Handbook of Transnational Crime and Justice - (Chapter 3 Measuring and Researching Transnational Crime)

CHAPTER 3
Measuring and Researching

Transnational Crime
Rosemary Barberet
S
cholars in criminology and criminal justice reflected in criminological research methods
have long lamented the lack of research in courses (Barberet, 2004). Future scholars need
international criminal justice and crimi- to be trained from the very beginning of their
nology, acknowledged the challenges for con- research careers to conduct, and most important,
ducting good research in these areas, and to dare to conduct international research, includ-
welcomed the growth of research in recent years ing research on transnational crime. This is chal-
(Bennett, 2004; Howard, Newman, & Pridemore, lenging to do because at this stage (1) international
2000; Natarajan, 2011; Nelken, 2011; Redo, 2012; research is often out of students’ knowledge and
Pakes, 2004; Sheptycki & Wardak, 2005; Shoham, ability reach; (2) what must be included in such a
Knepper, & Kett, 2010; Smith, Zhang, & Barberet, course is rarely included in research methods
2011; Stamatel, 2009; van Dijk, 2007; Watts, textbooks, and even denigrated therein; (3) tradi-
Bessant, & Hil, 2008; Winslow & Zhang, 2008). tional research methods courses ignore the chal-
Stamatel (2009) and van Dijk (2007), among oth- lenges of researching in developing countries or
ers, encourage researchers to overcome the conflict-ridden societies’; (4) “hands-on” assign-
methodological challenges implicit in conduct- ments are hampered by not being present at the
Copyright © 2013. SAGE Publications. All rights reserved.
ing comparative international research. This research site overseas; (5) such additions to the
chapter examines the specific problems of course saturate the already dense curriculum for
researching transnational crime: how to measure methods courses; and (6) criminology students
and analyze it.1 are rarely obliged to learn languages besides
Very little methodological literature is avail- English, in order to conduct research in non-
able on the difficulties of studying transnational English-speaking countries. The transnational
crime, and traditional criminological research nature of crime and how to measure it defy many
training pays little attention to the study of trans- traditional research methods, as we will see in
national crime. This inattention to the particu- this chapter. That is due to the mobility and elu-
larities of international/comparative research is siveness of offenders and victims, innovation in
47
Handbook of Transnational Crime and Justice, edited by Philip L. Reichel, and Jay S. Albanese, SAGE Publications, 2013. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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Created from uniofmindanao-ebooks on 2021-10-01 14:20:47.
48——PART I: The Problem of Transnational Crime
modus operandi, and dangerousness of the population, inquiring as to their victimization),

research subject. Much transnational crime research and (c) self-report data (that gathered through
uses anecdotal evidence—unsystematically gath- surveys of samples of the general population,
ered or analyzed data, case studies of limited inquiring about their involvement in crime or
generalizability, or indirect data gathered from anti-social behavior). Each data source has its
expert perceptions. However, new, innovative pros and cons and not all are directly comparable
methods are being developed that are promising to each other: rather, scholars generally agree
avenues for future research. that they are complementary. The general rule of
This chapter takes a critical look at the thumb is that the closer the data gatherer is to the
research methods used in transnational crime crime itself (in space and time), the more valid
research, but it has a positive outlook on how and reliable the data will be. That is because the
new methods are being developed in this field. criminal justice system generally acts as a funnel,
Therefore, the chapter first outlines crime mea- filtering and sometimes distorting the input into
surement as developed by conventional crimi- the criminal justice system at each level. Members
nologists and how it does or does not work in of the general public may experience a crime, but
providing adequate measures for transnational not all will call the police or see their case
crime. It then describes some of the better com- through to sentencing. Members of the general
posite analyses available for transnational crime public may also commit crimes, but not all will
that rely on triangulating data sources and meth- be detected, recorded, arrested, charged,
ods of measurement. Finally, the chapter ends by arraigned, convicted, and sentenced to prison. At
highlighting recent advances in knowledge in the each stage in the criminal justice process, attri-
area of measurement and analytical methods for tion occurs, and at the exit from the criminal
transnational crime. Special attention is devoted justice system, the final crime picture is a selec-
to qualitative measurement of transnational tive, and usually biased, sample of the original
crime: The field is often fixated on quantitative incidents.
measurement, but qualitative measures are also The developments in alternatives to official
useful in describing the nature and extent of crime measurement—the advent of victimization
transnational crime (Reichel, 2004). The chapter and self-report surveys—are some of the impor-
ends with an acknowledgment of the political tant contributions of 20th-century criminology.
nature of the data and methods used in transna- However, most of these conventional methods of
tional crime research. measuring the nature and extent of crime quan-
titatively are problematic in providing measures
of the extent and nature of transnational crime.
