Schooling of Mirasi and Balai Girls: A Study of Government and Low Fee Private Schools

in Ikbalpur1 Village, Rajasthan

Amar Singh
Assistant Professor
School of Liberal Studies,
Azim Premji University
Bengaluru, Karnataka -562125
Email ID- amar2012singh@gmail.com

Introduction

Social inequality is an unequal distribution of power, rewards, opportunities, and

resources among various social groups. It is actively sustained by those people who dominate

and have power over non-dominants through social institutions and social practices. Researches

on educational inequality show that inequality in education among various social groups

continues, even after providing educational opportunities. Most of the educational institutions

follow dominant culture, which excludes marginalized groups like Scheduled Caste, Scheduled

Tribes, Minorities and other weaker sections. It is found that educational institutions often

reinforce the stereotype thinking in their premises, through hidden curriculum, student-teacher

interaction and other school activities. Even education policies and commissions can also be said

to be following dominant patriarchal ideologies (NCERT, 2006, 2008). As Panda (2012) and

Bandyopadhyay (2012) have shown, school practices and teacher-student interactions are gender

biased and reinforce dominant patriarchal notions.

In the era of globalization, demand for education is increasing due to various government

interventions and privatisation. Privatisation has become very common and pervasive in Indian
1
In the paper, pseudonyms of participants and the village are used to secure identity of the Participants.
education system and is having significant effects on it and other socio-political spheres. The

Market-based approach of schooling is further discriminating against disadvantaged groups in

India, thereby institutionalizing new ways of discrimination among social groups

(NCERT,2006 ). In the Neoliberal era in the name of ‘quality education’ and competition in

education, girls of Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, Muslims and other social groups are now

facing symbolic violence in all social spheres i.e. education, socio-cultural, economic and

political. According to Ramachandran, only the most marginalized and poor sections of the

society are approaching government schools, especially girls from these sections

(Ramachandran, 2004). This polarization between the government and private schools is

propagating economic and social inequality in education which later on adversely affects these

strata in economic, social and political spheres. Parents with higher aspirations of economic

mobility are getting their sons admitted to private schools. In this ‘global’ era, girls are being

again marginalized and excluded from so-called high-quality education, which is in great

demand in the job market. Girls’ education is not considered as important as that of boys’

consequently, girls are getting ‘free’ but ‘low-quality education’ whereas boys are attending

private English medium schools which would help them to have prestigious jobs in future

(NCERT, 2006).

Some recent studies on gender inequality

Bandyopadhyay (2012) found that 56 per cent boys and 44 per cent girls were enrolled in

private schools in Rajnandgaon cluster (Madhya Pradesh). But on the other hand, gender

inequality is more visible – in Rewa cluster (Madhya Pradesh)70 per cent boys and 30 per cent

girls were enrolled in private schools, while government schools had 54 per cent girls and 46 per

cent boys. She also found that in higher classes proportion of girls in government schools were
increasing and proportion of boys was increasing in private schools (also see Bandyopadhyay

and Subrahmanian, 2008). So in the present neoliberal economy, gender inequality in ‘school

choice’ is quite visible. Many studies have reported that girls are being sent to government

schools, among other things, also because they get various scholarships (Ramachandran and

Saihjee, 2002). Whereas boys are being sent to private schools which provide dominant cultural

capital2 and habitus3, like fluency in English language, behavioural styles etc., which would help

them to become successful in educational institutions and the labour market.

A study was conducted by Rajasthan Government (2011) in 3 districts of Rajasthan to

check the validity of DISE4 data. Its findings showed that in all categories, 47.15 per cent boys

and 52.82 per cent girls were enrolled in upper primary classes of government schools, whereas

65.65 per cent boys and 34.35 per cent girls were enrolled in upper primary classes of private

schools (also see Rajasthan Govt. 2010, 2012). In a research conducted in one district of Uttar

Pradesh, the author found that 48.6 per cent boys and 66.4 per cent girls were enrolled in

government schools but on the other hand, 51.4 per cent boys and 33.6 per cent girls were being

sent to private schools. Parents preferred to send their sons to low fee private schools over

daughters (Harma, 2010).

