The Notebook of Dhutmose

The Notebook of Dhutmose
Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

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Probleme
der Ägyptologie
Herausgegeben von
Wolfgang Schenkel
Antonio Loprieno
und
Joachim Friedrich Quack
band 37
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/pae

P. Vienna ÄS 10321
By
Regina Hölzl
Michael Neumann
Robert J. Demarée
LEIDEN | BOSTON

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Contents
Acknowledgements vii
1 The Forgotten Papyrus Vienna ÄS 10321 1

Regina Hölzl
2 Thoughts about Provenance and Composition of the Ensemble 5

Michael Neumann
3 The Notebook of Dhutmose 10

Robert J. Demarée
4 Texts and Commentary 13
Bibliography 27
Index of Names and Subjects 31
Index of Personal Names 32
Index of Titles 33
Index of Words and Expressions Discussed 34
Figures and Plates 35

Acknowledgements
We are grateful to Dr. Marianne Eaton-Krauss for the comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of our
English translations of the original German chapters by Dr. chapters.
Regina Hölzl and Michael Neumann. We thank Dr. Neal Spencer and Tania Watkins of the
The hieroglyphic transcriptions of the hieratic texts Department of Ancient Egypt and the Sudan of the British
were composed in computer font by Irene Morfini, MA, Museum for providing us with an image of the linen
and Vincent Oeters, MA, to whom we express our sincere shroud BM EA 10270 (here Fig. 16a).
gratitude. Maren Goecke-Bauer, MA, was kind enough to Dr. Raymond Johnson of the Chicago House at Luxor
produce the facsimiles for the table in the introduction of deserves our gratitude for supplying a new image of
the chapter about the text of the papyrus. the recently restored so-called ‘House of Butehamun’ at
We are grateful to Prof. Dr. J.F. Quack for valuable Medinet Habu (Fig. 21).

chapter 1
The Forgotten Papyrus Vienna ÄS 10321

Regina Hölzl
Introduction The Papyrus,4 Its Unrolling and Conservation
The Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection of the Kunst- The outer layers of the scroll had broken away, revealing
historisches Museum in Vienna with its varied history is some hieratic signs. Early in 2014 the scroll was unrolled
one of the most important collections of Egyptian antiq- in the conservation department of the Egyptian and Near
uities in Europe.1 The holdings number ca. 17,000 objects Eastern Collection. Extensive preliminary work, testing,
deriving from more than three millennia of ancient Near and research preceded the unrolling to determine just
Eastern and southern Arabian as well as ancient Egyp- which method or methods would be the most appropri-
tian history, acquired by purchase, gift, and excavation. ate for the task ahead.5 Here follows a brief summary of
These pieces are registered today in four different inven- the processes employed.6
tories.2 Between 2011 and 2016 a thorough examination of The outer layers of the scroll made a rather brittle
the holdings and their documentation was carried out in impression; to restore the flexibility of the papyrus fibers,
connection with a comprehensive revision of these inven- a cover-like humidifier made of Plexiglas was put over the
tories. scroll. Inside it, with the scroll, was placed a piece of acid-
In the course of the project objects in storage were free absorbent paper, soaked with a solution of water and
also examined. Among them were 150 mummified ani- ethanol to ensure appropriately dosed moistening of the
mals (and parts of animals) which had been in one of the scroll which could then be unrolled, one section at a time.
basement storage areas of the Kunsthistorisches Museum. As each section became accessible it was treated with cel-
Because it was planned to transfer the animal mummies to lulose, smoothed with the aid of a vacuum table,7 and
a newly built external depot on the outskirts of the city, weighed down (Figs. 7–9). Before the actual unrolling of
they were not just checked off the list in the course of the scroll, the fragments that had separated from the outer
the revision, but they were also carefully cleaned.3 Twenty- layers were treated. There were twenty-two fragments all
nine so-called Ibis-Tonkegel formed one group; these ‘clay told which joined exactly. After treatment in the same
cones’, pottery jars, had served as coffins for mummified manner as the scroll they could be joined to form a seg-
ibises. ment measuring 76 cm in length.8
While cleaning the jar with the inventory number The scroll was then unrolled. In general, from the stand-
ÄS 5174 (Figs. 1–3) a surprising discovery was made. Under point of conservation, its condition was good—probably
the expected ibis mummy lay a small packet among the thanks to the fact that it had been stored in an environ-
packing material. The existence of this packet had gone ment with a stable climate over a long period of time.
unnoticed until that moment. It turned out to be a papyrus It took only four days to complete the unrolling which
scroll, wrapped in stiff linen and placed inside a piece of was managed without causing any new tears.9 Unrolled,
folded, thin fabric with a sketch-like representation drawn the papyrus measured 174cm; when the segment of joined
on it (Figs. 4–6). fragments is added, the total length is 250 cm.
4 Assigned inventory number ÄS 10321; the inner linen wrapping of

the scroll was assigned no. ÄS 10322 and the outer, ÄS 10323.
5 Conservator Vanessa Novak, in cooperation with Michael Fackel-
1 Hölzl 2014, 11–17. mann, an experienced papyrus conservator, developed this proce-
2 Hauptinventar (= main inventory/Egyptian inventory); Semitisches dure and implemented it.
Inventar (= Semitic inventory); Sonderinventar “Sichem” (= spe- 6 For a detailed description of the procedure, the various trials, and
cial inventory “Sichem”); Archäologisches Inventar (= archaeological the method actually employed, see Novak 2017, 96–123.
inventory/“A-inventory”). 7 A vacuum table created low pressure which prevented the papyrus
3 By Michael Neumann (member, General Revision Project) and from rolling up after it was treated with cellulose.
Vanessa Novak (conservator, Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern 8 Novak 2017, 112–113, 116–118.
Collection). 9 Novak 2017, 114–116.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004381582_002