General Measures of Crime and First, they are problematic in the same way as for
Their Usefulness for Measuring measuring common, domestic crime compara-
Transnational Crime tively in a cross-national context: Countries have

different cultural norms (e.g., status of women
The purpose of crime measurement is to obtain and children), legal systems, different legal defi-
valid, reliable, and in the case of international nitions, and different ways of detecting, record-
crime measurement, comparable crime data. ing, and counting crime. One could argue that
This includes (a) official data (that gathered by countries that have ratified the U.N. Convention
government agencies—e.g., police, border patrol on Transnational Organized Crime (see U.N.
and customs, courts, corrections, public health Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2004)
authorities), (b) victimization data (that gath- have signed on to a harmonized international
ered through surveys of samples of the general definition of transnational organized crime:
Chapter 3: Measuring and Researching Transnational Crime——49
however, the definition is not operationalized for report crime (e.g., insurance coverage, access to
social science purposes in the convention nor has related public services). Even public health facili-
any uniform data-gathering strategy, apart from ties can be inaccessible, and the recent example
that used to measure drug trafficking, been proof Syria shows us that by persecuting physicians
posed (but see Alvazzi, 2010). But beyond these who treat wounded protesters, governments can
problems of definition and recording practices, effectively dissuade the use of public hospital
the nature of transnational crime and its rela- facilities by wounded victims (Doctors Without
tively new acknowledgment as an area of interest Borders, 2012). Thus, the dark (i.e., unreported)
for criminologists (and others) means that con- figure of crime in official crime data can be sub-
ventional crime data sources either do not stantial and is the major reason that criminolo-
include transnational crime or, by the nature of gists in the 20th century developed new measures
the method used, could not. of crime that do not depend on the consent or
Data sources for crime are most prevalent in authorization of the State.
the developed world, and in particular, in parts of Despite the many disadvantages of official
the developed world with active criminal justice crime data, they are most likely at the present
academic and management capacity—where moment to provide some measure of transna-
expertise has been developed on how to research tional crime in countries where these acts are
crime and where government agencies find that criminalized. However, they often make infer-
“evidence” useful in their work. Most middle- ences about the transnational nature of the
and low-income countries have very few data offense that is detected and recorded by the
sources to choose from, and official data may be authorities. It is importance to remember that all
all there is available, since at minimum, police the crimes considered transnational by the
around the world are routinely expected to keep United Nations—drug trafficking, human traf-
some kind of record of their activities in detect- ficking, stolen property, counterfeiting, cyber-
ing crime. Increasingly, public health officials crime and fraud, commercial vices, extortion
have been called on to aid in providing data and racketeering, money laundering, and cor-
related to homicides and assaults; even if those ruption (Albanese, 2011, pp. 2–3) can also be
wounded due to crime do not go to a police sta- domestic crimes. In most countries, the transna-
tion to report their victimization, they will often tional nature of crime is inferred either from the
go to the emergency room for medical treatment crime itself or from limited data about the
where the assault can be recorded in public offenders, victims, or substance seized. So it is
health statistics. However, in the developing common to find inferences that seemingly
world, this is often problematic, especially in domestic crimes are transnational due to the
rural areas where access to medical facilities can nationality of the offenders or the nature of the
be nonexistent. But what criminologists know for offense. Drug trafficking is a good example.
sure about official data is that it reflects the gath- Drug trafficking is often assumed to be transna-
ering agency’s work culture and human and tional in nature, but drugs are also produced and
technical capabilities, and where crime figures trafficked domestically. For example, the 2012
are public and politicized, the political pressures World Drug Report notes that cannabis produc-
to show that crime is increasing or decreasing. tion is increasingly widespread, localized, and
Most important, official data miss all crime not small scale, making it hard to estimate and
reported or detected, which depends on the seri- detect (UNODC, 2012c). The U.S. Drug
ousness of the crime, trust in the police, fear of Enforcement Administration runs cocaine and
offender reprisals, the accessibility of the police, heroin drug signature programs whereby toxi-
communication, and the incentive structure to cologists can determine the national origin of
the drugs seized, thus determining their trans- creates an outpost that is still heavily dependent
national nature. But synthetic drugs often have on the home base. Thus, the extent to which
no signature of national origin, although they offending is or becomes transnational is a key
may be part of transnational crime. Human traf- research question in the field of transnational
ficking is another example of blurred measure- (organized) crime and depends on a direct mea-
ment of transnationality. By officials questioning surement, not an inference, of transnationality.
a victim of human trafficking as to his or her Apart from the general difficulties of measur-
citizenship status, we can infer that he or she is a ing the transnational nature of crime, many
victim of transnational human trafficking (as transnational crimes are new to criminal justice
opposed in interstate or intrastate trafficking) authorities, and any official recording of such
(Bureau of Justice Statistics [BJS], 2011). Again, “new” crimes is problematic. Routine crime col-
any inference is of course problematic. A foreign lection data from the United Nations (the U.N.