Barbara Herz mentioned that returns of educated girls become visible in their future life

after marriage. Because the benefits of educated girls would be enjoyed by their in-laws,

therefore educating a girl is considered as a waste of time and money for biological parents

(Herz, 2006). In rural Indian among some social groups, patriarchal notions are very pervasive

2
Cultural capital is defined in terms of high status credentials, high status culture, mastery on ways of behaviour &
language and dominant knowledge of educational institutes.
3
Habitus is a system of durable, transposable dispositions which functions as the generative basis of structured,
objectively unified practices (Bourdieu, 1979, Page, vii).
4
DISE- District Information System Education
and deeply embedded that consider daughters and women second grade citizens, which gives

lower status in family and society. Brown (1991) found in a survey, which was carried out in

Togo, that parents were opposed to sending their daughters to schools because of the notions of

‘future returns’ and ‘future stick’ were deeply embedded within families and communities. Girls

must go to their destine place so educating girls’ have lower value and also consider as as a

waste of money and resources. Such families interested in boys’ education because they would

not leave biological parents and would be future stick, unlike girls who would leave them and go

to in-laws after marriage. Many studies have found that attitude of favouritism of parents in the

family is linked with boys’schooling since they give preference to educated boys than girls.

(also see Jha and Jhingran, 2005; Page, 2003). This would reflect when the family had to take the

decision to select one child to educate, whom’s education they could afford.

Present study approaches gender as a heterogeneous category with reference to caste,

religion and socio-economic status. Unlike other research which dominantly looks gender as a

homogeneous category. It looks gender in its socio-cultural practices in the village which

impedes girls’ education but these impediments are differing and its effect on girls’ education

and life also vary in respect to their caste, economic status, and religion.

Social structure of the village

 Ikbalpur village is inhabited by Brahmin(Kashmiri Pandit), Balai, Yadav, Jangid castes

among Hindus and Mirasi5 and Sakka6 among Muslim7 community. Brahmins belong to Horka, a

nearby village which is 1.4 km away from the research site but they began to live in Horka

‘Dhani8’ , due to the vicinity of their agricultural fields which are attached with Ikbalpur village.

The Government Elementary school is situated close to this ‘Dhani’. In the narratives of

Brahmins, it was said that till some years back (10-12years) their children were enrolled in

government school of the village but after the mushrooming of private schools in the nearby

area, which claimed to provide ‘quality education’, they had begun sending their children to

study in private schools (both high fee English medium and low fee Hindi medium schools).

Population of the village

Ikbalpur village is the most populated village of the Dholka Gram Panchayat that

consists 8 other villages. Ikbalpur, plays an important role in the political decision-making

process at the time of the election in this Gram Panchayat because of the diverse population of

the village and hold on education, political and economic power by the dominant groups.

Table.1 Village Population

5
Currently Mirasi (music/singing was their occupation in the past on which their lower caste status was based ) are
accorded Other Backward Class status by the state of Rajasthan
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Muslim_Other_Backward_Classes_communities_in_India#Rajasthan).
Mirasi accepted Muslim religion before that they were lower caste (Dalit) Hindus in the caste hierarchy. But
ironically, caste also exists among Muslims of India. They identified themselves as Mirasi caste people. Like Hindu
caste system, endogamy among Muslims of India is encouraged to maintain ‘purity’ and reproduce social hierarchy
and Hypogamy is restricted in the village and India.
6
Sakka are also called as Sakka, Abbasi, Bhishti, has been granted Other Backward Class status by the Government
of India in Rajasthan
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Muslim_Other_Backward_Classes_communities_in_India#Rajasthan). Sakka
were watermen and presently they are known as Dalit Muslims in the society. They distinguish themselves from
Mirasis in the village and other Muslim caste groups of nearby the village via their sakka identity.
7
Both Mirasi and Sakka are Sunni Muslims.
8
Dhani- Some families previously resided in a village but for agricultural purposes they shifted near their
agricultural land that is called Dhani. After village name it is used to show about their village identity.
Census Household Population Male Female SC SC SC Literate Literate

male female male female

1991 161 1102 577 527 174 93 81 267 59
2001 204 1458 759 699 232 115 117 439 206
(Census, 1991 & 2001)

Table.2 Families having 6-18 age group children in the village

Social category Total families Percentage of families

Brahmins 13 9
9
Muslims 63 42
Yadav 18 12
Jangid 29 19
Balai 28 18
Total 151 100
*Families from a household survey of the village

The above table shows that there were 151 families having 6-18 age group children in the

village, 9 per cent of these families were Brahmin, 18per cent Balai (Scheduled Caste), 42per

cent Muslims, 19 per cent Jangids(OBC) and 12per cent Yadavs (OBC); overall, families

belonging to the OBC category are 31 per cent. Data revealed the heterogeneity of the population

42 per cent families belonged to Muslim background and 58 per cent families belonged to

Hindus. Most of the houses were in caste ghettos, Brahmin houses were at the starting point of

the village, Mirasi houses were at the north-west end, some Balais house at the northern end,

Jandgid House in the middle and other houses of Balais also in the middle of the village.

