The Intrinsic Value of Cultural Heritage and its Relationship to Sustainable Tourism

Development: The Contrasting Experiences of Jamaica and Japan

Author(s): JANICE FRANCIS-LINDSAY
Source: Caribbean Quarterly , June, 2009, Vol. 55, No. 2, CARIBBEAN ARCHAEOLOGY
and MATERIAL CULTURE (June, 2009), pp. 151-168, viii
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40655198

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 151

The Intrinsic Value of Cultural Heritage and

its Relationship to Sustainable Tourism
Development: The Contrasting Experiences of
Jamaica and Japan

JANICE FRANCIS-LINDSAY

"....tourism has become the biggest industry in the world, and

cultural heritage provides much of its life-blood" (Swedish
International Development Agency [SIDA], 1998).

Introduction

It is an accepted fact that tourism is a dynamic element of national life. It is a

phenomenon that societies cannot escape once they open their gateways to the
world. The globally accepted definition for the term is presented by the United
Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) as, "the activities of persons
travelling to and staying in places outside their usual environment for not more
than one consecutive year for leisure, business and other purposes" (UNWTO,
2007). In recent decades the concept of tourism has broadened as the industry
reacts to global changes such as developments in travel, and a more conscientious
traveller who seeks a specific type and quality of vacation. The industry has
therefore seen a slowing of mass tourism and the emergence of specialized
markets including health and Wellness tourism, sports tourism, religious tourism,
rural tourism, event tourism, eco-tourism and cultural heritage tourism.

Cultural heritage tourism has perhaps been the most prominent of the
emerging tourism niches and is viewed by industry players as the most successful
specialized tourism market or niche. For example the Swedish International
Development Agency (SIDA) acknowledges that tourism has for some time been
accepted as the biggest industry in the world and has argued, "cultural heritage
provides much of its lifeblood" (SIDA, 1998). Experts in the field also argue that
heritage is responsible for the rejuvenation of a dying tourism product. "Heritage
has been a key tool for bringing tourism into and regenerating declining urban and

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rural areas and bringing life to previously derelict industrial regions" (Timothy
and Boyd, 2003, p. 11). Still there are those who maintain that there is a "fragile
balance between tourism consumption and heritage conservation" (Leask & Fyall,
2006, p. 163) as a result of the growing social and environmental pressures being
brought to bear on tangible heritage. The most notable example is the impact on
several sites that have been inscribed on the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organisation's (UNESCO) World Heritage List. The list
was formalized to conserve and protect sites of outstanding universal appeal;
however, in recent decades the countries seeking a place on the world heritage list
are also motivated by the economic value that many associate with the listing.
Though there have been no decisive studies to show that inscription to the list
contributes to increased visitor numbers there is some suggestion that there is a
direct correlation. The Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report 2008 has
revealed that natural and cultural resources are among the most important
performance indicators in determining top tourist destinations in Europe, North
America and Asia regions that enjoy high tourist numbers. According to the World
Economic Forum (2008) countries that are able to offer travellers access to cultural
and natural assets have a competitive advantage, based on a number of
environmental attractiveness measures that are used, including the number of
UNESCO natural and cultural world heritage sites in a country.

It is this shift in how societies view cultural heritage that has resulted in the
effort to understand the socio-cultural issues that arise when vestiges of the past
become the selling point of this economy-driven industry, making this an
important unit of analysis for cultural anthropologists. Tourism expert and
academic Peter M. Burns, in An Introduction to Tourism and Anthropology
(1999), reflects on the 19th century beginnings of anthropology, and more notably,
makes causal linkages between the social sciences and tourism within the context
of significant global trends currently taking place in the industry. Burns argues that
tourism should never be viewed merely as a "business" that produces revenue for
individuals, and/or countries, but must be analysed in an effort to understand the
complexities, social interaction, rules, attitudes towards strangers, belief systems
and a host of other elements that make up culture (Burns, 1999, p. 6). This paper
considers the fundamental basis of cultural anthropology, in relation to the rapidly
occurring fragmentations taking place in tourism, and how the latter impact the
intrinsic value that is placed on cultural heritage. It deliberates the emerging issues
of inter-dependence and tolerance that must co-exist in this complex socio-cultural
industry.