national could be smuggled to the United States Survey of Crime Trends and Operations of
or enter the country legally and then trafficked Criminal Justice Systems [UN-CTS]) has not
interstate once here and thus be a victim of a typically included transnational crime but rather
domestic crime of human trafficking, not a homicide, assaults, sexual violence, robbery, kid-
transnational one. Furthermore, detailing the napping, theft, motor vehicle theft and burglary
transnational nature of crime—the exact origin (see http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/data-and-
of the goods seized, for example—can be very analysis/statistics/data.html). However, in the
problematic for some crimes that prima facie, 10th UN-CTS (covering 2005–2006) member
appear to be transnational in nature. Bisschop states were asked to report their official statistics
(2012) notes the difficulty of measuring the on participation in organized criminal groups,
country origin of illegally traded timber from human trafficking, and the smuggling of
port data, because these data reflect the origin of migrants, using the definitions from interna-
loading onto the ship, not necessarily the origin tional law (Alvazzi, 2010). Relatively few coun-
of the timber itself. tries were able to respond and not all used the
Operationalizing transnational is fundamen- definitions from international law at the national
tal for theory development in transnational crime level. For participation in organized groups,
research. Much of transnational crime research is 36 countries were able to provide police-generated
dominated by scholars of organized crime, and as data from 2006, showing a median rate of
Albanese (2011, p. 4) argues, transnational crime 1.4 crimes per 100,000 population in 2006. But
is seldom perpetuated by lone offenders but only 20 of those 36 followed the definition in
rather by those working in groups. A central international law. For human trafficking, 52
question in organized crime research is how countries were able to respond with police data
these groups take advantage of globalization. for 2006, showing a median of .2 cases per
Campana (2011) analyzes the transnational 100,000 population, and 33 of these 52 countries
expansion of a Neapolitan camorra via wiretap followed the definition of human trafficking in
data. Challenging common assumptions about international law. For migrant smuggling, 45
the territorial expansion of mafia type groups, he countries were able to provide data, 33 of which
finds that the group engages in functional diver- followed the definition from international law,
sification abroad but forges few international showing a median of 1.4 police recorded offenses
alliances and is still very closely tied to the terri- per 100,00 population. In addition, a recent 2011
tory of origin. Similarly, Varese (2012), in a case Global Study on Homicide conducted by UNODC
study of the Russian mafia in Italy, finds that made an attempt to estimate the proportion of
the migration of an escapee from Russia to Italy homicides related to organized crime and gangs.
Only 27 countries were able to provide this infor- victimization surveys relate to sampling and the
mation, which suggests that this proportion is survey method; some victims may not reveal
higher in the Americas than in Asia and Europe the truth (for which specialized surveys may be
(UNODC, 2011c, p. 49). needed, such as in the case of gender-based vio-
If measurement is problematic, so is underde- lence); homicide cannot be measured because of
tection by criminal justice authorities. The the lack of a living victim to be interviewed. The
United States has criminalized human trafficking International Crime Victim Survey (ICVS) has
and established mechanisms and training for been administered in five waves since 1989 (van
detecting and recording it. Farrell, McDevitt, and Dijk, 2011).
Fahy (2010), in an analysis of human-trafficking Conventional victimization surveys are
incidents in the United States, analyzed data problematic for measuring transnational crime.
from a survey of a national sample of municipal Van Dijk (2007, 2008), in spite of his lifetime
law enforcement agencies (N = 1,515). They work supporting the method of the victimiza-
reported that less than 10% of these agencies tion survey around the globe, is one of the
identified any human-trafficking cases from authors who has critiqued victimization surveys
2000 to 2006. Those agencies that were more for being inattentive, or inappropriate, in terms
likely to identify cases of human trafficking were of providing useful data on transnational orga-
the larger ones, but the two most important pre- nized crime. Given that the ICVS is undertaken
dictors of human-trafficking identification by the around the globe, in theory its data would offer
police were the perception of the agency leader the best prospects for inferring about the trans-
about the problem at the local level, as well as the national nature of victimization. However, this
steps taken to train officers to identify these inci- is not the case. The ICVS, like many of its
dents and respond to them. Van Dijk (2007) national counterparts such as the U.S. National
offers two more reasons why official data at the Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), queries its
national level may not capture complex or orga- respondents about conventional, domestic
nized transnational crime well: corruption and crimes including motor vehicle theft, burglaries,
political interference.2 In addition, lack of coor- robbery, pickpocketing, assault, and sexual
dination and cooperation among police agencies, offenses. Its questioning is at the individual and
domestically and internationally, is a factor in the household level, whereas many transnational
lack of detection of transnational crime. crimes cause collective harm that is not per-
An important alternative to official statistics ceived at the personal, local level. And finally, it
are victimization surveys. Within samples of the is unlikely to detect victimization that occurs
general population, a proportion of those sur- relatively rarely in the population, such as
veyed will admit to having experienced (as vic- human trafficking for sexual exploitation.
tims) certain kinds of victimization. These Expanding on van Dijk´s criticism, the first
surveys ask behavior specific questions, not problem with victimization surveys is that they
legalistic ones, thus making comparison across are constrained to measure a limited number of
national jurisdictions possible. In that way, they crimes, and none of the crimes included in vic-
present an advantage over official statistics. They timization surveys are transnational in nature.