Largely, Sakka houses were in the northeast direction of the village and the periphery of the

village. That segregation of the caste groups adversely affected friendship patterns of children

especially girls’, social interaction and mobility of girls . These restrictions negatively affect girl

child’s educational aspirations and perception towards education.

9
Among Muslims, 40 families belonged to Mirasi caste and 23 families belonged to Sakka caste
Methodology

This study was conducted in Ikabalpur village, situated in Alwar district, northern

Rajasthan (western state of India). The government co-ed. elementary school of the village and a

low fee private school (‘Ideal public school’) in Rahmanpur village (which is 1.4 km away from

Ikbalpur village) were selected on the basis of purposive sampling technique. The Government

school was situated in the village and low fee private school is having the strength of students

from sampled villages among all low fee private school of Rahamapur village. The research site

was selected on the basis of its heterogeneous population (Balai, Muslim which includes Mirasi

and Sakka castes, Yadav, Jangid, and Brahmin), and rurality. Qualitative data of the study was

collected from the village and two schools (one government school and one low fee private

school) from January to April 2013.

In Ikabalpur village, mainly two religious groups are represented, namely Hindus (about

63 per cent of sample population) and Muslims (37 per cent). Hindus consist of diverse social

groups (castes) i.e. Jangid and Yadav (OBC10 category) constitute 33.33 per cent, Brahmin

(Kashmiri Pandit) 10.1 per cent and Balai (Scheduled Caste) 19.6 per cent. The key criteria for

selecting households for the survey were the economic (agricultural land, nature of work apart

from agriculture and APL/BPL11 card) and social status (Muslim, Balai, Yadav, Jangid, and

Brahmin communities) of families. The researcher also interviewed active members 12 in the

education, politics, and other areas. Focus group discussions were also conducted with girls of

10
OBC- Other Backward Castes
11
APL- Above Poverty Line and BPL- Below Poverty Line {Both of the category was formed according to the
information that was provided at the time of survey to the researcher. BPL category also consists those families
which did not have BPL cards but fallen in the criterion which was decided on the bases of criterion-1) less than two
acres agricultural land,2) yearly earning 40000 Indian rupees and below, 3) two wheeler or four wheeler vehicles,
coloured Television, Laptop/Computer}
12
Active members were those who were identified by villagers to be regularly engaged in social, political and
educational issues of the village and nearby areas of the village.
upper primary grades and village members, teachers. While interviewing active members,

parents, a semi-structured interview schedule was employed.

Research Questions-

 What are the perceptions and aspirations towards education of girls amongst the Mirasi13

and Balais14? And how is it affecting girls’ schooling?

 What is the socio-economic structure (Occupation, Educational status, Social status,

Economic status etc.) of the village communities? And is there any gender inequality

reflected among village communities with regard to economic status, caste and religion?

Objective:

To understand social inequality with special reference to gender inequality among Mirasi and

Balai castes.

Educational Status of Family and Schooling of girls

It was found that in hierarchical representation of the educational status of parents, 68.25

per cent parents among Muslims were illiterate, 60.71 per cent among Balais, 0 per cent among

Brahmins and 17.53 per cent among Jangids. While 65.38 per cent parents among Brahmins had

secondary education, the corresponding figures for Jangids, Balais and Muslims were 29.82 per

cent, 5.35 per cent and 7.14 per cent respectively. This shows that Brahmins were in the

uppermost strata of the hierarchical representation, followed by the OBC, with the Balai and

Muslim communities occupying the lowest rung of the ladder of educational hierarchy.