2 hölzl
The papyrus was mounted so that both sides, inscribed them—bones, feathers, eggs, and even nests were col-
in hieratic, are visible (Figs. 10 and 11). The ‘windows’ in lected and buried.
the passe-partout on the reverse enable the surface to be The largest necropolises for ibises in Egypt are at Tuna
viewed wherever texts are inscribed.10 el-Gebel (the cemetery which served Hermopolis Magna)
and at Saqqara. At the end of Dynasty XXX the number
of cemeteries for animals increased markedly throughout
The Question of Provenance the entire country.15 From that time onward ibis cemeter-
ies proliferated at many places in Egypt—for example in
This unusual discovery and, in particular, the fact that this the Faiyum, at Asyut, Abydos, Dendera, Thebes, Gebelein,
carefully packaged papyrus scroll was found inside a pot- and the oasis of Bahariya.16
tery ‘coffin’ for an ibis raises a number of questions. Above The birds and their remains were predominantly buried
all, when was the package with the scroll put under the ibis in pottery vessels which were laid side by side and piled
mummy in its ‘coffin’? Did this occur in antiquity, when the high by their thousands in the subterranean galleries of
mummy was created and inserted into the clay cone?11 Or the ibis cemeteries with their branching corridors.17 The
was the package with the scroll only added much later— shape and appearance of the vessels employed as coffins
for example, in the course of the 19th century when the ibis varies; frequently, however, they are narrow, conical jars,
in its ‘coffin’ came from Egypt to Trieste, entering the so- 40–50 cm tall. By Ptolemaic times, dish-like lids replaced
called Miramar Collection of Archduke Ferdinand Max, or the piece of linen smeared with plaster that had been used
later still when making the journey from Trieste to a place in earlier times to seal the jars (see Fig. 1).18
in the Imperial Collection in Vienna? To a certain extent, mummification techniques and
burial practices for ibis mummies were subject to change
over the centuries.19 While it is true that most of the ves-
Animal Cults and Revering the Ibis sels in the Ptolemaic Period contain only a single ibis
mummy, the contents might also include feathers, indi-
Animal cults existed in Egypt from earliest times; in the vidual bones, eggs, or parts of nests (as already mentioned
course of the New Kingdom their popularity steadily here above).20
increased to reach its apogee in the Late Period and the
Ptolemaic Period.12 The worship of animals and animal
cults in ancient Egypt are extremely complex subjects that The Viennese ‘Clay Cones’ and the Miramar Collection
cannot be dealt with in detail in the present context.13 But
at least something should be said about the importance of In the Vienna collection there are twenty-nine pottery
ibises and the burial of ibis mummies. jars for ibises; nine of them are still sealed. Twelve exam-
The ibis, like the baboon, was an animal sacred to ples with preserved lids were opened at some undeter-
Thoth, the god of writing. His cult was centered at Her- mined moment in the past; the lids of eight others are
mopolis Magna in the 15th administrative district (nome) missing. All the jars came to Vienna in the 19th century.
of Upper Egypt. In the vicinity of the temple devoted to the The acquisition of fourteen of them is described simply in
god’s worship, large colonies of ibises were maintained; the inventory as “old holdings, before 1875”.21 The remain-
from them, ibises were chosen to fulfill particular func-
tions in the temple ritual.14 But not only were these spe-
cially chosen birds laid to rest in the ibis cemeteries; mil- 15 Kessler 2003, 50.
lions of ibises from the temple colonies were also interred, 16 Ikram 2005, xviii–xx, provides a list of the most important ani-
along with everything that was somehow associated with mal cemeteries.
17 Steinmann 2003, 101.
18 Steinmann 2003, 103–104.
19 Steinmann 2003, 106; Kessler 2003, 45–48.
10 Novak 2017, 121. 20 Kessler 2003, 46. A special type combines several embalmed
11 For the problem of dating, see the contribution of Michael Neu- ibises together in the shape of a human mummy provided with
mann, 5–6. the head of an ibis. The holdings of the Egyptian and Near
12 Ikram 2005, 7. Eastern Collection includes one of these unusual mummies
13 See, in general, Kessler 2003; Ikram 2005, 1–15. A possible con- (ÄS 8639).
nection between the papyrus scroll and the ibis mummy is dealt 21 The clay cones in this group are among the ‘older holdings,’
with by Neumann below, 8–9. ÄS 3813, ÄS 3814, ÄS 3815, ÄS 3816, ÄS 3817, ÄS 3818, ÄS 3819, ÄS 3820,
14 Kessler and Nur el-Din 2005, 127–129. ÄS 3821, ÄS 3821a1, ÄS 3821a2, ÄS 3821a3, ÄS 3821a4, and ÄS 3821a5.