discern offenses both reported and unreported to One could argue that even the aforementioned
the police, another important advantage over list of domestic crimes could have a transnational
official statistics. Explanatory variables can be component, and that is true. But it is unlikely that
added to the survey, thus aiding in explaining a victim, even if queried, would know this. If
and predicting victimization and thus designing your automobile was stolen to provide parts for
crime prevention plans. The disadvantages of sale in another country, would you as a victim
know this when surveyed? If your home were in the NCVS, but sexual assault, robbery, theft,
burglarized or your wallet stolen, would you and simple and aggravated assault are included.
know that the offender(s) were part of a transna- However, because of the counting rules of the
tional criminal organization? National Crime Victimization Survey, much of
A second problem with victimization surveys the ordeal of this victim would not be recorded;
is that they are based on household samples. It is either it would fall outside the six-month recall
unlikely that certain victims of transnational period or only the most serious victimization
crime would be part of the sample of households events would be included in the final crime count.
for a victimization survey. How likely is it that a Furthermore, the NCVS does not include victim-
victim of human trafficking would appear in the ization that occurs outside the United States
sample, given what we know about how they are (Lauritsen, Owens, Planty, Rand, &Truman, 2012).
isolated from social life by their traffickers? And Another alternative to official crime statistics
even if they did appear in the sample, how likely are self-report surveys. These are administered to
is it that they would reveal information about the general population, usually to young people,
their situation? Victimization survey staff would but the technique has also been used with prison
have to receive specialized training to gather inmates. With general samples of young people,
this kind of sensitive information, and foreign many will admit (self-report) various kinds of
language capacities would have to be developed antisocial and criminal behavior. This kind of
as well. questioning uses behavior-specific questions,
The third reason that victimization surveys do thus maximizing comparability by avoiding the
not routinely capture much transnational crime problems of stigmatizing and complex legal defi-
is that the nature of transnational trafficking in nitions. Both detected and undetected offenses
goods (drugs, arms, fraudulent pharmaceuticals, are discovered through self-report surveys, thus
diamonds, animals, and plants) does not provide getting at the “dark figure” of crime in official
us with direct, discernible human victims to statistics. Variables of etiological interest can be
question. It is thus important not to criticize vic- added, as in victimization, to explain or predict
tim surveys for something they were not designed offending and thus increase the benefits of the
to do. results in formulating crime prevention plans.
The fourth reason relates to the problem of The disadvantages relate again to the typical
counting: Transnational crime, because of the problems of sampling and surveys. In addition,
movement across borders, is often better concep- validity can be problematic if offenders are prone
tualized as a process than an event (Alvazzi, to lie or exaggerate and if it is not possible to ask
2010; Feingold, 2010). It may indeed involve about very serious crime. (Homicide statistics,
several crimes, and it occurs over time. To illus- thus, are the realm of official statistics [police or
trate, let us suppose that a human-trafficking coroner].) The International Self-Report
victim is kidnapped from her home country and Delinquency Study (ISRD) has been conducted
taken to a transit country, then transferred to a twice since the early 1990s (see Junger-Tas et al.,
destination country; drugged or raped into sub- 2009). But self-report surveys do not typically
mission; deprived of her identity documents and capture transnational crime either. Self-report
money; and threatened or forced to commit surveys can and do ask about drug trafficking.
harmful or illegal acts. Let us suppose that a vic- But they do not typically delve into the transna-
timization survey interviewer comes upon this tional nature of the crime, nor do they ask exten-
person in a random-digit-dialed telephone inter- sive questions about planning and co-offending.
view in the United States. Now, human traffick- The number of crimes and the number of follow-
ing is not directly queried as a type of victimization up questions on the characteristics of offenders
and crimes is limited in self-report surveys. And information about the world drug problem” (see
because many low- and midlevel traffickers are http://www.unodc.org/unodc/data-and-analysis/
shielded from knowing who is part of the larger WDR.html). Thus, the World Drug Report has
drug-trafficking network, the self-report survey been published annually since 1999.
method, which is administered on an individual The World Drug Report triangulates data on
basis, isn’t likely to generate much data on trans- drug trafficking from a variety of different
national offending networks of modus operandi. sources in order to give global trends on the sup-
This method, however, holds some promise in ply and transit of, demand for and consequences
terms of its expansion to measure transnational of illicit drugs. These include reports from mem-
offending, were it to be used in focused youth ber states; drug seizure data; drug origin and
and prison samples. purity data, such as the U.S. heroin and cocaine
signature programs; INTERPOL, EUROPOL, the
European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and
Crime-Specific Sources: Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) and World Customs
Examples of Composite, Organization data, OAS, organizations of drug
International Analyses law enforcement agencies (HONLEA, HONLAF,
HONLAC, HONLAP3), and UNODC’s own
Given that there is no worldwide data source on illicit crop monitoring system4; and drug use and
all transnational crime, one can turn to regional abuse surveys. UNODC warns that data chal-
or crime-specific analyses of transnational crime. lenges exist in terms of prices and purity of
At these more focused levels, good examples drugs, seizures and trafficking patterns, regional
exist of methods that are detailed and crime gaps in general for Asia and Africa, and the illicit
specific or analyses that are focused on a small production of cannabis and ATS in some regions
geographical area. These examples exhibit (UNODC, 2012c, pp. 3–4). But even with these
triangulation—a methodological technique that caveats, the World Drug Report represents one of
increases reliability and validity of findings the best examples of attempts to gather and trian-
whereby researchers use more than one source of gulate data on transnational crime.