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Let us therefore consider a socio-cultural factor, which is rarely

contemplated within this rapidly growing tourism niche - the intrinsic value of
cultural heritage and its relationship to sustainable tourism development. This
issue calls for some exploration in light of recent trends that point to a
"commodification" of heritage in the tourism industry, a challenge that affects the
sustainability of both heritage and tourism. Bob McKercher and Hilary du Cros in
Cultural tourism: The Partnership between tourism and cultural heritage
management (2007) argue that there are challenges in achieving sustainable
cultural tourism. In presenting their arguments McKercher and du Cros have
focused their attention on some of the deficiencies in heritage management and
tourism. Emerging from this analysis they have identified differences in goals,
administrative structure and attitudes to assets as contrasting elements between the
two forms of tourism product. This paper argues that despite the range of
differences between the two disciplines, the divide can be reduced if
societies - communities in particular - consider the significance of valuing
cultural heritage. The "intrinsic value" of heritage speaks to the inherent worth that
is placed on a country's cultural identity. "Intrinsic value" is concerned with the
extent to which people are at one with their past, and are equipped to share the
tangible and intangible cultural heritage to heighten visitor experience. This is an
issue that is often ignored in societies, particularly those with a strong dependence
on tourism.

Third World societies, in particular, have been accused of placing emphasis

on the economic benefits of tourism and ignoring the importance of cultural
awareness among the local population, thereby neglecting the development of
social values that Timothy and Boyd (2003) describe as "the personal and
collective identity that people and society have with 'their' heritage" (ibid, p. 13).
In tracking the development of tourism in the Third World, Regina Scheyvens
(2002, p. 24) cites an observation by Brohman which highlighted what he
considered to be a weakness in many Third World countries: instead of
encouraging domestic tourism or promoting tourism as a means of developing
cross-cultural awareness, Third World societies tend to pursue tourism as a means
of foreign exchange. Brohman argues that this is the reason tourism in the Third
World has an "unpleasant legacy", chief among them cultural decay (Scheyvens,
2002, p. 24).

Cultural decay is largely owing to the absence of intrinsic value on cultural

heritage, which can be attributed in part to an underdeveloped domestic tourism
market. Societies which display higher degrees of value for cultural heritage are

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better able to execute sustainable heritage tourism. The sustainability of heritage

will be dependent on authenticity of the product that is shared with visitors, which
will in turn facilitate a sustainable tourism program that tourists often embrace
because of the "believability" element that is conveyed. The International Council
on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) describes authenticity as "the relative
integrity of a place, an object or an activity in relation to its original creation"
(Mintel Report, 2004). Timothy and Boyd (2003) argue that accuracy is
fundamental to authentic heritage tourism, and they have maintained that there
should be a balance in how to achieve sustainability. They argue that heritage is
often the recreation of a selective past, those elements that a society values as part
of its heritage, and wants to remember and feels proud of. However difficult
"authenticity" is to achieve it is necessary to encourage heritage tourism programs
where communities will place a higher value on those aspects of their heritage they
deem authentic. Bearing in mind that authenticity is determined by the quality of
experience and interpretation, it is plausible that the community will place a higher
value on a heritage that is authentic.

Let us therefore contemplate an issue in the anthropology of

tourism - tourism as social change - within the context of the intrinsic value that
is placed on cultural heritage among the local community. The anthropology of
tourism has covered extensive research about "the tourist", but little work has been
dedicated to understanding the role of people who are central to the "product" of
the destinations visited by tourists, and how their role can influence sustainable
heritage tourism. Any society - developed or developing - can successfully apply
cultural values in an effort to ensure sustainable tourism with practical solutions
(see Figure 1). The ensuing section points to best practices in Japan and
experiences in Jamaica utilizing case studies that highlight attitudes to cultural
heritage, and the socio-economic realities that impact the product.

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Figure 1. "Valuing heritage" - a cyclical element of sustainable heritage

• Social value of heritage - embracing the past as a central and continuous

element of human identity
• Economic value of heritage - "human identity" as a sales agent for big
business

• Political value of heritage - facilitates the continued presence of "human

identity": debating and deciding on what aspects of heritage are
conserved and how to develop these assets.
• Sustainability of heritage - heritage tourism not sustainable if societies
attach only economic (dollar) value and political (biased) value; societies
must first seek to establish and promote continued "intrinsic social
value" of heritage that can be "sustained" in any environment.