13
Mirasi- Historically they were singers and dancer by occupation but in village, most of them were landless and
daily wage labourers and at the lowest ladder of the educationally hierarchy. Even a single girl did not attend school
after 8th grade among Mirasis. So present study is especially focusing on this group only among Muslims.
14
Balais are still agricultural labourer and having lower status in Indian caste Hierarchy.
Table.3 Percentage distribution of children by school type and father's education

Type of School Illiterate Primary partial Upper primary Secondary + Total

or partial or partial or

Completed completed Completed

Total children 69 72 67 112 320
Government 60.87 50 31.34 18.75 37.5

(per cent)

Private 39.13 50 68.66 81.25 62.5

(per cent)

In terms of the educational status of

parents (mother and father), the above

figure 1 and table 3 show that most of

Brahmin and Jangid communities had

enrolled their children (both boys and

girls) in low fee private school while most of Muslim and Balai parents were sending their sons

to private schools but girls to government schools. The main factor behind this may be the

patriarchal norm which intersected with village economy that structure values males over

females and gives the opportunity of so-called ‘quality education’ in low fee private schools only

to sons (as substantiated in the narratives presented in the section (Dichotomy of government and

private schools).
Economic Structure of the families

Table.4 Economic status of the families and social categories (caste and religion)

No. of family NEWF15 per cent EWF 16 per cent

Brahmin 84.62 15.38
Muslim 57.15 42.8517
Yadav 83.34 16.66
Jangid 86.21 13.79
Balai 35.58 64.42

It is clearly revealed that members of Brahmin, Yadav and Jangid castes were

economically strong and dominated over the economic resources and other economic capital

which improves their chances of success in the field of education, and later on in social, political

and labour market. Brahmin and Jandgid were landowners and also most of them were self-

employed and government services. So children from these dominant castes enrolled in private

schools regardless of their gender and economic condition. Community capital 18 (caste as

capital)works in both dominant communities which have dominant cultural capital 19 , economic

15
NEWF- Non- Economically Weak Family
16
EWF- Economically Weak Family
17
Most of the Mirasi Muslims belong to the economically weaker section.
18
In the village, the caste system and its exclusionary and graded nature provides its members with cultural capital,
social capital and symbolic capital. The availability of caste as capital is quite visible among the dominant castes.
Economically weaker and educationally backword Brahmin and Jangid families were getting benefits of social
capital and cultural capital of other Brahmin and Jangid families in terms of getting counselling and guidance by
highly educated people of their caste, who also helped them in providing an educational environment within the
community. People of Brahmin and Jangid caste also supported each other’s’ family within their ghettos in securing
admission to educational institutions in towns, cities, other districts, states and also in getting jobs. Balai and
Muslim caste including Mirasis were not having such community capital. Irrespective of the caste and religion, most
of the girls were not allowed to go in others’ ghettos which were separated on the basis of caste and religion. In such
restricted settings, girls of Brahmins and Jangids had benefits from caste capital because same caste members had
strong ties and ‘sense of we feeling’ rather to members of different caste and religion that also formed weak ties.
19
In this study, cultural capital consists of types of school, educational status of parents, attitude towards education,
essential goods like internet, laptop, books, copy, dress, shoes, additional books and educational environment within
the family.
capital20 and also have higher social capital21 and this has a positive effect on their chances of

success in the field of education and other socio-cultural and political spheres of life. Muslims

caste, especially Mirasis and among Hindu Caste, Balasi belonged to economically weaker

sections and were sending their children especially girls to the government schools. Balai and

Muslims especially Mirasis were having less economic capital, cultural capital and social capital

which made girls’ education and future darker than boys of these communities.

Table.5 Economic status and classification of children by school type

Type of Schools NEWF (in per cent) EWF (in per cent) Total (in per cent)
Government School 26.3 56.3 37.5
Private School 73.7 43.7 62.5
Total numbers 201 119 320

Most Balais and Both lower caste Muslims (Mirasi and Sakka) were sending their

daughters to government schools but sons to private schools because investment on girls’

education was supposed as a ‘waste of money’ for biological family. Economically weaker

families of these caste were also sending their sons to the government school. 134 students out of

137 in the government school belonged to Balai and lower caste Muslims. Among these were 13

Balai boys and 26 girls and 43 Muslim boys and 49 girls. But none of the Brahmin and Jangid

students is being sent to government school. It can be said that privatization of education is

adversely affecting most to Dalit Hindus (Balai) and Dalit Muslims especially girls of these caste

groups.