the forgotten papyrus vienna äs 10321 3
ing fourteen pottery jars—ours in which the papyrus was with the ownership of the Miramar Collection, it was only
discovered among them—derive from the so-called Mira- in 1878 that the Egyptian objects could be officially entered
mar Collection of Archduke Ferdinand Max (brother of in the inventory of the Imperial Collection, although for
Emperor Franz Joseph I), which was officially incorpo- practical reasons the objects remained for a time in Mira-
rated in 1878 into the Imperial Collection in Vienna.22 In mar Palace, Trieste. They could finally be transported to
both cases the original provenance “Egypt” is noted in the Vienna in 1883, and then physically integrated into the
inventory. Imperial Collection.
Napoleon’s Egyptian campaign 1798/99, the discovery Unfortunately, no written documentation or lists of any
of the Rosetta Stone associated with it, and the decipher- kind exist with information about the acquisition history
ment of the hieroglyphic script in 1822 by Jean-François of Maximilian’s Miramar Collection, but it seems likely
Champollion initiated an “Egyptian boom” in Europe that inventory number ÄS 5174, the pottery jar with the ibis
which lured numerous travelers to the Land on the Nile. inside, was among his earlier acquisitions—i.e., it entered
They wanted not only to become acquainted with ancient the collection between 1850 and 1855.25
Egyptian culture but also to acquire Aegyptiaca, a passion It is certain that the pottery jar came with the scroll to
which contributed without a doubt to the establishment Trieste from Egypt in the mid-19th century and was trans-
of museums and Egyptian collections in Europe such as ported about three decades later to Vienna.
those in London, Paris, Berlin, and Turin. Is it conceivable that the papyrus was purposefully hid-
At the beginning of the 19th century Austria already den in the pottery jar, to smuggle it out of Egypt? But when
possessed a small collection of Aegyptiaca; it was part and by whom? And if so, why did the papyrus remain in
of the Imperial Hapsburg Collection which was vastly the jar after it had reached its destination?
enlarged in the course of the century. Moreover Emperor Or was the papyrus intended as a kind of accessory for
Franz Joseph’s brother Max, who later became Maximil- the ibis mummy, put into the pottery jar with it in antiq-
ian, Emperor of Mexico, had himself acquired a notewor- uity? If so, then it should be suspected that among the
thy number of ancient Egyptian objects. This so-called countless pottery jars with ibis mummies still in situ in the
Miramar Collection derives its name from Max’s resi- ibis cemeteries of Egypt, as well as those in the diverse col-
dence Miramar Palace in Trieste. The Miramar Collection, lections of Egyptian antiquities worldwide, there should
comprising slightly less than 2000 objects, was created be more examples of this practice. To support this theory
in several phases between 1850 and 1866.23 Ca. 1850 Fer- some additional jars with papyri would have to be discov-
dinand Max acquired diverse items from the collection ered.26
of Anton von Laurin, the Austrian consul in Alexandria,
when Laurin was transferred to Bucharest. The archduke
himself had probably also privately purchased antiqui- The Animal Mummy Project
ties before 1855, the year he acquired a large number of
Aegyptiaca when, in his capacity of supreme comman- In 2002/2003, staff of Vienna’s University of Veterinary
der of the Austrian navy, he paid the Egyptian viceroy Medicine conducted the first comprehensive examina-
Said Pasha a visit in Cairo. Subsequently, in 1865/66 when tion of the animal mummies. In this connection x-rays
Maximilian wanted to purchase more Aegyptiaca for a were made of the pottery jars with their contents. Build-
museum in Mexico, he commissioned Egyptologist Simon ing upon the results of that research additional investiga-
Leo Reinisch to acquire them. In the meantime, Maxi-
milian had acquired the imperial crown of Mexico and 25 Before the Miramar Collection was incorporated into the inven-
was making great plans for cultural institutions in his new tory in 1878, the keeper of the Imperial Collection in Vienna Ernst
homeland.24 But that was not to be, for in 1867 Maximilian Ritter von Bergmann examined the Egyptian objects in Miramar
met his end in Mexico and his entire collection of Egyptian Palace. He divided them into two groups according to when (and
why) they were acquired. Group 1 included those items which
antiquities was absorbed into the Imperial Collection in
Reinisch purchased 1865/66 for the museum in Mexico, while
Vienna. Because of the rather complicated issues involved those in the second group were acquired earlier, between 1850
and 1855 (private purchase; Laurin Collection; gift of Said Pasha).
22 The pottery jars from the Miramar Collection are ÄS 5162, ÄS 5163, The pottery jar containing the papyrus belonged to the second
ÄS 5164, ÄS 5165, ÄS 5166, ÄS 5167, ÄS 5168, ÄS 5169, ÄS 5170, ÄS 5171, group, assigned no. 26 in the inventory of the Miramar Collec-
ÄS 5172, ÄS 5173, ÄS 5174, and ÄS 5175. tion. Cf. also the contribution of Neumann, 8–9 below. In the
23 For the history of the acquisition of Aegyptiaca in the Miramar inventory of the Imperial Collection, the pottery jar was given
Collection see Hölzl 2013, 137–138; Satzinger 1994, 74–80. accession number ÄS 5174 in 1878.
24 Oprießnig 2013, 121–123. 26 See also Neumann’s contribution, 9.

4 hölzl
tion of the animal mummies in Vienna was undertaken

between 2010 and 2013 within the framework of a disser-
tation project in veterinary medicine.27 As far as the ibis
mummies were concerned, it was presumed that there
were so-called pseudo-mummies among the examples in
Vienna. In other words, the pottery jars do not always nec-
essarily contain a complete ibis skeleton but sometimes
only bone fragments or crystallized remains which defy
precise identification.28
It is true that the original seal of the pottery jar with
the inventory number ÄS 5174 containing the ‘forgotten’
papyrus was no longer intact, but the lid with a some-
what damaged rim was preserved. Inside, the ibis mummy
wrapped in linen was a complete skeleton.29
In 2003 the researchers of Vienna’s University of Vet-
erinary Medicine had used x-ray technology to examine
the pottery jar ÄS 5174 (Fig. 12). Because their interest was
focused entirely on the animal remains, they concentrated
on the ibis mummy inside and paid no attention to the
other material in the pottery jar. If only they had been
interested in the papyrus, wrapped in linen, which was
clearly visible on the x-rays, the scroll would have been dis-
covered a decade earlier.
27 Slepecki 2013.
28 Slepecki 2013, 74–79.
29 Slepecki 2013, 79, Table 8.

chapter 2
Thoughts about Provenance and Composition of the Ensemble

Michael Neumann
Down until the beginning of the Late Antique Period, of the scroll (Fig. 13, No. 16). There follows a 20 cm long
papyrus was the most important medium employed for section with no severe damage, separated by a clean break
writing; the written culture of antiquity is unthinkable from the remainder of the scroll. This must have occurred
without it.1 Parchment replaced it in many places only before the papyrus was rolled up for the last time since the
in late antiquity (not, however, in Egypt where paper fol- edges of the break overlap. The preservation of the remain-
lowed directly on papyrus). But parchment was much der of the scroll is excellent—even the uninscribed final
more expensive; for a single book dozens of sheep or goat 7 cm, which were doubled over, could be unfolded without
skins were required. And the durability of organic writ- any great difficulty.4
ing material was limited. Over the centuries moisture, The text is palimpsest.5 Clear traces of an earlier erased
fire, and insects were responsible for the loss of docu- text can be recognized on the verso—a slightly faded
ments on parchment and papyrus although Egypt’s arid longer section of text, upside down. Obviously an attempt
climate contributed to the survival rate of ancient texts was made to wash off this original text, but then it was
on papyrus. But the greatest number of texts preserved decided instead simply to draw a line to separate it from
date to the Greco-Roman era—as, for example, thou- the new text to be inscribed (Fig. 14).6 The writing on the
sands of papyri among the holdings of the Papyrus Col- scroll is not uniform but differs markedly. The width of the
lection of the Austrian National Library. For this reason, columns of text varies considerably, from 6.5 cm (recto 5)
the discovery of a scroll from earlier, ‘classical’ pharaonic to 30 cm (recto 10), and the number of lines in the indi-
times is a sensation. That it was preserved in a pottery vidual columns ranges from only one (recto 1) to eight
‘coffin’ containing the mummy of an ibis is not only (recto 4). Moreover, there are occasionally uninscribed
remarkable; this circumstance also raises a series of ques- segments—for example, on the recto there is a 23cm long
tions. uninscribed section before column 8 and a 20.5 cm long
section after it.
Physical Description of the Papyrus

