The Beauty Myth and Female Consumers: The Controversial Role of Advertising

Author(s): DEBRA LYNN STEPHENS, RONALD PAUL HILL and CYNTHIA HANSON
Source: The Journal of Consumer Affairs , Summer 1994, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Summer 1994),
pp. 137-153
Published by: Wiley

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SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 137

DEBRA LYNN STEPHENS, RONALD PAUL HILL,

AND CYNTHIA HANSON

The Beauty Myth and Female Consumers:

The Controversial Role of Advertising
Recently, a small number of consumer researchers have voiced con
cern regarding the question of how and to what degree advertising
involving thin/attractive endorsers is linked with chronic dieting,
body dissatisfaction, and eating disorders in American females. To
explore the broader context of this important and controversial issue,
this paper draws upon a variety of disciplines and suggests directions
for future research. First is a discussion of problems associated with
chronic dieting and the diet industry. Next is an exploration of the
prevalence, concomitants, and origins of body dissatisfaction in
American females. The paper discusses existing advertising research
that gives rise to several important propositions regarding the nature
of the link between advertising and body dissatisfaction. The conclu
sion consists of recommendations for research and a brief discussion
of public policy implications.

Eleven million women and one million men in the United States
suffer from eating disorders—either self-induced semistarvation
(anorexia nervosa) or a cycle of bingeing and purging with laxatives,
self-induced vomiting, or excessive exercise (bulimia nervosa) (Dunn
1992; Fairburn, Cooper, and Cooper 1986).1 A 1990 nationwide
survey of 20 high schools showed that 11 percent of the students have
eating disorders (cited in Dunn 1992). At least nine out of ten eating
disorder sufferers are female (Wolf 1991). According to the Ameri
can Anorexia and Bulimia Association, 150,000 American women
die of anorexia each year (Wolf 1991).

Debra Lynn Stephens is Assistant Professor and Ronald Paul Hill is Professor and Chair
person, College of Commerce and Finance, Villanova University, Villanova, PA. Cynthia
Hanson is Assistant Professor, Division of Business, Greensboro College, Greensboro, NC.
The helpful comments of Morris Holbrook during earlier stages of this research are greatly
appreciated as are the recommendations provided by the reviewers and editor.

The Journal of Consumer Affairs, Vol. 28, No. 1, 1994

0022-0078/0002-137 1.50/0
® 1994 by The American Council on Consumer Interests

'The reason that this manuscript does not address obesity is that there is widespread hesi
tancy among researchers to classify obesity as an eating disorder. This hesitancy stems from
findings indicating that, while anorexia and bulimia are a product of psychological, environ
mental, and cultural factors, obesity is more likely to originate from metabolic and genetic fac
tors (Brownell and Foreyt 1986, 511-512; Sobal and Stunkard 1989). Thus, much of this paper
simply does not apply to the problem of obesity.

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138 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

Research indicates that chronic dieting in th

esteem, adolescent turmoil, and a family his
orders is especially likely to lead to anorexia
1990; Nylander 1971). Most eating-disorder
chronic dieting is, in turn, a direct consequence
on American females to achieve a nearly imp
Biber 1989; Strober 1986). Advertising has b
ing—perhaps even creating—the emaciated s
which girls are taught from childhood to jud
own bodies (Freedman 1984; Nichter and Nic
1992). As Solomon points out, "the pressure t
reinforced both by advertising and by peers.
bombarded by images of thin, happy people
graphic interviews of junior and senior high
"ideal girl" resembles Barbie: 5 feet 6 inches
and "eats whatever she wants and never gain
description of bulimia (Nichter and Nichter 1
Recently, a small number of consumer resea
regarding the question of how and to what de
ing thin/attractive endorsers is linked with chr
satisfaction, and eating disorders in Americ
1987; Richins 1991; Solomon 1992). Richins (1
exposure to ads with highly attractive mode
women's dissatisfaction with their facial and
such exposure does not appear to increase dis
shape in particular. Richins observed that co
ticipated in her study were far less satisfied wi
with their face or overall attractiveness. Thus,
be that "college-age females are already suffic
their bodies that advertising exposure has no
81).
The causality may be reversed: that is, American females with high
levels of body dissatisfaction may respond more positively to prod
ucts in ads featuring physically attractive (hence thin) female endors
ers, when compared to their not-so-dissatisfied counterparts. This
question has not been addressed either theoretically or empirically.
In an attempt to explore the broader context of these important
and controversial issues, this paper draws upon research from a vari
ety of disciplines and suggests directions for future research. First are
a discussion of the diet industry and an examination of the problems

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SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 139

associated with chronic dieting. Next is an explo

lence, concomitants, and origins of body dissatis
females. The paper discusses existing advertising
rise to several important propositions regarding th
between advertising and body dissatisfaction. I
recommendations for research and a brief discus
implications.