Social Issues Impacting Development of Heritage Tourism

The following case studies demonstrate an emerging view that all tourism
niches must be developed around communities and by communities. In fact the
concept of sustainable tourism embraces a community-oriented approach,
encouraging community involvement and participation (Keyser, 2002, p. 381).
The definition is further developed to include three features which are considered
important to tourism's sustainability and carries "people" as its primary
consideration: Quality Sustainability speaks to providing quality experience for

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156

not only the visitor, but creating quality of life for the community and protecting
the environment. Continuity Sustainable Tourism considers stability of the natural
resources of the community, and the endurance of the culture of the host
community. Balance Sustainability is concerned with balancing the needs of the
tourism industry, supporters of the environment and the local community (Key ser,
2002, p. 381).

The case studies also contemplate Butler's Destination Life Cycle (Butler,
2006) shaped from the product cycle concept, which contends that sales of a
product will proceed slowly when it first hits the markets. Eventually it will
experience a rapid growth rate, stabilize and subsequently decline in sales. Richard
Butler applies this general concept to the tourism area life cycle, arguing that in its
initial stage (the exploratory stage) visitors will come to an area in small numbers.
The numbers will increase owing to a mix of factors including increased marketing
and this leads to the development stage. With development comes certain
challenges including an area's carrying capacity, that is, its ability to manage the
increased numbers of tourists to the area. These and other challenges give way to
changes in the cycle including consolidation, stagnation and decline. The case
studies demonstrate the extent to which local residents, stakeholders and other
interests influence the "life cycle" of their respective heritage tourism product.

Case Study One. Gassho Zukuri Houses of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama:

The Experience of a Leading World Heritage Site in Japan

The historic villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama ( COLOUR PLATE 9,

p. viii) which were settled in the 12th century, offer an example of the far-reaching
benefits that can be attained when local communities demonstrate initiative and

resolve to protect their cultural heritage. The villages, located in the Chubu region
within the mountain range of rural Japan, were declared a World Heritage Site by
UNESCO in 1995 primarily as a result of the local Gassho Zukuri style of
vernacular houses which have gained recognition worldwide for their distinctive
architecture.

The houses were built by local farmers between the 17th century and the
beginning of the 20th century. As a UNESCO/NHK (2007) video feature
observed, "the Gassho style houses have been homes for people used to hardship",
however this fact contradicts the architectural magnificence of the houses. Bruno
Taut, a German architect who wrote extensively on the architecture of Japanese
houses, commented that "Gassho-style houses had a very rational and theoretical
structure and were a rare type of dwelling for a commoner to live in" (as cited by
Miyazaki, para. 6) The story that resonates most profoundly about the historic

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districts of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama is the authentic lifestyle of a humble

social class of Japanese, who passionately embrace their past in the face of
changing socio-economic climate.

Distinctive Architecture

The prominence of the gassho zukuri house is a legacy of Japanese

architectural tradition, Japan having the distinction of being named "one of the
world's most important examples of a country which has developed an
architectural tradition based entirely on wood" (Saito and Inaba, 1996, p. 61).
Travel around Japan reveals many homes, and some commercial buildings which
are made primarily of wood, a practice that dates back to ancient Japanese history.
The gassho zukuri houses are referred to as "minka" one of two classifications of
vernacular type houses in the country (Saito and Inaba, 1996, p. 61).

Figure 2: The Gassho Zukuri houses displaying slant roofs in the form of 'praying hands'
(Photogrph by K.Suemori, 2004).

The UNESCO World Heritage centre web site notes that the houses were
built on an immense scale, with three-to-five storey buildings made with timber,
straw and rope - no nails were used. The thatched roofs, it was explained, were
built so high and steep that it looks like putting ones hands together to pray (Figure
2). In fact, 'gassho' literally means 'praying hands.'

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The steeply sloped roof structure allows heavy rain and snow to slide off
rather than pile up, thereby giving longevity to the roofs which are usually
replaced every 40-50 years (UNESCO, 2008). The houses themselves were so
large they could accommodate multiple extended families of up to 40 people.