Table. 6 Economic status and classification of children by school type

20
In this study, economic capital consists of agricultural land, nature of work, vehicles etc.
21
In this study, social capital consists of networks with educational institutions, parental networks with educated
people, networks within community/caste and labour market.
Type of School NEWF EWF
Boys (in Girls (in Total Boys(in Girls (in per Total

per cent) per cent) per cent) cent)

Government 64.15 35.85 53 37.3 62.7 67

Private 63.5 36.5 148 86.5 13.46 52

The above table 6 shows that the difference between boys and girls in poor families

(BPL) is higher than in non-poor families (APL). Among poor families, parents were sending

their sons and only a few girls to private school, these girls belonged to Brahmin, Yadav and

Jandgid castes. It can be said that girls from both disadvantaged groups formed a more excluded

category than girls of ‘upper caste’, economically and educationally sound families. Here larger

rural village economy, which intersected with patriarchy, caste and religious system, probably

adversely affected schooling of girls/boys and parental perception of education. This intersection

created the web of dominance and socio-economic power structure within the village which

benefited to dominant castes (Brahmin and Jangid) over the non- dominant castes (Balai sakka

and Mirasi).In such village environment, notion of social mobility and role of male education is

crucially interlinked and male dominated because in the village only the source of upward social

mobility of family in terms of status and economic resources is primarily associated with males

only.

Dichotomy of government and private schools

It is found in the study that Muslims children enrolled in elementary classes in private

schools 76.63 per cent were boys and 23.37 per cent were girls, whereas among those enrolled in

government schools 44.44 per cent were boys and 55.56 per cent were girls. In the elementary

grades of private schools, among all Balai students, 81.48 per cent were boys and 18.52 per cent
girls, whereas among those enrolled in elementary classes of government schools 31.03 per cent

were boys and 68.97 per cent were girls. In contrast, all Brahmin and most of the Jangid children

were enrolled in private schools.

A new dichotomy of private and government schools seems to be emerging in rural

setting on the basis of caste, religion, class and gender. The so-called ‘upper castes’ and

economically sound social groups (Brahmins and Jangids) were dominantly approaching private

schools. Enrollment in government schools (symbol of lower status and inferiority) is associated

with lower caste/Muslims and poor sections, especially girls of these groups and private

schooling (symbol of higher status and superiority) is associated with dominant upper caste and

economically sound sections especially boys of these groups.

Why are most of the parents sending their sons to private schools and daughters to

government schools? The answer to this question rooted in the socio- economic structure, web

of graded inequality and power structure based on caste, gender, religion and economic resources

which are in some linked with the structure of Indian rural political economy. The future rate of

return from girls’ education is perceived to be ‘null’ to the biological families. Rahman (a Sakka

educated local political leader) was politically powerful and economically sound but

discontinued his daughter’s education after 12th standard and said, “There is no use of educating

girls. They will be married and will finally settle in their destined family….. So boys are

considered preferable to be enrolled in private schools than girls”. According to Basru (a young

educationally active member22 among Sakka Muslims), “In our community(Muslim), boys are

enrolled in private schools, as in future they would get better education and jobs. In government

22
Educationally active member were those who were educated and actively involved in educational issues of the
village.
school, girls always are in village and so whenever parents need girls for household works, they

call them from the school easily.” Girls’ education in the village was perceived as something

which will benefit others’ family and not the natal family. This sentiment of the parents among

both the Muslim castes and Balais in the study was well reflected.

Razia’s mother (Mirasi Muslim and economically weak) mentioned, “We do not have

enough money to send them (Razia and her sisters) to private schools, we can manage only one

child’s fee, so my son is going to private school”. Poverty was directly cited by the parents

among both Muslim caste groups and Balais as the reason for government and private school

dichotomy but this did not seem to be the prime reason for the discriminatory treatment against

girls.

Socially constructed fear of impurity of the girls, who go beyond the threshold of the

village especially among Mirasi, Sakka and Balai caste groups. Parents expressed fear about

their daughters being raped and eve-teased on the way to school and were apprehensive that the

girls might engage in ‘stigmatized’ activities (sex, love, talk and hanging out with boys etc.)

which ultimately would bring social shame to the family and community.