Dating
Unrolled, the scroll measures exactly 250cm in length with
a height of 7.5cm (Figs. 10 and 11).2 The upper edge is not Even before restoration began, the paleography of the
entirely even but slightly wavy, because the papyrus was text on the fragments that had separated from the scroll
cut off a taller rolled-up scroll.3 Three to four of the out- suggested that it dated to the late Ramesside Period
ermost windings were in rather poor condition; 22 frag- (ca. 1100 BC). This was confirmed after the fragments were
ments had broken away from the outer windings of the reassembled, for a date could be read in column 2: Year 6
scroll (Fig. 13). Most of them could be pieced back together, of wḥm-msw.t,7 second month of the Akhet-season, day 27
but there are 20 lacunae since bits became separated from (Fig. 15, right).8
some fragments and were lost. The section comprised of This was very surprising, since it had been taken for
fragments is 76cm long. On the very first fragment, the granted that the papyrus, like the ibis mummy, dated to
title of the scroll can be read, and the name of the scribe the time span Late Period—Ptolemaic Period. This dis-
Dhutmose occurs for the first time (Fig. 13, No. 22). One crepancy led to the suspicion that a dealer in antiqui-
fragment is unusual because it is 1cm taller than the scroll. ties had created the ensemble in the 19th century. The
Probably this piece was used to strengthen the beginning
4 For details about treatment before unrolling and the unrolling itself,
see Hölzl’s introduction, 1–2.
5 Especially clear at recto 7, 9 and 11; see Pls. 5 and 7 and 9.
1 Parkinson & Quirke 1995, 9; 65 ff. 6 Verso 7a–10; see Pl. 19.
2 For the measurements, see Novak 2017, 113; 116 f. 7 For this era, see Černý 1929, 194ff.; 1930, 129f.; Kitchen 1986, 17.
3 Novak 2017, 118. 8 Recto 2, 1; see Pl. 2.

6 neumann
linen in which the papyrus was wrapped could help clarify The Vienna linen was subjected to C 14 testing in an
this question. The inner wrapping was a piece of thickly effort to determine a more precise date. On 14 May 2014,
woven, light-colored linen in very good condition, 76cm Prof. Dr. Eva Maria Wild from the VERA-Laboratory of
long and 11.5cm wide (Figs. 4–6).9 It was wrapped around Vienna University17 took one sample from both pieces of
the scroll so that the packet was open both at the bot- linen, as well as a third from the mummy bindings of the
tom and at the top. The outer wrapping, which measured ibis. (No sample—which testing would have destroyed—
30.5 by 28cm, was much thinner and dark in color. It was was taken from the scroll itself since the paleography and
very wrinkled and torn with many small holes (Figs. 3, 5),10 the date cited in the text furnished more precise informa-
and it completely enclosed the papyrus to prevent frag- tion about its dating than scientific methods might pro-
ments from falling out. There was an interesting if only vide.)
partially preserved drawing on it: a male figure of which As expected, the ibis mummy dates to Dynasty XXX/
some of the kilt, the upper torso, the right arm and part Ptolemaic Period (95.4 % probability: 380 BC (95.4 %)
of the left, as well as the end of a wig lappet on his chest 190 BC; Fig. 17). The inner linen wrapping dated to the
could be recognized. Behind the man there is a crocodile period late Dynasty XXI/early Dynasty XXII (95.4 % prob-
‘standing’ on its tail (Fig. 16). Similar representations, but ability; 1020 BC (95.4 %) 840 BC; Fig. 18)—in other words,
with a hippopotamus instead of a man, are known from relatively contemporaneous with the papyrus. The dating
the Middle Kingdom—for example, a scene on a so-called of the outer wrapping with the drawing was, with 95.4 %
magical knife in New York (MMA 30.8.218) following a col- probability, contemporaneous with the mummified ibis
umn of text reading “protection for the day”. This scene (400 BC (39.4 %) 340 BC, 320 BC (56.0 %) 200 BC; Fig. 19).
is particularly common in the astronomical decoration of
ceilings, such as in the tombs of Senenmut11 and Sety I12
and in the Hypostyle Hall of the Ramesseum.13 In an astro- Provenance of the Ensemble
nomical context the vignette is part of the depiction of
the circumpolar stars which the proximity of the Great This information obtained about dating suggests that
Bear constellation (Ursa Major) makes clear.14 The same the ensemble was created in antiquity. Robert Demarée’s
scene is also found in the Book of the Faiyum, accompa- translation of the text reveals the scroll to be a kind of
nied by a text reading “Neith, the Great, who protects her notebook or account book of the scribe Dhutmose.18 But
son”.15 what purpose could have been behind providing an ani-
The closest parallel for the representation—also drawn mal mummy with an administrative document? This ques-
on a piece of linen—is today in the British Museum (BM tion leads to another: why did the Egyptians inter animals
EA 10270, Fig. 16a). A man wearing a wig with a uraeus in such great numbers in the first place? The Greeks and
attached is flanked both right and left by a crocodile. Romans concluded that the Egyptians believed all animals
Neither the provenance of the piece, which is datable to possessed souls or were divine and for that reason had to
the Late Period, nor the precise meaning of the motif is be buried when they died.19 In more ancient times this
known but its apotropaic intent is clear.16 Conceivably, applied only to selected animals exhibiting specific char-
the piece of fabric is a mummy cloth, a shroud, perhaps acteristics such as, for example, the Apis bulls. In the Late
even for an animal mummy, but definitive evidence is lack- Period, however, divinity was attributed to all animals. In
ing. this connection, the remarks of Herodotus come to mind.
He mentioned that intentionally, or even accidentally20
killing a sacred animal was punishable by death. Plutarch,
9 Novak 2017, 99 f. too, noted that when inhabitants of one nome (admin-
10 Novak 2017, 100 f. istrative district) ate an animal sacred in a neighboring
11 Dorman 1991, 145 f. with pls. 84 and 85. nome it could lead to local conflicts.21 But these reports
12 Hornung 1991, pl. 173.
13 Neugebauer & Parker 1969, 17f. with pl. V; cf. also Lieven 2000,
176–179. 17 Univ.-Prof. Mag. Dr. Eva Maria Wild, Faculty of Physics, Isotope
14 Leitz 1989, 35; cf. also Munro 2003, 55 ff. Research and Nuclear Physics, Währinger Straße 17 (Kavaliers-
15 I thank R. Demarée for this information; see Beinlich 2013, 71 with trakt), 1090 Vienna.
Abb. 53. 18 For the content of the papyrus, see Demarée’s introductory chap-
16 Thanks again to R. Demarée for drawing my attention to this ter here, 10–12.
object. It may be noted that the ancient Egyptian word for 19 Herodotus Book II, 64–76.
‘sovereign’, i͗ty, can be written with two crocodile signs (Gardiner 20 Herodotus Book II, 65.
Sign List I 3). 21 Plutarch De Iside et Osiride, 72.