At the end of the 19th century, there were still 1,800 gassho-style houses in
the Shirakawa-go and Gokayama areas. Today fewer than 200 of these houses
remain. Many have been destroyed by natural disasters like forest fires, or when
they deteriorated, were not restored because of the high cost of restoration. With
this alarming destruction rate some houses have been preserved, while others were
restored and re-used for entrepreneurial activity. According to Saito and Inaba
(1996, p. 56) the high level of adaptive re-use suggests that these gassho-style
houses are recognized as unique examples of Japan's wooden architectural
heritage and are valued highly by the Japanese people.

Tourism Appeal

The local residents have ensured that the visitor experience goes beyond
architectural appeal and reflects their lifestyle, including their food, traditional
parades and dance performances, religious rites, along with the general activities
in which they engage on a day-to-day basis. Visitors therefore gain a rich
experience from the moment they are welcomed at one of at least a dozen of the old
farm houses that are open for lodgers. Though these farm houses are equipped
with electricity, heaters and a small bath and toilet, these facilities still show levels
of simplicity that characterized these houses' residents 200 years ago.

The sense of community, another global attraction, is especially reinforced

when the local population joins to undertake the tedious restoration of one of the
giant houses. UNESCO in its assessment of the villages concludes that it is "the
warmth and affection among the villagers that is perhaps their most precious
tradition of all" (UNESCO/NHK, 2007). This sense of community spirit, which
impacts the extent to which local residents value their environment, is encouraged
as a result of an established social system adapted in the villages outlined by Saito
and Inaba.

In each village in the Shirakawa-go/Gokayama area there is a

mutual help organization called the "kumi", composed of
neighborhood households, operating under a special cooperative
system which had been followed continuously since the Edo period
and which is still active now (Saito and Inaba, 1996, p. 47).

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A feature of the kumi system is the "yui", a type of labour exchange, which was
developed to obtain the help of 1 00-200 people to re-roof one house in a day. The
Japanese believe in "spiritual fulfillment" over "material affluence," and as such
protection of cultural properties embody this thinking.

Challenges

While it is a challenge for the local administration of Shirakawa-go and

Gokayama to balance authentic daily living with the pressures of a quickly
developing tourism product, they are intent on ensuring that the immense value
they place on their history is maintained despite pressures from the outside world.
"We want to develop this district in our own way, while continuing to place
importance on our daily lives" (Miyazaki, para. 13). Part of the growing tourist
appeal is the extent to which the community has maintained the authenticity of the
area. According to UNESCO, prior to the village being named a World Heritage
site, the area received approximately 500,000 tourists. However, Shirakawa-go
has been enjoying over 1.5 million tourists annually since its addition to the
UNESCO heritage listing. This is an impressive visitor trend; however, the issue
of the villages' "tourism carrying capacity" comes into question. Tourism carrying
capacity, which is used to determine the maximum number of visitors that could be
accommodated in a particular setting, is essential insofar as it helps to control
threats to the village by assessing factors such as environmental, physical, social
and managerial issues that can influence the community's carrying capacity
(Keyser, 2002, p. 391). Communities like Shirakawa-go highlight the need for
tourism planning specifically as it relates to traffic and its impact on the landscape.
The motorway which was built in the 1 960s to accommodate traffic is no longer
effective in controlling the heavy flow of visitors to the community (Shimizu,
2008).

Because Shirakawa-go/Gokayama enjoys the direct involvement of the

local population, efforts to protect the rich legacy of the villages have been
successful. Citing a success story from one of the communities, Saito and Inaba
(1996) pointed to Ogimachi village in Shirakawa-mura, where the people of the
village spearheaded the establishment of the Association for the Protection of the
Natural Environment of Shirakawa-go Ogimachi Village. The Association which
was formed in 1971 also developed the village residents' charter in the same year,
a preservation movement which preserved the whole village including the fields,
canals, roads and forests (Saito and Inaba, 1996, p. 56). The communities have
established even more practical approaches to ensure the protection of their
cultural heritage in the form of "brochure guidelines" distributed to visitors. A

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pamphlet printed by the Ainokura community Welcome to Ainokura Gassho-style

Homes (Anonymous, 2005), reminds visitors that no smoking is allowed in the
village because the thatched roofs of the gassho houses are highly flammable.
Visitors are allowed to smoke in designated areas, but are not allowed to smoke
while walking around the village, and cigarette butts are not to be thrown on the
ground. The result is pristine environments, such as the one shown in COLOUR
PLATE 10 (p. viii). Additionally, visitors are implored to respect the privacy of
local residents and not to enter homes, fields and other living spaces. Outsiders are
not allowed to drive into the village, and sightseeing in the early morning and after
dusk is prohibited. Visitors are also asked to take their trash home with them as a
contribution to protecting the natural scenery and cultural property of the villages.