data or analytical tool. Much of this volume fea- The triangulation of data sources allows the
tures regional or crime-specific analyses, so only World Drug Report to identify trends in drug
a handful of representative research examples supply over time and space. The 2012 World
will be highlighted here. Drug Report notes that trends regarding the use,
production, and health consequences of illicit
Drug Trafficking drugs has remained stable from 2005 to 2010,
except that Afghanistan opium poppy has
The data sources and analysis available for drug returned to its 2009 level after being affected by
trafficking are perhaps the most readily available disease and crop failure in 2009. Large amounts
and sophisticated of all the data sources for of heroin are trafficked via the Balkan route,
transnational crime. This is related to the rela- from Afghanistan through Southeastern Europe
tively long-standing global pattern of drug prohi- to Central and Western Europe, but although
bition and the widespread ratification of U.N. seizures have decreased along this route in 2010,
antinarcotics conventions, in addition to the they have increased in the coastal markets of
consequent attention paid to routine data gather- Africa and in Southeast Asia. Cocaine produc-
ing in the area of global drug trafficking. In 1998, tion has declined in Colombia but increased in
the General Assembly gave the UNODC the Bolivia and Peru. The major markets for cocaine
mandate to publish “comprehensive and balanced are in North America, Europe, and Australia and
New Zealand. The World Drug Report notes the study was completed by diagrams and case
growing evidence that drug-trafficking organiza- studies. The result of this multimethod study is a
tions involved in smuggling amphetamine-type series of consistent findings about the impor-
stimulants (ATS) are exploiting West Africa in a tance of the opium economy to the overall econ-
similar way to cocaine traffickers. Cannabis con- omy, politics, and society of Afghanistan; the
sumption is stable, but production is increasingly diversity and flexibility of the opium market; and
widespread. the positive and negative consequences of the
In addition, the data on drug demand allows opium economy as well as many unintended
the World Drug Report to identify which drugs consequences of counternarcotics policies and
are in most demand and where. The most com- programs.
monly used drugs around the world are canna-
bis and ATS, excluding ecstasy. Drug use is Human Trafficking
stabilizing in the developed world and increas-
ing in the developing world, precisely where The data sources for human trafficking are more
demographics exhibit a younger population and limited than for drug trafficking, if only because
rapid urbanization—two features of the drug this phenomenon benefits from fairly recent
user population. Polydrug use is common as attention by the world community. Thus, the
well as the manufacture of drugs, sometimes a methods to detect, quantify, and describe human
mixture of legal and illegal drugs, that defy trafficking are still in their infancy. Furthermore,
detection and criminalization (UNODC, 2012c, despite much media attention, human trafficking
pp. 1–5). The nonmedical use of prescription does not benefit from the widespread criminal-
drugs is also a growing problem. In general, the ization that drug-trafficking exhibits worldwide.
World Drug Report admits that illicit drug traf- Finally, unlike illicit drugs, which are objects that
fickers are creative, adaptable, and flexible in can be fairly clearly recognized once found (and
exploring new drugs, markets, and modus ope- analyzed by toxicologists), human-trafficking
randi for trafficking. victims are not so readily recognizable.
A good example of multimethod research in a The U.N. Convention on Transnational
focused, country-specific study of drug produc- Organized Crime, in its trafficking protocol,
tion and trafficking is Buddenberg and Byrd’s provides a definition of human trafficking but
2010 compilation on the drug industry in unlike the example of international data gather-
Afghanistan. The report is based on UNODC ing on drugs, no routine, sustainable data collec-
(2010) surveys of opium poppy cultivation and tion efforts exist yet at the international level.
price data; rural household survey data; and Nevertheless, UNODC has on two occasions pro-
interviews with rural opium farmers and wage duced global reports on human trafficking (2006
laborers, hawala dealers, small and midlevel and 2009a), and the United States Department of
traders, and law enforcement members. A num- State produces an annual, global, Trafficking in
ber of methodological strategies to ensure that Persons Report (TIP) since 2001. Furthermore,
qualitative fieldwork resulted in valid and reliable the International Organization on Migration
data were put in place, such as interviewer train- (IOM) gathers data on the trafficking victims that
ing and guidance, a varied sample of respon- have been assisted by IOM’s programs and the
dents, an iterative approach to data collection, International Labor Organization (ILO) provides
cross-checking and corroboration, and strict estimates of forced labor trafficking at global and
confidentiality and anonymity of interview regional levels (Kangaspunta, 2010).
sources (p. 3). Macroeconomic and econometric UNODC’s first attempt to produce a report on
analyses were used for quantitative data, and global patterns of cross-border human trafficking
took a broad (and brave) methodological placed on Tier 1. Placement in lower tiers may
approach, both combining available statistics mean the withdrawal of U.S. financial assistance.
from member states and supplementing them Thus, one can argue that the focus of the U.S. TIP
with content analysis from other sources— report is more on action taken to counter traf-
government reports, intergovernmental organi- ficking than on empirical research results.
zation (IGO) reports, research reports, information The most interesting result in human-
from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) trafficking data is the disjuncture between esti-
and media reports. The time period covered was mates and reports, and criminal justice data
1996 to 2003, and 161 countries and territories (Albanese, 2011; Aronowitz, 2009; Kangaspunta,
were included in this report. This approach 2010). Very few cases are brought to the atten-
allowed the researchers to identify countries as tion of criminal justice authorities compared to
origin, transit or destination countries (or a com- the estimates of human trafficking in the popu-
bination thereof), to diagram trafficking routes, lation. We return to this in the final section of
flows and regional patterns, and to provide a this chapter. Suffice it to say that either the
basic profile of victims, traffickers, trafficking global prevalence estimates are exaggerated or
groups. The report has a detailed and honest governments (including criminal justice author-
methodological chapter detailing definitions, ities) are woefully deficient in detecting cases of
coding and analysis, noting the many deficien- human trafficking.
cies of the data used and the caveats for interpre-
tation (UNODC, 2006).
UNODC’s second human-trafficking report Advances in Knowledge and
limits the information gathered to that provided Promising Methods
by governments and NGOs and placed research-
ers in UNODC field offices to gather the data, In 2010, the National Institute of Justice con-
which encompass 2003 to 2007. Data were gath- vened an expert working group on international
ered from 155 countries and territories and organized crime (Picarelli, 2010). Part of the sug-
included both criminal justice data (investiga- gestions of this workshop pertain to new research
tions, arrests, prosecutions, and convictions) methods for detecting and analyzing transna-
and the number of victims known to authorities tional crime, as well as evaluating the success
and sheltered by service providers (UNODC, of anticrime measures. A number of themes
2009a, p. 14). emerged from these suggestions. First, research
The U.S. TIP report has more opaque meth- methods need to reach beyond criminology to
ods that detail a wide variety of data sources but encompass other disciplines such as political sci-
that do not detail coding or counting proce- ence, economics, history, and business. Second,
dures.5 The Department of State places each researchers should conduct increasingly com-
country in the TIP Report onto one of four tiers, parative or international research or consider the
as mandated by the Trafficking Victims international implications of localized studies.
Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000. This placement Third, qualitative methods including ethnogra-
reflects more on how much action each country´s phy need to be considered and included in the
government is taking to combat trafficking than methodological repertoire of scholars of transna-
on the size of the problem. The 2003 TVPA tional crime. Fourth, measures of harm need to
Reauthorization Act also requires that foreign be expanded beyond economic measures to
governments provide the Department of State include social and public health indicators.
with data on trafficking investigations, prosecu- Finally, there is a crucial need for evaluation of
tions, convictions, and sentences in order to be antitransnational crime measures in this field.
Some of the newest developments that relate to Indonesia, Zimbabwe, and Pakistan, and is
these themes are outlined in the next section. expected to be active soon in Mongolia and the
Philippines. It asks the public to report instances
of bribe paying and bribe-paying resistance or to
New Data Sources
report honest officials. OFWwatch.com is a web-
Van Dijk argues that criminologists cannot rely site maintained by Overseas Filipino Workers. It
on traditional measures of crime to measure encourages workers to submit reports on their
transnational crime and instead must develop recruitment agency so that others can be aware of
new ways to measure transnational crime. He abuse and human-trafficking risks before they
suggests the systematic collection of open source accept employment. It maintains a directory with
documents—those reports of crime in the media this information.
and from parliamentary rapporteurs, ombuds-
men, NGOs, and IGOs. UNODC’s 2006 report
Analytical Methods
on human trafficking was an example of this new
strategy, as was the RAND (2007) corporation’s Scholars of transnational crime are developing
database on terrorist incidents (p. 133). Van Dijk new methods to understand how organized trans-
gathered survey data of the perception of busi- national criminal activity operates, both in terms
ness executives on racketeering and extortion of the structure of organized criminal groups and
conducted by the World Economic Forum and the modus operandi behind typologies of transna-
risk assessment of organized crime produced tional crimes. The nature of transnational crime—
by the London-based consultancy company in particular, its level of organization—has been a
Merchant International Group. Combining data subject of interest of organized crime researchers
from other sources, he constructed a composite for several decades. Network analysis has emerged
Organized Crime Perception Index (van Dijk, as a key analytical method for conducting this
2011) for countries and regions of the globe. kind of research (Garay-Salamanca & Salcedo-
Other criminologists have delved into wiretap Albarán, 2012; Von Lampe, 2009; Morselli, 2009;
data (e.g., Campana, 2011; Campana & Varese, Natarajan, 2006). Network analysis is based on
2012; Natarajan, 2006). These data are some- observations of communication among members
times available from extensive police investiga- of criminal organizations, often from law enforce-
tions and depending on their quality, can be ment investigations. The purpose of network
coded in a variety of ways and analyzed through analysis is to discover how criminal groups are
social network analysis, described below. organized, and the implications are important for
Extensive registries of victims that are theory and practice: Heavily structured and hier-
maintained by service providers, such as the archical groups demand a different kind of pre-
one maintained by the IOM, may provide vention and control strategy than loosely
increasingly useful data for research. For over organized, unstructured groups. Von Lampe
10 years, the IOM has maintained a standard- (2009) outlines a number of methodological dif-
ized counter-trafficking data management ficulties in network analysis, while acknowledging
tool, the Counter-Trafficking Module (CTM), that it has become a powerful empirical analytical
the largest global database with primary data method for scholars of organized crime. Much like
on victims of trafficking (IOM, n.d.). any analytical method based on law enforcement
Social media will be used increasingly to data, it is subject to many of the same problems
gauge corruption and prevent some kinds of that plague law enforcement statistics: The data
transnational crime. A popular interactive web- used are the reflection of investigative priorities
site, Ipaidabribe.com, functions for India, Kenya, and workplace conventions. Likewise, network
analysis often provides limited snapshots of the Scholars of transnational crime have also
activities of criminal organizations, not trends, developed new methods to understand the
and masks both larger forces that condition precursors, risk factors, and facilitators of
networks (socioecological factors) and the indi- transnational crime. Given that it is often dif-
vidual characteristics of network members. ficult to measure transnational crime directly,
Nevertheless, social network analysis holds great two important developments in analytical
promise for future research and theory develop- methods are examining financial flows that
ment and incorporates increasingly sophisticated evidence transnational crime and the measure-
statistical analysis. ment of precursors or risk factors for transna-
Although expert interviews have been a main- tional crime. The first finds its home in
stay of transnational crime research and draw organizations such as the U.S. Financial Crimes
quite a bit of criticism for their lack of reliability, Enforcement Network (FINCEN), the U.K.
other types of qualitative methods that gather Serious Organized Crime Agency (SOCA), the
data directly from offenders or victims, while not Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis
based on probability samples, can nevertheless Center (AUSTRAC), and the Canadian
provide valuable information on the organization Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis
of criminal groups or the consequences of trans- Center (FINTRAC). A further example is the
national crime for victims (informant interviews, research commissioned by the National
ethnographies, observations) (Arsovska, 2008, Institute of Justice in the form of a comparative
2011; Ferrell & Hamm, 1998; Nordstrom, 2007; evaluation of unexplained wealth orders (Booz
Sanford & Angel-Ajani, 2008). This information Allen Hamilton, 2012). This research in com-
is population specific, and these methods are parative law examines a kind of asset-based
often useful for locating members of hidden forfeiture present in a limited number of for-
populations. Similarly, this search for hidden eign jurisdictions that does not require the
populations, such as trafficking victims, can ben- proof of a criminal charge.
efit from methods used in other disciplines. Similarly, other research attempts to analyze the
Curtis, Terry, Dank, Dombrowski, and Khan precursors or risk factors for transnational crime,
(2008) used the capture-recapture method, bor- such as the nature of fake ads for domestic help
rowed from biology and ecology, to measure the abroad in origin countries for human trafficking,
prevalence of child sexual exploitation in New the number of hits on drug production/sale/
York City. This method involves comparing consumption websites, and the communication
known numbers of the hidden population to between members of drug production newsgroups
those generated by snowball sampling, including (Schneider, 2003). Following this logic, where the
respondent-driven sampling—that in which precursors to human trafficking are very prevalent,
respondents themselves are given incentives to we are likely to find the phenomenon caused by
refer researchers to other members of the hidden them. Likewise, mapping the correlates of transna-
population. Tyldum and Brunovskis (2005) used tional crime is another useful analytical tool. The
a similar technique to access trafficked women World Bank’s 2011 World Development Report
by calling the phone numbers of services that provides a telling map of political violence in West
advertised escort and massage services in Oslo Africa, using data from the Armed Conflict and
and interviewing respondents on the number Location and Event Database (ACLED) and
and characteristics of people working there. The cocaine seizures from UNODC data (World Bank,
inherent danger of much of these fieldwork 2011, p. 56). UNODC (2012b) has produced a
methods—both to the researcher and to the series of regional and thematic transnational orga-
research subject—must be noted. nized crime “threat assessments” as well as one
global report. These reports are based on a compi- persons should not be seen as necessary, however,
lation of data sources from different international to justify an action in response” (p. 45). Certainly,
organizations and serve to assess threats so that the field of inquiry of transnational crime has an
preventive action may be taken against transna- urgency and political resonance that contrasts
tional crime. Finally, surveys of bribery victims are with the characteristically slow, careful, and neu-
increasingly being used to monitor areas of the tral efforts of scholars to produce sound research.
globe with high levels of corruption. The If future scholars of transnational crime aim to
International Crime Victim Survey includes low- be legitimate in this field of study, it is with cre-
level bribery in its questionnaire, and Transparency ativity and careful attention to the application of
International has produced a bribe payers index research methods to some of the more complex
since 1999, based on perceptions of senior business and vexing crime problems of the 21st century.
executives around the globe. UNODC (2012c) has
conducted a number of these specialized surveys in
countries as such Afghanistan, Nigeria, and the Notes
Western Balkans as well as provided methodologi-
cal guidance reports. 1. By transnational, I am alluding to the phrasing
from Article 3 of the United Nations Convention on
Transnational Organized Crime (UNODC, 2004):
“An offence is transnational in nature if (a) it is com-
The Political Nature of mitted in more than one State; (b) it is committed in
Unknown Numbers one State but a substantial part of its preparation,
planning, direction or control takes place in another
In 1997, Neil Gilbert wrote an influential essay State; (c) it is committed in one State but involves an
about advocacy research—that is, research con- organized criminal group that engages in criminal
ducted to give attention to a particular social activities in more than one State or; (d) it is commit-
problem. Gilbert called our attention to a num- ted in one State but has substantial effects in another
State.”
ber of exaggerated empirical claims of important
2. Indeed, Transparency International’s Global
social problems and to the moral reality of those
Corruption Barometer identifies institutions con-
who advance “advocacy numbers” as passionate sidered to be the most affected by corruption in
spokespeople who believe in the betterment of countries around the globe (http://gcb.transparency
society. In 2010, Andreas and Greenhill pub- .org/gcb201011/infographic/). One could argue that
lished Sex, Drugs, and Body Counts: The Politics countries where the police and judiciary are per-
of Numbers in Global Crime and Conflict as the ceived to be most affected by corruption are the
global transnational crime companion to Gilbert’s countries where official police and court statistics
original analysis. Andreas and Greenhill’s edited may be suspicious.
compilation is of particular relevance for stu- 3. HONLEA (Heads of National Drug Law
dents of transnational crime because it presents a Enforcement Agencies), HONLAF (Heads of National
number of themed chapters that examine the Drug Law Enforcement Agencies, Africa), HONLAC
(Heads of National Drug Law Enforcement Agencies,
history of estimates of transnational crime and
Latin America and Caribbean), HONLAP (Heads of
the politics behind the numbers. Here, we must
National Drug Law Enforcement Agencies, Asia and
remember that crime has become politicized in the Pacific).
the past two decades, and numbers serve to jus- 4. UNODC works with the main drug-growing
tify political decisions that have preceded data- countries—Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia for coca;
gathering efforts. Tellingly, the 2006 UNODC Afghanistan, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic,
report, Trafficking in Persons: Global Patterns and Myanmar for opium; and Morocco for cannabis—
notes, “Measuring the amount of trafficking in to monitor the extent and evolution of illicit crops via
its Global Illicit Crop Monitoring Programme Arsovska, J. (2008). Interviewing serious offenders:
(ICMP). The methods are tailored to each national Ms. Egghead meet Mr. Gumshoe. Trends in
context and include satellite images, verification Organized Crime, 11, 42–58.
overflights, visual inspection of terrain, and various Arsovska, J. (2011). Conceptualizing and studying
estimation and conversion procedures designed to organized crime in a global context: Possible?
produce measures of production and yield Indispensible? Superfluous? In C. J. Smith,
(UNODC, 2012a). S. X. Zhang, & R. Barberet (Eds.), Routledge
5. “The Department of State prepared this Report handbook of criminology: An international per-
using information from U.S. embassies, government spective. London, England: Routledge.
officials, nongovernmental and international organi- Barberet, R. (2004). Mainstreaming comparative
zations, published reports, news articles, academic methodology in criminal justice/criminology
studies, research trips to every region of the world, and courses. In J. Albanese (Ed.), Transnational crime.
information submitted to tipreport@state.gov. This Whitby, Ontario, Canada: de Sitter. (Reprinted
email address provides a means by which organiza- from International Journal of Comparative
tions and individuals can share information with Criminology, 4(1), 112–126)
the Department of State on government progress in Bennett, R. R. (2004). Comparative criminology and
addressing trafficking. U.S. diplomatic posts and criminal justice research: The state of our knowl-
domestic agencies reported on the trafficking situation edge. Justice Quarterly, 21(1), 1–21.
and governmental action to fight trafficking based on Bisschop, L. (2012). Out of the woods: The illegal trade
thorough research that included meetings with a wide in tropical timber and a European trade hub.
variety of government officials, local and international Global Crime, 13(3), 191–212.
NGO representatives, officials of international organi- Booz Allen Hamilton. (2012). Comparative evaluation
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CHAPTER 3

Measuring and Researching

modus operandi, and dangerousness of the population, inquiring as to their victimization),

Transnational Crime tively in a cross-national context: Countries have

(2009). Juvenile delinquency in Europe and TN.

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