FOOD AND DIETING IN AMERICAN CULTURE

Americans share a marked ambivalence toward and preoccu

with food.

On the one hand enjoying rich, luscious, expensive meals is portrayed as a fit
ting reward for hard work, as a way of socializing, and as a way of being sen
sual, indulging a physical appetite. On the other hand, one, especially if that
one is female, is expected to be fit and attractively thin. (Ogletree et al. 1990,
792)

There is an ever expanding repertoire of foods to choose. The crea

tion of a global village has given an unprecedented variety of ethnic
cuisines, and the rise of the middle-class gourmet has resulted in the
crowding of supermarket shelves with a seemingly endless diversity of
flavors and textures in everything from lettuce to ice cream (Brum
berg 1988). More money is spent on food advertising than on most
other products and services in this country; in 1989 the advertising
expenditures of the food industry approached four billion dollars
(Aaker, Batra, and Myers 1992). Food advertisers target people of all
ages, including very young children. For example, food is the focus
of about 60 percent of the commercials shown during Saturday
morning cartoon programming (Ogletree et al. 1990).
The obsessive diet-mindedness of both the editorial content and
advertising in most major women's magazines provides a stark con
trast to this hedonistic attitude toward food (Garner et al. 1980;
Klassen, Wauer, and Cassel 1990-1991). In several such magazines,
even the food advertisements focus more on dieting than on quality
(Klassen, Wauer, and Cassel 1990-1991). Thus there are clear and
quite stringent limits on the degree to which American females may
attempt to satisfy their hedonic impulses toward food. A lean
physique is a sine qua non of physical attractiveness in girls and
women alike (Brumberg 1988; DeJong and Kleck 1986; Franzoi and

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 140 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

Herzog 1987). In the words of a Bloomin

womanly shape is "bean lean, slender as
arrow, pencil thin, get the point?" (Fre
This worship of female scrawniness cul
cans' collective taste that began in the e
1980). During the last three decades, fa
pageant contestants, and Playboy center
thinner (Colburn 1992; Garner et al. 198
standard has thinned, the average weig
American women under age 30 has actu
Garner et al. 1980).3 In this widening gulf
and the biological reality, purveyors of
throughout the 1980s, revenues of comm
percent annually, reaching two billion do
clientele are 85 to 90 percent women, m
weight within two years (Sehroeder 1991
Wolf suggests a reason for this instabili

What, finally, is dieting? "Dieting," and, in Gr

trivializing words for what is in fact self-inflicte
of the poorest countries in the world, the very p
ries a day, or 600 more than a Western woman o
1991, 193).

In the Lodz Ghetto in 1941, besieged Jews were allotted starvation rations of
500-1,200 calories a day. At Treblinka, 900 calories was scientifically deter
mined to be the minimum necessary to sustain human functioning. At "the
nation's top weight-loss clinics," where "patients" are treated for up to a
year, the rations are the same (Wolf 1991, 195).

The human body can adapt to a period of caloric restriction by

lowering its basal metabolic rate, so as to conserve energy, glucose,
and protein. There is mounting evidence that when the restriction is
relaxed or lifted metabolic rate may remain below normal, for at least
a few months and perhaps longer (Keys et al. 1950; Kirkley and
Bürge 1989). Thus, when an individual reaches desired low weight
and increases caloric intake, her body may store the added calories as
fat, rather than using them.

2Recent reports from the popular press suggest that this physical "ideal" has negative conse
quences for these women as well ("The Body Game: . . 1993).
3The cause of this change in average weight could reflect changes in body content such as an
increase in the amount of muscle mass among women as a result of the fitness "craze" of the
1980s.

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SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 141

Prolonged semistarvation, whether self-infl

produces a host of symptoms (e.g., irritabili
fatigue, and an obsession with food). Women
below 22 percent commonly experience infert
balances that promote ovarian and endometr
In 1990 the diet industry was hit by a rash of
Weight Loss Center was sued successfully by the
old woman who, while following the plan's low
heart failure as a result of a potassium defici
Nutri/System Inc. and Jenny Craig Inc. were
customers who charged the diets caused gall
strong and Mallory 1992). These lawsuits led
ings on the safety and efficacy of weight-loss
Trade Commission (FTC) has spent the last tw
the promotional efforts of more than a dozen
on claims of long-term efficiency (Miller 1992
Despite these difficulties, the diet industry
1992 sales of diet-related products and service
reached $33 billion (Armstrong and Mallory
tion shows, there is good reason to believe that t
need not worry about dieting becoming pass
future—not when a majority of females asses
how thin they are.