Overall, four main reasons, among Dalit Hindus and Dalit Muslims, were revealed from

interviews, observations and group discussions of parents and active members of the village. The

main reason provided by the parents related the education of their children and future return,

since, number of girl child was more in government school and number of boys was more boys

in private schools. Second, the issue of sexuality control and ‘purity’ of girls stood out as another

important reason restricting their education, especially after the elementary grades. Third,

Household chores during school hours and preparation for future marital life were also factors of
 inhibiting girls’ educational opportunities. Finally, as an economic factor, among parents under

the EWF, some managed to send their sons to private schools but this was not the case with their

daughters. All the above four reasons are deep-rooted in the patriarchal structure which

intersected with the economic and social structure of the village; it is probably due to such nexus

of power and its structure that girls of each stratum were facing discrimination (with varying

degree) within/in the family/community leading to their educational, social and political

deprivations.

Parental educational ambitions

In most of the interviews and informal talks, the importance of girl child’s education up

to a certain standard was highlighted by most of the participants which included parents and

common villagers. Responses of interviewees (26 families of the village) regarding educational

aspirations of their girl children are given below:

Table.7 educational standard up to which level parents aspired to educate their daughters .

Social category of No. of SC No. of dalit No. of OBC No. of General

Parents Parents Muslim parents parents

parents
Aspired standards

for daughters
Up to 8 1 6 0 0
9-10 6 3 0 0
11-12 1 0 0 0
Higher education 1 1 3 0

Distance mode
Higher Education 0 0 0 4

regular Mode
 Educational aspirations of parents regarding their daughters widely varied across

sections. Among Balais, as evident from the above table, only one father of the respondents,

whose child was in Government school and also belonged to EWF , was of the opinion that girls

should study up to 8th standard. Another six parents were of the opinion that girls should study up

to 9th and 10th standards. Rekha’s Mother (child from Government school/SC/BPL) stated,

“Girls should study up to 9th or 10th class, after which we have to take precautions because she

will become Sayani”. Only one father from Balai caste who was intermediate pass and well

aware of socio-cultural situation of the area, wanted his daughter ( Private school/SC/BPL) to

study beyond 12th class. He mentioned, “As my daughter completes B.S.T.C23., I have to fix her

marriage”. Although he was willing to let her pursue higher studies yet ‘social pressure’ from

the fellow villagers of his own caste and other social groups compelled him to take a contrary

decision. None of them wanted their daughters to pursue a career or to do a job but what

concerned them most was marrying them away so that they could become decent housewives

and could sustained the pride of both the families.

Among Muslims, six parents wanted their daughters to study up to 8th standard. Miraaz

from Mirasi caste said, “My daughter will go only to the village school, after that she will

become Sayani24. In our community, girls do not study beyond 8 th”. After reaching puberty, there

was a broader social notion, in this and other nearby villages, that girls were considered as

grown-ups enough and parents viewed their daughters as sexually vulnerable especially on their

way to, and in, school. This fear of sexual harassment was the root cause of dropping out of girls
23
BSTC- Basic School Teacher Course
24
Sayani – Usually girls were considered as ‘sayani’ (enough grown up) after attaining puberty in the village but
that belief was prevailed among Mirasis and Balai, which adversely affect girls’ schooling after attaining puberty.
Among most of Brahmin and Jangid families, that belief did not affect girls’ schooling.
and a major concern of the families irrespective of their economic status among the Balais and

Muslims of the village. These reasons did not affect girls’ schooling among OBCs and Brahmins.

Arshad from Mirasi caste (father of Rubeena, a 7th grade government school student

whose brother goes to a private school in the neighbouring village), was an illiterate agricultural

labourer (seasonal) who ran a small tea shop. Arshad said (with a smile on his face) that he

would take some loans to pay for the education of his son, but Rubeena would not study after 8 th

standard as she would be married. Most of the girls in Muslim (especially ‘Mirasi) castes had

lower educational aspirations (only upto 10th) and gender-based career aspirations (like work in

Anganwadi, sewing, household chores and agriculture work in future). Like Arshad khan, most

of the other parents from Muslim and Balai castes wanted to take all pains to educate their sons

but in the context of girl’s education, even a single respondent did not want to make any extra

effort. The probable reason behind this kind of differential expectation from boys and girls is

quite patriarchal (Beta budhaape ki laathi hai) and economic. That’s why, most of the girls in

both communities were sent to poorly equipped government schools which provide free but low

‘quality education’.