Shirakawa-go offers many lessons, particularly as it relates to the underlying

components that are essential in successfully creating and balancing authentic
lifestyles and tourism development. This historic World Heritage site
demonstrates that a successful niche in heritage tourism begins with how members
of a society view their past, the importance individuals place on their past, and the
extent .to which they are prepared to preserve that past. But what of the future of
this site? Will the intrinsic value embraced by its people be enough to sustain its
presence in Japanese heritage? It will when the issue of sustainability is
recognized and applied within the context of the cyclical nature of sustainability
heritage tourism. Heidi Keyser suggests that there are four players that are integral
to achieving sustainable heritage tourism, "the tourism industry, visitors, and the
environment and host communities" (Keyser, 2002, p. 380).

The local community will find itself facing other challenges over time,
especially as it relates to valuing their community's heritage in the face of
economic pressures of tourism. Richard Butler's Destination Area Life-cycle
model, which describes the progress of destinations or attractions through
'growth-peak-decline' (Keyser, 2002, p. 375), points to a cycle that consists of the
exploration, involvement, development, consolidation, stagnation, decline and
rejuvenation stages. Shirakawa-go is edging toward the developmental stage,
which Butler describes as demonstrating a well-defined tourist market area
developed in part by heavy advertising. This is also the stage where changes in the
environment begin to take place that are often not supported by local community,
and the type of tourist would also have changed (Butler, 2006, p. 6). While it is
nearly impossible to maintain a constant position in the destination cycle, the
community is working to make full use of the involvement stage where there still

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remains a high level of authentic visitor experience that allows for greater levels of
interaction with the local population.

While these villages see an increased tourism presence, some residents

continue to resist the glare of tourism development, suggesting that the incentive
to restore and preserve their traditional lifestyle is influenced primarily by the
intrinsic value local residents place on their heritage.

Case Study 2: Falmouth Historic District, One of the Caribbean's Best

Preserved Towns

Falmouth' s development occurred as a result of the hard work of newly

freed slaves, and former slave owners, who managed to coexist following one o
the most controversial periods of Jamaica's history in the mid 18th century.
Falmouth gained prominence early in its history by having running water in
people's homes before the bustling United States metropolis of New York. The
port was also hailed in its early development as the best planned town in Jamaica
Grand structures positioned next to small yet beautifully designed homes spoke to
the variants that existed in the socio-economic climate of the period. Falmouth
stands as testament to an important era in Jamaica's history, and the architecture
tells the intriguing tale that shaped the development of this town. In the town w
see a juxtaposition of grand and humble structures of the Georgian era (Figure 3 a
and 3b).

Figure 3a: A two-storey building made Figure 3b: Small wooden house.
predominantly of brick.

Both photographs courtesy of Gavern Tate, Jamaica National Heritage Trust

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It is not uncommon to see small wooden houses positioned throughout the

Falmouth district, balancing the grand brick structures in the town. Vernacular
houses are also a distinctive feature of Falmouth's architectural heritage. Some of
these houses boast detailed fretwork, zinc roofing and bargeboards to the front of
the veranda.

Falmouth's contribution to the island's development in the 18th and 19th

century when it thrived as a political and commercial centre and a bustling seaport
for rum and sugar, and the distinctive architectural heritage that remain intact are
all factors that resulted in its subsequent declaration as a Historic District in 1996.
Following this declaration by the Jamaica National Heritage Trust, instead of
gaining a coveted presence on UNESCO's World Heritage List, the historic
district was listed on the World Monuments Fund 1 00 Most Endangered Sites. The
Fund, citing Falmouth as one of the Caribbean's best preserved towns, having in
its historic district the largest intact collection of Georgian period buildings in the
region, listed the town as an endangered site. Falmouth was first included on the
Watch List in 2000, and maintained a presence in 2002, 2004 and 2008 with
economic and developmental pressures cited as its primary threats.