BODY DISSATISFACTION IN AMERICAN FEMALES

Almost as many males as females report being dissatisfi

some aspect of their physique (Cash 1990). However, worr
body weight appear to be a far more common and more im
component of body dissatisfaction experienced by girls and
than that experienced by boys and men (Brumberg 1988; F
Rozin 1985; Rodin, Silberstein, and Striegel-Moore 1985). M
survey data indicate that about one-half to three-quarters of f
who are normal in weight perceive themseives as too heavy,
only about one-quarter of normal weight males consider th
overweight (Blair 1992; Cash 1990; Cash, Winstead, and Jan

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142 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

Klesges 1983; Seligman et al. 1987; Wool

their survey, Cash, Winstead, and Jand
percent of underweight women, compa
underweight men, regarded their weight a
from the Melpomone Institute for Wom
ported that 30 percent of the female p
shape that was 20 percent underweight
chose one that was ten percent underwei
The American female's obsessive, almo
perfect body is both reflected and promot
editorial content of many women's mag
morphoses bordering on the miraculous
comes in a multitude of forms, including
according to one news source "has engen
and another that promises "Buns of Ste
115). She who seeks the perfect body must
tunities to further her quest: "If you drin
tepid, you can burn 10 more calories
[emphasis added]). As discussed in the n
ments and advice to young women nour
with it a disturbing array of psychologi

Concomitants of Body Dissatisfacti

Whether or not they are too heavy, fem

overweight show decreased satisfaction
levels of self-esteem, and lowered psych
pared with males, in general, and with f
themselves overweight (Cash and Hicks

"Normal weight is defined as the range, given a specific

lowest morbidity according to Metropolitan Life Insu
ance Company 1983).
'These surveys ask respondents to report both their we
with it. Studies on the validity of self-reported weight in
their weight by about three pounds (e.g., Tell et al. 1987
tendency to be more pronounced in women than in m
seem to express the consensual view regarding the validi
this magnitude may have little impact on epidemiologi
could have a considerable effect in evaluation of outcome
sizes tend to be small, and mean weight loss limited
tinguish between weight reports and reports of dissatisf
dent may underreport her weight and still express dissa

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SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 143

particularly troubling in light of the fact that b

shows remarkable stability. Formerly overweigh
much dissatisfaction with their physique as tho
weight (Cash, Counts, and Huffine 1990).
Body dissatisfaction in females also appears to encourage dis
turbed eating behaviors. In the survey by Wooley and Wooley (1984),
33,000 females aged 15 to 35 were questioned regarding attitudes
toward their bodies and their methods of weight control. Though
only 25 percent were actually overweight according to weight norms,
75 percent believed that they were fat, with 18 percent using laxatives
or diuretics and 15 percent using forced vomiting to control their
weight. Mintz and Betz (1988) surveyed 643 nonobese, nonanorexic
undergraduate women and found that degree of disturbed eating
depended strongly on level of body dissatisfaction. One-third of their
respondents reported using laxatives or self-induced vomiting at least
once a month for weight-control purposes. Other research suggests
that negative body image predicts severity of eating disturbance more
accurately than other psychological factors including depression,
self-esteem, and psychosocial adjustment (Brown, Cash, and Lewis
1989; Gross and Rosen 1988; Striegel-Moore et al. 1989).

Origins of Female Body Dissatisfaction

This culture's intense preoccupation with weight is undoubtedly

nourished by its stereotype of fat people. Like others classified as
physically unattractive, overweight individuals are expected to be less
intelligent, popular, or outgoing than those who are slimmer. Thus,
according to a review by DeJong and Kleck (1986), heavy individuals
are frequently labeled as lonely, dependent, and greedy for affection.
Moreover, excessive weight is viewed as evidence of a character flaw
associated with self-indulgence or laziness; in short, fat is seen as
"self-induced" (DeJong and Kleck 1986, 74).
This stereotype is one of the "truths." Americans are taught as
young children; as such it so pervades this culture that the individual
never stops to question the assumptions made or to look squarely
upon the thousands of day-to-day cruelties that those assumptions
breed. In their four or five hours a day in front of the television, chil
dren are bombarded with images of thinness-as-beauty, in advertis
ing as well as programs (Nichter and Nichter 1991). As with other
stigmas, many overweight individuals internalize the culture's stereo