The study revealed that no parent thought this as a reason to discontinue their daughters’

schooling but after completing 12th standard, girls among Jangids did not go to a regular college

for higher education in Alwar and other such cities but boys from the same community attended

those colleges. The concern for sexual security adversely affected girls’ higher education, and

preparing them for future roles found out to be a grave concern of parents so that they might not

face any problem in ‘their homes’ (in-laws’ homes) related to household chores and etiquettes of

a bride. In contrast, education of girls in Brahmin caste was not affected by security reasons and

household works yet several narratives revealed that every girl should have mastery over
household chores. Among all, Brahmins and most of Jangids aspired to get their children

enrolled in private schools because these schools claimed to provide dominant cultural capital

and children would learn dominant habitus (well ways of behaving and etiquettes) which appears

necessary for the success in all spheres of life.

Brahmin Caste, education of girls was often encouraged even by illiterate and

economically unsound parents and educated caste members provided guidance and support to

both girls and boys of the community. Rohit Sharma (teacher in Low Fee Private school) said:

“In our community (Samaaj) all children study, at least they complete their graduation

irrespective of their sex”. Among Brahmins, community(caste as capital) capital benefited its

members which increased the chances of success in education. In the case of career guidance,

caste as habitus socialize its members in dominate habitus environment, provided assistance to

its members and social networks. This is the reason behind success stories of Brahmins in the

field of education and labour market. Many had got admission in reputed educational institutes

for higher studies; later on, they got government and private jobs. Brahmins possessed the

dominant cultural capital, social capital and economic capital which gave them opportunities for

success in school and other spheres of life. Mohit Sharma said “In our community (Samaaj),

girls are allowed to study in other towns and states”. Several community members provided

some other examples –“two girls are studying in Alwar city and live in a rented room”. Another

example was of two girls who went to pursue B.Ed. in Jammu and Kashmir. Such cases of girls’

mobility, the researcher did not find in Yadav, Jangid, Balai and Muslim castes while mobility of

boys was found. Father of Shivani and Mansi wanted to support them in higher studies and he

was very keenly interested in their studies. Both Girls aspired to be IAS officers; good thing was

that the father, barely educated (up to 5th class) and economically sound farmer, was also
optimistic towards their aspirations. It

shows the effect of community capital

(caste as capital) from which most

of Brahmin students of uneducated or less

educated and economically weaker families

were getting benefits from the dominant

socio-cultural environment and other

educated members of their own castes. That community capital gave access to cultural capital,

symbolic capital and social capital to its members. Mohit Sharma also had a favourable attitude

towards his daughter’s educational and career aspirations. In Brahmin caste, parents got their

daughters married after 23 or 24 years of age. Before marriage, girls usually studied until they

completed their studies and did some jobs, they did not have as many restrictions regarding

mobility in other villages and towns, unlike others.

The study found five reasons behind the low aspirations among Balais and Muslims.

First, sending girls to in-laws as soon as they reached puberty was a concern for they were

considered a burden among most of Muslims and Balai parents. Second sexuality control and

‘purity’ of adolescent girls was a serious issue. Third, middle school is not available in the

village, here distance and location (space) of the educational institutes become one of the reason.

Fourth, among Muslims and Balais, parents expressed the concern for preparing the girls for

their ‘destined place’. Fifth, girls were an easy replacement for their mother to work at home. In

the study, some of the above mentioned reasons may overlap.

It was found that parents in both Muslim caste groups had lowest educational ambitions

for their daughters, after this came Balai and Jangid castes and the Brahmin caste had highest
educational aspirations. In India, caste structure is like ‘Doxa’ which is unquestionable and

normalize in the society. Caste in based on rigid hierarchical order system which could not be

reversed and sustained by several social practices -restriction on interaction, prohibition of inter-

caste marriages, geographical ghettos, food restrictions.

Conclusion

A hierarchy existed in the educational status of parents of different communities which

were directly proportional to the social hierarchy, thereby confirming the existence of social

(based on caste and religion) discrimination and economic inequality. This discrimination and

inequality combined with gender discrimination produce/reproduce a deep matrix of gender

inequality and power resulting in a second-class status and a low educational status among Dalit

Hindus and Muslims. A new form of social division is also emerging, after neo-liberalisation in

India that is hierarchical dichotomy of private and government schools which intersects with

caste system, rural village economy, sex, religion and region; and create a complicated web of

the hierarchal social structure.   Caste (as Habius and Doxa), economic capital and cultural

capital play a vital role to sustain and reproduce social inequality. Therefore, it is high time for

policymakers, educational and social institutions must focus on the matrix of dominance while

framing any policies and programs in relation with heterogeneous society in the context of

education.

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