thoughts about provenance and composition of the ensemble 7
may well be vastly exaggerated, if not simply invented. erations back to the reign of Ramesses III.28 Dhutmose
Nowadays, rather, it is presumed that mummified ibises, is named in many documents of late Ramesside times,
falcons, cats, and also dogs were intended as votive gifts such as the necropolis journal (Giornale),29 the Turin tax-
or even as offerings to the deity with whom the respective ation papyrus,30 and the scroll BM EA 10052, a text that
animal was associated.22 deals with tomb robberies.31 But above all he is known
In this connection an old papyrus scroll could have as the writer of letters to his son Butehamun and the
been an additional gift for Thoth, the god of wisdom and recipient of letters from him.32 Some of these letters
learning, who was also considered the inventor of writing, were written when Dhutmose had to accompany General
especially since the theophoric name of the scribe respon- Piankh on his campaign to Nubia. From another letter33
sible for writing the papyrus evoked Thoth. we learn that Dhutmose left his house in Deir el-Medina
Yet another, perhaps better explanation for the phe- for a new home at Medinet Habu where the remains
nomenon of the animal cults in the Late Period involves a of a building were actually found with columns bear-
series of Demotic letters addressed to gods.23 They contain ing inscriptions naming Butehamun.34 Two doorjambs
complaints, requests, and vows.24 While it is true that none in the collection of Cairo’s Egyptian Museum inscribed
of them has been found in association with an animal with Dhutmose’s name probably derive from this build-
mummy, some do come from animal cemeteries.25 From ing;35 there are also two lintels, one nowadays in Tübin-
the contents of these letters it can be deduced that they gen.36
were messages for gods to be delivered by an emissary. This As early as the 1820s many of these letters, together with
is a function that the animal mummies might fulfill. More- administrative texts of the Ramesside Period, appeared in
over, in the “Myth of the Heavenly Cow” a play on words European collections.37 They had probably been discov-
makes a connection between the ancient Egyptian term ered only a few years earlier, at a time when diplomats like
for ibis (hbj) and the verb with the meaning “to send out” Bernardino Drovetti and Henry Salt were active in the The-
(hɜb).26 The popularity of this practice is reflected in the ban area. Even if there is no concrete mention of a find
vast numbers of animal mummies. The general absence of of papyri, the dramatically soaring price for such docu-
vows and queries posed in writing is not surprising, since a ments shows how sought after they were which must have
large proportion of the population was illiterate. Possibly encouraged illicit excavations.38 It can thus be suspected
it was considered adequate simply to express such mes- that all these papyri derive from one or more finds in and
sages verbally during a ritual over an ibis mummy, making
the provision of a written version of the message unnec- 28 Bierbrier 31995, 36; for the family of Dhutmose and his son Buteh-
essary.27 It is even conceivable that a papyrus scroll with amun, see Davies 1997, 49ff.; see also Allon & Navratilova 2017,
133–146.
totally different content, a quasi-symbolic message, might 29 Botti & Peet, 1928, v. 1, pl. 11; Kitchen 2012, 416ff.
be included, especially since the name of the god Thoth as 30 Pleyte & Rossi, v. II, pls. LXV, C, CLVI; Gardiner 1948, 36ff.
a theophoric element in the name of the scribe could be 31 Peet 1930, 135ff. with pls. XXV–XXXV.
read in the title visible on the outside. Such a logical rea- 32 Text: Černý 1939; translation: Wente 1967.
33 pBerlin 10494: Wente 1967, 44.
son could be proposed to account for the creation of the
34 Hölscher 1954, 5.
ensemble in antiquity. 35 Cairo, Egyptian Museum JE 48832 and 48833.
But is there a viable alternative scenario suggesting that 36 No. 1707: Brunner-Traut & Brunner 1981, 78ff. with pl. 109. The
the ensemble dates instead to the 19th century? The prove- present location of the second lintel is not known.
nance of comparable documents needs to be investigated 37 Among them pAmbras (ÄS 3876). On account of this name,
Palace Ambras in the neighborhood of Innsbruck has been pro-
along with the possibility that our clay cone with ibis posed as its provenance (so Salah el-Kholi 2006, 15). However,
mummy and papyrus could have been among the stock of the papyrus acquired the name Ambras thanks only to a remark
a dealer in antiquities. made in passing by H. Brugsch in his publication of 1875, 1ff.
Dhutmose, the author of the papyrus, is today one the where he states that he discovered the papyrus in 1873 under a
stack of other texts on a visit to the “Ambras Collection”. Before
best-known scribes of ancient Egypt. He was the mem-
the Kunsthistorisches Museum opened on the Ringstrasse in 1891
ber of a scribal family that can be traced for several gen- the collection was exhibited in the Lower Belvedere where the
“Ambras Collection” had been taken to save it from the French
22 Ikram 22005, 9 ff.; Kessler 1989. troops in 1805. The name of this collection was popularly applied
23 Bleiberg 2013, 84 f. to all the collections in the Lower Belvedere.
24 Migahid 1986, v. II, 67 ff.; Depauw 2006, 307–313. 38 Demarée 2008, 44. As a result of the fierce competition between
25 Bleiberg 2013, 84. Drovetti and Salt, in 1817 papyri were no longer sold for eight or
26 Hornung 1982, 66 n. 161. ten piasters a piece, but now for 30, 40 or even 50 piasters! (50
27 Bleiberg 2013, 86. piasters then would be ca. 60 pound sterling today).