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144 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

type starting in early childhood and sp

just with weight, but also with self-bla
Waschull, and Walters 1990; Stager an
Although the fat stereotype seems to
females, the latter are substantially mo
tial explanation for this marked gender d
and boys view their bodies. Researcher
observed that while a boy learns to vi
means of achieving mastery over the
learns that a main function of her body
1968; Freedman 1984; Koff, Rierdan, and Stubbs 1990; Lerner,
Orlos, and Knapp 1976). Children's advertising reflects and but
tresses this lesson. Saturday morning cartoon programming includes
commercials focusing on appearance enhancement, nine out of ten of
which are directed at little girls (Ogletree et al. 1990). Barbie and her
clones join forces with real adult role models—teachers, parents,
older friends, celebrities—to drive the lesson home. As she knows
that she must be thin to be found attractive, puberty-related bodily
changes may be a major blow to a girl's self-esteem. Thus, Freedman
observes that

puberty transforms a girl into a woman without her consent; it betrays her by
making her both more and less feminine at the same time. The hormones that
inflate her breasts, also layer her thighs with "unsightly" fat, and cover her
legs with "superfluous" hair. The size, contours, smells and texture of an
adult woman contradict the soft, sweet childish aspects of feminine beauty
standards emphasized in the media (1984, 36).

In a study of body image among boys and girls aged 11, 13, and 15,
Girgus (1989) illustrates some consequences of this intense preoccu
pation with physical appearance. As girls grow older and their bodies
change, they become increasingly more dissatisfied, consistently
expressing a desire to be thinner. Boys, on the other hand, welcome
bodily changes, viewing them as evidence of muscular development
rather than as signs they are becoming fat. Girgus also indicates that
body dissatisfaction is highly correlated with depression, a malady
that, according to Kandel and Davies (1982), afflicts many more ado
lescent girls than boys. A study by Kaplan, Busner, and Pollack
(1988) lends support to the idea of close interplay among weight,
body dissatisfaction, and depression in teenaged girls. In a survey of
344 junior and senior high school girls, the authors observed signifi

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SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 145

cantly less depression among those who were u

among those whose weight was at or above nor
Women who are very dissatisfied with their ph
ticularly vulnerable to advertising that feature
endorsers or models who exemplify thinness a
feminine beauty. To paint a clearer picture of h
tion might strengthen the persuasiveness of such
on the link between endorser attractiveness and ad
ness must first be examined. Then it will be pos
where body dissatisfaction may come into play.

LINK BETWEEN ENDORSER ATTRACTIVENESS AND AD EFFECTIVENESS

Research on the persuasion process has shown that recipie

persuasive message are often more likely to accept it if they f
communicator or message source to be physically attractive
1986).6 Physical attractiveness of the communicator has bee
to facilitate message acceptance in a wide array of studies diffe
subject population, communication mode, experimental set
message content, and measure of persuasion.
The effect of communicator attractiveness on persuasion
demmonstrated using as subjects male and female high sch
college students (Baker and Churchill 1977; Horai, Nacca
Fatoullah 1974) and nonstudent adults of all ages (Debevec,
den, and Kernan 1986). It occurs both when the communic
physically present as a spokesperson endorsing a view (Chaik
and when she or he is represented in a photograph (Widge
Ruch 1981) or on film (Joseph 1977). Advertisements (K
Homer 1985) as well as advocacy messages (Snyder and Rot

'While a communication source may be perceived as attractive in a number of

respects—for example, as a role model (Kelman 1961) or as a familiar or lika
(McGuire 1969)—this paper focuses exclusively on physical attractiveness. As it
objectively quantifiable trait, level of physical attractiveness is customarily est
"truth of consensus"—that is, by interjudge agreement in ratings of stimulus p
scale that ranges from low to high physical attractiveness (Patzer 1985). This m
measurement is, in Patzer's words, "based on the premise that if a substantial
judges rate a stimulus person as high or low in physical attractiveness, then, for r
poses this stimulus person is interpreted as representative of that respective level
attractiveness" (1985, 17). Indeed, people show remarkable agreement in their ju
others' attractiveness: At the low end is a reliability of r = .49 obtained in a study
752 stimulus persons and four raters (Walster et al. 1966), but typically r value
(Berscheid and Walster 1974; Patzer 1985).