Falmouth: Eyeing Tourism Development

The historic district has attracted local and international assistance from

individuals and charities including the Falmouth Heritage Renewal (FHR), since
its repeated presence on the World Monuments Fund 100 Most Endangered Sites.
The organisation was registered in 200 1 as a public charity in the United States and
Jamaica, and is headed by Executive Director James Parrent, who has been
actively restoring and preserving historic buildings in the town.

By 2007 the FHR had restored 30 of the buildings in the town (Brennan,
2007). While it has managed to undertake some preservation work on the town's
small Georgian homes, 150 of which were present in the town in 1793, there are
concerns about the life span of these structures due to natural elements and limited
funding. Many of the small homes that do remain in Falmouth are occupied by
poor Jamaicans whose social realities preclude their restoring their homes, and as
such poverty cannot be overlooked as a real factor affecting restoration efforts.
There are many residents, however, who value the legacy of not just their homes,
but also the town itself, and this has "slowed the destruction of the heritage of the
town as Falmouth's people begin to understand their past and its importance"
(Ebanks, 2006). In the meantime, however, local residents seem unsure of what to
make of the legacy that surrounds them, and many appear to be more concerned
about the poverty and unemployment that has beset the town. The development of

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Falmouth as a bustling resort town is therefore a prospect that local residents

anticipate. President of the Trelawny Chamber of Commerce, Dennis Seivwright,
expressed optimism with the plans, which include restoration of several sites in the
town. According to Seivwright:

One of our biggest challenges is that we need to in a very serious

way, train our people in every aspect of the development process.
What concerns me about this development is how it will affect our
local people. If the person on the street is not conscious of the
benefit to them, they are going to feel invaded, they are going to
feel opposed (Campbell, 2005, http://www.jamaicaobserver.com)

While visitor arrivals have not yet inundated Falmouth, it will be important
for the Jamaica National Heritage Trust (JNHT) as Jamaica's heritage planner and
manager to monitor and control the town's carrying capacity. Plans for a cruise
shipping pier to be established in Falmouth, and efforts to have the historic site
listed on UNESCO's World Heritage List are two major projects that can threaten
the physical environment, as well as create undue social problems for the local
population. Sustainable tourism may not be achieved if these developments are not
efficiently handled and do not take into account the crucial role of locals. While no
one sector or group will determine sustainable tourism in communities, many such
groups, including businesses, recognize that local communities can play a role in
diverse and sustainable tourism. Yet not many are taking the responsibility
seriously to carry this observation through (Forsyth, 1996). The way forward
therefore, for communities like Falmouth, is to build the cultural heritage
awareness of locals by developing the domestic tourism market to attract
Jamaicans to partake in and embrace an authentic feature of their history. Building
and nurturing awareness can be achieved through various initiatives as
demonstrated by the work of the Falmouth Heritage Renewal Program. The FHR
announced that a major project for 2008 was the expansion of its trainee program
to provide job skills to even more local youth in the town (Brennan, 2007).
Through such an initiative the FHR is making it possible for young people to learn
about and value the architectural heritage of the town. It is expected that this
should go a long way in also encouraging community members to become active
"cultural bearers" particularly for the tourism market. Domestic tourism has never
specifically sought to spur Jamaicans' interest in their country's diverse cultural
and natural assets, yet ironically this is the core marketing pitch to international
tourists. This imbalance may be a direct result of Ghimire's observation that

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164

domestic tourism suffers in developing countries because there appears to be

limited economic growth potential (Ghimire, 1997).

It is expected that, like Shirakawa-go, Falmouth should enjoy steady tourist

arrivals following its presence on the UNESCO World Heritage List. There is
already an inflow of tourists, largely persons visiting the neighbouring resorts of
Montego Bay and Ocho Rios. While the historic district itself has enjoyed high
levels of restoration, there is concern about the town's readiness as a heritage
tourism destination. Like many of the heritage centres in Jamaica, Falmouth
Historic District has yet to realize its full potential, and as such using Butler's
Destination Area Lifecycle model (Butler, 2006, p. 5) as a guide, the town may be
categorized as remaining at its exploration stage. This is the first stage of the cycle
where tourism has not fully impacted the community. It is felt that small numbers
of visitors are attracted to an area partially as a result of poor access and facilities,
and the area's unspoilt beauty and culture. Falmouth's heritage appeal is
undeniable, but it is clear that the town is not yet ready for tourism development,
while it is the extent to which the community values "the product" that will help
develop a sustained tourism market. Not only do residents require additional
exposure, but the public and private sector interests in the community also need to
embrace the social significance of the town's heritage.