8 neumann
around Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu, perhaps even from a tomb at Saqqara.49 In his publication Reinisch
in the so-called House of Butehamun.39 expressly stated that the ibis mummies came from the
How likely is it that a text like the account book of Dhut- necropolis of Memphis, and in a footnote he wrote that
mose, associated both by date and content with these dis- there were other ibis cemeteries in Egypt.50 His remark
coveries at the beginning of the 19th century, came to be about provenance should thus be considered believable
separated from them over two millennia earlier, to end (Fig. 20) and the pieces could come from Laurin’s excava-
up as an addition to an ibis mummy? The possibility can- tions, even if there is no hint of that in his concise records.
not be excluded that our papyrus, like so many other late Furthermore, Ferdinand Max could just as well have pur-
Ramesside documents discovered at the beginning of the chased the ibis mummies from a dealer in Cairo or even
19th century, passed through the hands of a dealer in antiq- at a somewhat later date (but before 1865) in Trieste. Reg-
uities to end up in the Miramar Collection. ular shipping traffic between this old Austrian harbor and
In the introduction, Regina Hölzl noted that the exact Alexandria brought time and again Egyptian objects to Tri-
provenance of the Miramar pieces cannot be established. este in the hands of dealers and travelers. Today Trieste is
In 1878, the objects were divided into two collections, still home to a collection of 1,200 objects acquired in this
Miramar I and II, with the intention of reflecting the dif- manner.51
fering histories of acquisition and the conflicting claims It also cannot be ruled out that Reinisch himself
to ownership that resulted.40 But it is by no means as clear acquired the ibis mummy with the papyrus. Detailed infor-
and simple as it appears at first glance. In 1865, when Leo mation about his purchases is not forthcoming. But it is
Reinisch described the Aegyptiaca at that time in Mira- noteworthy that in his description of the Miramar Collec-
mar, it was presumed that most items comprised the gift of tion II only twelve ibis mummies are mentioned, under
the Egyptian viceroy41 who supposedly felt obliged to give numbers 11–22, which were apparently still in their pottery
Ferdinand Max the objects when the latter expressed such jars.52 In the inventory of 1878 their number had increased
enthusiasm for them on a visit to the Egyptian Museum.42 to fourteen; among them our pottery jar (ÄS 5174) was
But it is rather unlikely that the Archduke expressed number thirteen.53 Since originally there were apparently
much keenness at the sight of a pottery jar containing less than twelve, a few more must have been added at a
an ibis mummy. More probably he acquired it elsewhere. later moment. That the division of the collection in 1878
But it cannot be categorically excluded that the pottery does not correlate entirely with the history of acquisi-
jar came from the Egyptian Museum since Reinisch mention is shown by the fact that several prominent objects
tioned specifically that the Archduke turned down the are missing from Reinisch’s description, such as the head
valuable gifts of the Viceroy and took less spectacular oth- from a sculpture of Senwosret III (ÄS 5813),54 the reliefs
ers instead because he wanted to provide scholarship with of Merire (ÄS 5814, 5815),55 and the body of the statue of
new material to study—material which need not necessar- Sebekemsaf (ÄS 5801),56 which therefore must certainly
ily have high aesthetic merit.43 have been acquired subsequently.57
Another possible origin for the pottery jar is the Lau- In summary, it cannot be determined if Archduke Ferdi-
rin Collection44 which Ferdinand Max also acquired.45 nand Max had already acquired the pottery jar containing
It is known that in 1846 Anton von Laurin was involved the ibis mummy (ÄS 5174)—and if so, on which occasion—
with excavations at Saqqara;46 he gave several mummies nor if this object derives from Reinisch’s purchases. Natu-
of bulls discovered to the Imperial Collection in Vienna.47 rally, there is also the possibility that the pottery jar with
Blocks from the mastaba of Itwš (the jambs, lintel, and
tablet of his false door, ÄS 5817–5820)48 probably come 49 Probably tomb no. 14 [D 43], PM 2III/2, 452; cf. Hölzl 1999, 18, 21.
50 Reinisch 1865, 98, 126 n. 53.
51 For the history of the Trieste Collection, see Vidulli Torlo 2013,
39 It is more likely that the structure was an administrative build- 9ff.
ing; see Jansen-Winkeln 1994, 35. 52 Reinisch 1865, 98, where only eleven ibis mummies are men-
40 Supra 3. tioned—apparently in error.
41 Reinisch 1865, IX. 53 No. 26 in the old inventory of Miramar. The pottery jars begin
42 Satzinger 1997, 76. with No. 14—cf. the Egyptian inventory, 152.
43 Reinisch 1865, IX. 54 Hölzl 2014, 64f.; Jaroš-Deckert 1987, 1, 64–71.
44 Supra 3. 55 Hölzl 2014, 90f.; Hüttner & Satzinger 1999, 16, 92–107.
45 Hamernik 1985, 198 ff. 56 Hölzl 2014, 74f.; Jaroš-Deckert 1987, 1, 39–48 (and addendum 6,
46 Hamernik 1985, 13. 187–189).
47 Hamernik 1985, 116 ff. 57 Note that the head of the statue (ÄS 5051) was included in Col-
48 Hölzl 1999, 18, 15–28. lection 1.

thoughts about provenance and composition of the ensemble 9
the ibis and the papyrus came from a dealer in antiqui-

ties, who put the ensemble together in order to increase
the value (and the price) considerably.58 He might have
taken the linen used for the outer wrapping of the papyrus
package from an animal mummy.59 That would account
for the fragmentary state of the piece of cloth—but then
it would be remarkable that the scroll was not removed
by the purchaser from the pottery jar when he got home
with it. Thus another hypothesis can be imagined, namely
that the dealer inadvertently exchanged the pottery jars
and sold the one with the papyrus to Ferdinand Max or
Reinisch. It is also possible that the dealer hid the scroll in
a pottery jar because of its considerable worth. Then again
the exchange scenario must be invoked.
At present it is not possible to determine whether the
ensemble comprising the papyrus and the ibis mummy
was created in antiquity or rather in the 19th century.
Hopefully the former was the case—and that the ensem-
ble is not unique, so that one or more analogous finds may
yet slumber among the many millions of unopened pot-
tery jars with ibis mummies.
58 The low esteem in which animal mummies were held in the 19th
century is demonstrated by the fate of 180,000 cat mummies
which came to Liverpool in 1890 as reported by Malek 1993, 129:
they were not taken to the museum but used as fertilizer!
59 The ibis mummies ÄS 5164 and 5166 are still wrapped in mummy
cloths that do not, however, completely envelop the birds.

chapter 3

Robert J. Demarée
Introduction – P. Turin fragment, unpublished, temporarily in cover

F494, fragment of a grain distribution list, year 10
After the discovery of P. Vienna ÄS 10321 in the ibis- Ramesses XI, comparable to the list in P. BM EA 10054
mummy jar it soon became clear that the hieratic texts on verso 2–4, of year 6 of the Renaissance Period.
this document were written by Dhutmose, the well-known – P. BM EA 9997, some texts on the verso, records of grain
scribe of the Tomb who played an important role in the distribution, years 14 and 15 of Ramesses XI (KRI VII,
local administration and the life of Thebes at the end of 389–394).
the 20th dynasty (Černý 1973/2001, 357–381; Romer 1984, – P. Turin 2003, account of wages for the gang of work-
170–196; Allon & Navratilova 2017, 133–146). men, year 3 of the Renaissance Period (KRI VII, 388).
The existence of this papyrus came to my knowledge at – P. Turin 1903, account of payments to a water-carrier,
the time when I had just begun studying the handwriting year 5 of the Renaissance Period (KRI VII, 395–397).
of this scribe initiated by the discovery of a papyrus frag- We can now add to the group of administrative documents
ment with a kind of ship’s log written by him, in the collec- written by Dhutmose P. Vienna ÄS 10321, with dates in the
tion of the Museo Egizio at Turin (Demarée 2018). The first years 5 and 6 of the Renaissance Period. A few examples
results of this study have been set out in a contribution on of his characteristic scribal forms presented in facsimile
some characteristic forms of hieratic in Dhutmose’s hand- in the table below may serve to support this attribution.
writing (Demarée 2018–2). Recognition of typical aspects Examples 1–5 show the writings of rnp.t-sp, ‘regnal year’;
of his handwriting also enabled the ascription of sev- and two different forms of the verb šsp, ‘to receive’, are
eral more documents to the number of texts written by shown in examples 6–11. A special case is Dhutmose’s writ-
this remarkable official, as witnessed by the following ing of Shedsuamun in examples 12–14: in the second ele-
list: ment sw of this personal name he omits the w, possibly
because of the following curved form of the group for ʾImn,
Private Letters the third element of the name (see also below, commen-
P. Ashmolean Museum 1945.93 (P. Griffith); P. Bibl. Nat. tary on rt. 8,1).
196,II; P. Bibl. Nat. 197,II; P. Bibl. Nat. 197,IV; P. Bibl. Nat.
199,5–9+ 196,V+198,IV; P. Berlin 10494; P. BM EA 10326; P. BM 1 2 3 4 5
EA 10419; P. BM EA 75017; P. BM EA 75021; P. BM EA 75025;
P. Geneva D407; P. Leiden I 369; P. Leiden I 370; P. Turin 6 7 8
1972; P. Turin 1973; P. Turin 2026; P. Turin 54100.
9 10 11
Administrative Documents
– P. Turin 1895+2006, Turin Taxation Papyrus, year 12 of 12 13 14
Ramesses XI (Gardiner 1948. 36–44).
– P. Turin 1888+2095, Turin Necropolis Journal, year 17 Examples of some characteristic forms in Dhutmose’s
Ramesses XI (Gardiner 1948, 64–68). handwriting: rnp.t-sp, two forms of the verb sšp and the
– P. Turin 2098+2100/306, a grain distribution list and a personal name Šd-sw-ʾImn.
ship’s log, year 9 of Ramesses XI (Demarée 2018, …). 1: P. Vienna ÄS 10321 vs. 1,1; 2: P. Turin 1888+2095 rt. 1,1; 3:
– P. Turin 2018, accounts of grain delivery and distribu- P. Vienna ÄS 10321 rt. 2,1; 4: P. BM EA 9997 vs. 5,1; 5: P. Turin
tion to the gang of workmen, years 8–10 of Ramesses XI 2098+2100 rt. 1,1; 6: P. Turin 2098+2100 rt. 1,1; 7: P. Turin
(KRI VI, 851–863). 1888+2095 rt. 2,1; 8: P. Leiden I370 rt. 12; 9: P.P. Vienna
– P. Turin 2061+2106, unpublished grain accounts, years 9 ÄS 10321 rt. 1,1; 10: P. Vienna ÄS 10321 vs. 8,1; 11: P. Turin
and 10 Ramesses XI. 2061+2106 vs. 3,2; 12: P. Vienna ÄS 10321 rt.; 13: P. Vienna
– P. Turin 2090+2096, unpublished grain accounts, year ÄS 10321 vs.; 14: P. Turin 1972 vs. 2.
10 Ramesses XI.

the notebook of dhutmose 11
With its remarkable length and small height the horizon- royal tombs, but by this time it was no longer involved in
tal format of P. Vienna ÄS 10321 is without precise par- such tasks and even the burial place of the last pharaoh
allel. Rolled up as a small scroll it shows all aspects of Ramesses XI was left unfinished (Černý 1973/2001, 361–372;
a pocketsize notebook. Although this format is not very Demarée 2016, 80).
common, we do know from almost the same period some During the earlier stage of his career as ‘scribe of the
other examples like P. Boulaq 6 which measures 199.5 Tomb’ Dhutmose was involved in documenting the ins and
in length and 11.1 in width (Koenig 1981) and also texts outs of the institution ‘The Tomb’ and later in the col-
written on narrow strips of papyrus in a vertical format: lection of grain for the communities on the west bank of
P. Turin 1976 (Allam 1973, Pl. 111) measures 33cm in height Thebes.
and 12.5cm in width; P. Turin 2014 (unpublished letter In his account notes in the present papyrus he acts
and a list of assistance personnel) measures 30 × 8.8 cm; as the financial manager of several ‘funds’ from which
and P. BM EA 20341+10118,5 (unpublished grain account amounts (of copper/money) are transferred to various
and name-list) measures ca. 43×11.5cm. Likewise writ- people as payments for work and commodities. Interest-
ten on narrow strips are of course the so-called oracular ingly almost all these people are very well known from
decrees (max. 150×6–8cm) dating to the Third Intermedi- contemporary documents like the Late Ramesside Letters
ate Period (Edwards 1960, xi–xii; for their layout see Wil- and some of the so-called Tomb Robberies Papyri.
fong 2015, 295–300). As far as can be seen from the records in the present
As noted in the previous chapter by Michael Neumann, papyrus he made no serious mistakes in his calculations,
the papyrus measures exactly 250cm in length with a something for which he was once blamed in the past. In
height of 7.5cm. Joins are found at the following distances one case (in column recto 10,5) he corrected a wrong total
from one another, starting on the right of the recto: 22.8; number of ‘46’ into ‘47’. In some other account notes the
24.8; 24; 25; 24.7; 24,2; 24.8; 24.7; 24.2 and 24.2 cm. This numbers and totals are difficult to understand or verify. In
breadth of the sheets pasted together is in accordance his commentary on the Turin Taxation Papyrus written by
with the usual practice during the second half of the New Dhutmose, Sir Alan Gardiner stated to have found “unmis-
Kingdom (Černý 1945, 30; Gardiner 1948, vi; Eyre 2013, 23– takable evidence” that the accounts had been “faked” and
25). The document is clearly palimpsest. Lines of earlier “falsified” (Gardiner 1941, 31). Gardiner’s view was adopted
(partly) erased texts are found in columns rt. 7, 9 and 11. by Katary 1989, 174–175, Castle 1992, 249 and Janssen 1994,
Old texts were washed away, but the washing off was done 42, but modified by Vinson 1995, 93–102: “There is no basis
carelessly and many traces of previous writing are clearly for charges of either incompetence or corruption”, even
visible (for reuse of papyri see Caminos 1986, 43–61, and though he made some minor mistakes in his assessments
Quack 2014). A remarkable case is col. 7a where the scribe (see for recording errors in Deir el-Medina texts Mande-
obviously wanted to keep an earlier text and separated this ville 2014, 133–142).
from his new text by a curved line. The account notes not only bring new information
The main body of texts on this document consists of about many already known persons from the circle around
records of copper spent, delivered or received by the scribe Dhutmose, they also provide us with several prices of vari-
of the Tomb Dhutmose. The docket written transversely ous objects, tools and weapons. In most cases these are the
in vs. 11,1 explicitly labels the papyrus as “The records of latest dated commodity prices known from the world of
the copper of scribe Dhutmose”. Even more specific is the Deir el-Medina and as such they form welcome additions
indication in rt. 2,1: “Records of copper of the status of to the work of Janssen 1975. Of interest for the history of
expenses of the scribe of the Tomb Dhutmose”. On the bronze metalworking is the line (column recto 3,4) record-
one hand copper is the material to make tools and objects ing that a coppersmith was compensated for his purchase
of daily use, on the other hand values/prices of objects of tin.
are expressed in deben of copper (Janssen 1975, 514–523).
Clearly therefore most of the texts belong to a kind of Different from the business records and much more of a
account register or cash book. This cash book was kept private nature are the laundry lists in columns verso 9 and
by Dhutmose to note records of various business trans- 10, the inventory of Dhutmose’s amulets and jewelry in
actions. At the time these notes were written—the very columns recto 4–7, and the ‘report’ on the theft of his per-
end of the 20th dynasty—he functioned more or less as sonal belongings during his absence in columns verso 5–7.
administrative manager of a government institution. Orig- Interestingly the inventory and the list of stolen property
inally this institution—locally known under the name offer a fascinating insight into the private wealth of this
‘The Tomb’ for short—was responsible for the building of individual.

12 demarée
The faded but not effaced texts of columns verso 9 and burials (Northampton &c. 1908, 22–23), although no ibis-
10, together with column verso 7a, are certainly the oldest mummy jars are known from this site.
writings on this papyrus. Obviously they were still of some After this introduction to the papyrus and its author, in
importance to the owner/scribe, but it is difficult to deter- the following the texts of this document will be translated
mine the period of time between these notes and the main and discussed. Bold words or passages in the translitera-
group of later texts. tions and translations are written in red ink in the original.
From the unique inventory of Dhutmose’s amulets and
jewelry of silver and semi-precious stones, dated to year
5 of the Renaissance Period, we may infer that he was a
reasonably well-to-do individual—not to forget in diffi-
cult economic times. From his correspondence in the Late
Ramesside Letters we already knew that he owned a plot of
land and once in a letter mention is made of ca. 20 grams
of gold (LRL 6, 5).
The ‘report’ on the theft of his personal belongings is
dated in year 6 of the Renaissance Period and the reference
to Dhutmose’s journey to the north (i.e. Middle Egypt) in
this text confirms the proposed date for some of the Late
Ramesside Letters (Wente 1967, 6). Although the reason
for this journey is not mentioned here, several other texts
inform us about Dhutmose’s travels to Middle Egypt and
the region south of Thebes in order to collect grain for
members of his employing institution and other inhab-
itants of Western Thebes. Many documents (see above)
testify to the fact that he was regularly involved in this kind
of activities that never belonged to the tasks of his prede-
cessors as scribes of the Tomb.
Three men are named as perpetrators of the theft of
a large amount of Dhutmose’s personal belongings: a
deputy chief-workman and two workmen, all three his col-
leagues, or rather subordinates, and neighbors. Although
the brutality to steal the contents of the residence of one’s
superior during his absence is without known parallel in
the history of Ancient Egypt, there are known cases of
theft from one’s neighbors. And even more telling still is
the large group of papyri known as the Tomb Robberies
dossier which vividly illustrates the general downfall of
morale during the final decades of the 20th dynasty.
On a final note it is of some interest to point out that the
miscellany of private and business records on this papyrus
contains a remarkable number of newly attested or less
common words for i.a. tools, items of garment, amulets
and pieces of jewelry (marked with an *in the index of
words discussed).
In the previous chapter Michael Neumann rightfully
considered the question how this document ended up in
an ibis jar whereas most of the private and administrative
Theban papyri from the end of the 20th dynasty came to
rest somewhere in Western Thebes. Although no secure
relation can be established, it may be noted that in the
Ptolemaic Period Theban Tomb 11–12 was used for ibis-

chapter 4
Texts and Commentary
Recto Col. 1 (Plate 1) Translation

(rt. 2,1) Year 6 in the Repeating of Births, II Akhet, day
Transliteration 27. Records of copper of the status of expenses of the
(rt. 1,1) šsp m-ḏr.t i͗my-r i͗ḥ.w sš mšʿ Qɜ-šwti͗ m ɜbd III ɜḫt sw scribe of the Tomb Dhutmose.
26 ḥmt dbn 5 Space
(rt. 2,2) Amount of copper of the tools: 22 deben,
Translation rest/deficit 9. (space) Specification. Given to the san-
(rt. 1,1) Received from the overseer of cattle and army dalmaker Nekhnunefer to
scribe Qashuti on III Akhet, day 26: 5 deben copper. (rt. 2,3) compensate for the delivery of fine quality san-
dals: 2 deben. Given to the doorkeeper of the Temple
Notes/commentary Paymeniures to compensate for
The army scribe Qashuti is well-known from the Tomb (rt. 2,4) his grain(?) brought together with the captains of
Robberies dossier (e.g. P. BM EA 10053, vs. 4,9; P. BM the Tomb: 1 deben, rest/deficit […].
EA 10054, vs. 2,1; P. BM EA 10383, 1,4) and from P. Turin (rt. 3,1) Given [to the coppersmith] of the Tomb Hori
1888+2085, 1,8 (Gardiner 1948, 65, 3); he is also mentioned through Tentniut: 1 deben copper, balance/remainder:
in the Late Ramesside Letter P. Bournemouth, vs. 1 (cf. 8 deben copper. