked to ascertain their

availability, adequacy, quality or otherwise in each of the schools.

3.5 Method of Data Analysis

Data was analysed after thorough checking and coding of the data collected. The

information on assessment of socio-economic needs of Internally Displaced Persons

(IDPs) in Maiduguri, Borno State will be presented on a table. The information on each

of the objectives available will be coded on the bases of the response. All data collected

through the use of the questionnaire will be presented in percentages.

3.6 Expected Outcome

The expected outcome from this study will be the views of the respondents on the needs

of socio-economic needs of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Maiduguri, Borno

State.

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