The sustainable heritage tourism "cycle" (see Figure 1 above) which points
to the need to first establish and maintain social intrinsic value over economic and

political value is relevant in cases such as the Falmouth Historic District where any
rapid development in heritage tourism can only result in long term socio-economic
damage to the community. Why? This is seen as early as the third and fourth stages
in Butler's Destination Cycle; during the Development and Consolidation stages
communities often begin experiencing problems of overuse and deterioration of
facilities as a result of the tourism flow. One of the challenges that faces Falmouth
is that unlike Shirakawa-go, where there is stable value placed on the community's
heritage, key stakeholders such as residents and officials are unaware of the
significance of the town's architectural heritage, highlighting the concern that
officials in particular often only recognise the economic value of heritage tourism.

Conclusion

This paper sought to put into perspective the relevance of the anthropology
of tourism and its impact on current trends within the sector. It presented the notion
that countries, whether developed or developing must shape distinctive tourism
products if they are to remain competitive. Further, it is recognized that while there
are a number of tourism niches to meet the growing demands of the travelling

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 165

public, heritage tourism has been cited as the most relevant, widely impacting, and
saleable. Heritage tourism, however, carries dynamic issues of identity, humanity,
respect, and attitude - all entrenched in value systems, which will be critical in
charting authentic experiences - features that have been cited as critical for the
"new" tourist. The arguments in the paper maintain that in order to develop
heritage tourisms that reflect society's way of life, customs and traditions, local
populations will have to be lead marketers, promoters and conveyors of the
messages.

However, the challenge lies in the extent to which the local population is
fully equipped to execute this role. The paper posits that it is an examination of the
value placed on heritage that will determine the extent to which societies can
expect this level of participation from the local population. If individuals in
communities, business leaders, policy makers and government representatives
themselves are not knowledgeable about and respectful of their heritage, a
country's effort to develop its cultural heritage product will be crippled seriously
even before it is developed. Using Butler's Destination Life Cycle model as a
guide, the paper considers the risks likely to take place in each stage of the cycle if
the local population does not figure prominently and if "intrinsic value" is absent
from the process.

This paper recommends measures using Japanese best practices as a guide,

to bring about revitalization of intrinsic value placed on cultural heritage
specifically as it relates to channelling sustainable tourism. The paper suggests
instilling key aspects of cultural heritage in the psyche of youth early in the
education process, just as is done in the case of reading and writing. This will
ensure that children become repositories of cultural heritage, an undertaking that
will ensure continuity and an innate appreciation of their country's history.
Although it is difficult to determine its effectiveness as a solution, legislation and
policies that protect and promote tangible heritage can help to instill value change
among individuals.

The underlying thinking of the paper argues that as long as the economic and
political value of cultural heritage dominates the intrinsic social values, societies
and local communities will always struggle with achieving sustainable heritage
tourism. It is therefore suggested that societies, in particular those that rely on
tourism as major income earners, develop the domestic tourist market as a means
of shaping interest, enthusiasm and pride among locals. It was highlighted that one
of the weaknesses of Third World societies is the excessive focus on the

international tourism market, and failure to develop the local market. New

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166

thinking about the role of domestic tourism markets and Ghimire's United Nations
study questions whether national and regional tourism should be developed in a
more self-reliant manner, using local materials, labour forces and skills and
creating new sources of employment and income. What are the realistic prospects
for redistributing both the accrued benefits and the costs more equitably across
regions and social groups?

Ghimire's study dispels the myth that domestic tourism is limited in its
capacity to provide needed revenue for capital budgets. It instead presents the
promise that local communities can participate in tourism activities that "lead to
improved livelihoods, ecology and social cohesion" (Ghimire, 1997). The present
paper maintains that in order to change attitudes and awaken appreciation among
local populations about their cultural heritage, governments, private sector and
non-government bodies must encourage and expand domestic tourism, and
sustainable heritage tourism should be realized when locals acknowledge and
embrace the "intrinsic value" of the tangible heritage of their environments.

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