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146 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

1971) have evidenced this link between s

suasion. Further, the link has appeare
(Caballero and Pride 1984; Debevec, Mad
in laboratory contexts (Kahle and Homer 1985; Kamins 1990).
Advertising researchers have found that an attractive model or prod
uct endorser may positively influence the recipient's attitude toward
the ad (Kamins 1990), attitude toward the advertised brand (Kahle
and Homer 1985), purchase intention (Baker and Churchill 1977),
and actual purchase (Caballero and Pride 1984).
It has been suggested that physically attractive individuals tend to
be more persuasive in part because others like them better or credit
them with desirable traits such as sociability, friendliness, warmth,
poise, and kindness (Berscheid and Walster 1974; Chaiken 1986;
Patzer 1985). (Recall the fat-person stereotype discussed previously
for a contrast.) Several of the studies cited provide indirect support
for this speculation. For example, Chaiken (1979) found that attrac
tive communicators were perceived as more likable than unattractive
ones. Debevec, Madden, and Kernan (1986) reported that attractive
ness increased perceived trustworthiness and knowledgeability, both
of which were closely associated with enhanced message evaluations.
Thus, attractive communicators appear to be better at persuading
others, perhaps because they are imbued with socially desirable
traits. However, attractiveness does not matter in all situations. For
example, Joseph (1977) varied communicator expertise as well as
attractiveness and found that while the attractiveness of the non
expert source did affect message acceptance, that of the expert did
not. Kamins (1990) found for both male and female participants, an
attractive male endorser was associated with more positive evalua
tions of an ad for a luxury sports car, but not for ratings of a per
sonal computer ad.
A study by Widgery and Ruch (1981), in which a photo of an
attractive/unattractive "communicator" was coupled with a state
ment that drunken drivers should be jailed, showed a stronger effect
of communicator attractiveness on attitude change in low than in
high Machiavellian individuals. Thus, the impact of source attrac
tiveness on message acceptance may be moderated by other source
characteristics, by the nature of the message theme or product adver
tised, or by attributes of the recipients themselves. The discussion
focuses on how one particular recipient characteristic—body dissatis
faction—might strengthen the influence of source attractiveness on
acceptance of advertising for certain types of products/services.

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 SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 147

BODY DISSATISFACTION AND RESPONSES TO ADVERTISING:

DIRECTIONS FOR RESEARCH

It is now possible to focus on the question whether women wh

particularly dissatisfied with their bodies are especially suscepti
persuasion attempts by those whose physical appearances rep
the cultural ideal.7 Research suggests that the question merit
ation. In particular, individuals classified (by themselves or othe
physically unattractive tend to show a reduced ability to res
pressure (Adams 1975, 1977). While fashion models and other
endorsers considered very attractive may not be peers in the eyes of
the "average" female consumer, studies show that male and female
consumers alike use them as standards by which to judge the attrac
tiveness of other, more "ordinary" females (Kenrick and Gutierres
1980; Kenrick, Gutierres, and Goldberg 1989; Richins 1991). For
females, these models constitute an aspirational reference group
(Cocanougher and Bruce 1971). As such, they may play a major part
in many of the product and brand choices of girls and women (Solo
mon 1992). They would be expected to exert influence especially
when the product/service or the results of using it are "socially con
spicuous"—that is, visible to others (e.g., clothing, cosmetics, diet
programs and foods, liposuction surgery) (Bearden and Etzel 1982;
Solomon 1992, 359). It seems plausible that women who are more
dissatisfied with their bodies (and therefore more susceptible to peer
pressure) may be more persuadable by attractive (thin) endorsers of
such products and services. More specifically it is predicted that:

PI. The more dissatisfied a woman is with her body, the more
positively she will evaluate an advertisement for a socially
conspicuous brand, product, or service featuring a physically
attractive female endorser or model.

P2. The more dissatisfied a woman is with her body, the more
positive will be her evaluation of a socially conspicuous
brand, product, or service advertised by a physically attrac
tive endorser.

The Mintz and Betz (1988) study indicates what might motivate a
more positive product, service, or brand evaluation. In their survey

'The extent to which this cultural ideal holds true for important subcultures such as African
Americans and Hispanics has not been addressed in the literature.

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 148 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS

of the weight-control practices of under

authors found that individuals who used "more serious forms of
weight control" (e.g., laxatives or vomiting) were more likely to be
dissatisfied with their bodies and also to agree with statements
reflecting sociocultural appearance-based stereotypes (such as
"attractive people are more poised and outgoing" or "obese people
are weak-willed and self-indulgent"). This finding indicates that
higher levels of body dissatisfaction are associated with an increased
tendency to attribute socially desirable traits to those who are judged
physically attractive by virtue of being thin. As noted, research indi
cates that such trait attributions may at least partially mediate the
impact of communicator attractiveness on message acceptance.
Thus, Proposition 3 provides an explanation of why more dissatis
fied women might be expected to evaluate a product or brand more
positively if it is advertised by an attractive endorser.

P3. Women who are more dissatisfied with their bodies will be
more likely to ascribe socially desirable traits to a physically
attractive endorser.

The three propositions are illustrated in Figure 1. In sum, it is pre

dicted that women who are especially dissatisfied with their physiques
will be particularly vulnerable to advertising that features representa
tives of the cultural ideal endorsing brands, products, or services that
are socially conspicuous or result in visible changes in appearance.
Studies to test these propositions should use stable measures of
body image and eating-disordered behavior, such as the Eating Dis
orders Inventory (Garner, Olmsted, and Polivy 1983). These
measures could be correlated with measures of the effectiveness of
advertisements involving thin female endorsers. It is important to

FIGURE 1
How Body Dissatisfaction May Affect Responses to Advertisements Featuring
Attractive Models

Body ^ Inferences about ^ Brand

Dissatisfaction
Dissatisfaction —
— ~" —— Model's
""" *T Traits
Model's — —
Traits — —
— —
— —
— —>■ Evaluations
— —Evaluations

I *
I™"™1——Evaluations
Evaluations
Ad
Ad

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SUMMER 1994 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 1 149

note that such studies would not provide e

tion between body dissatisfaction and sus
attempts by attractive sources. They would, however, indicate
whether there is an association worth delving into further. As dis
cussed, causality could exist in either—or both—directions.
Research in the immediate future should focus on advertising for
thinness-enhancing products and services as many are potentially
harmful. As previously discussed, there are hazards associated with
diet programs and chronic dieting. Thinness-enhancing surgical tech
niques also carry risks. For example, liposuction, the fastest-growing
cosmetic surgery, was performed on 130,000 American women in
1990; of these, at least 14 died. Intestinal bypass surgery, also per
formed primarily on women, has an even worse track record accord
ing to Wolf.

Intestinal stapling causes 37 possible complications, including severe malnutri

tion, liver damage, liver failure, irregular heartbeat, brain and nerve damage,
stomach cancer, immune deficiency, pernicious anemia, and death. One
patient in ten develops ulcers within six months. Her mortality rate is nine
times above that of an identical person who forgoes surgery; two to four per
cent die within days, and the eventual death toll may be much higher (Wolf
1991, 261).

The procedure was developed for patients more than 100 pounds
overweight, but it has been performed on women weighing as little as
154 (Wolf 1991).

POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND ETHICAL ISSUES

The Federal Trade Commission has a long history of attem

protect vulnerable groups of consumers. This paper suggests th
mental and physical health of young women may be dramatical
negatively impacted by the use of models in advertisements th
the cultural norm for attractiveness/thinness, a stereotype tha
women are unable to attain. Such advertisements may be "
according to the standards set by the FTC (Ford and Calfe
For instance, in the International Harvester case (104 FTC 949,
1062), the Commission noted that "the unfairness statement should
be read as essentially endorsing cost-benefit analysis" (92). Thus, the
Commission looks to see whether the costs derived from an advertis
ing claim outweigh the benefits before acting in the consumers' inter
est. The discussion in this manuscript clearly demonstrates that there

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 150 the journal of consumer affairs

are substantial costs in terms of

gesting that use of the unfairnes
Of course, additional primary r
order to explore the proposition
others along similar lines. Advertis
beauty stimulates or manipulates
ful models are used to capture the
process advertising messages. In
feminine beauty may act to tem
women and unrealistically suggest
to correct such physical "flaws."
women in this society, the possible
cantly greater.
The Federal Trade Commission c
from this stream of research to aid
rently controversial product cate
that fit this criterion include diet
products such as diet soft drinks
caloric intake. Other less obvious
(e.g., Virginia Slims) and cosmeti
implicit message: "Use our product and you'll be thin!" This
research and regulatory activity may show that the use of more accu
rate and representative portrayals of women in advertisements will
help alleviate this problem, particularly for younger females who are
struggling with new physical and psychological identities as women.

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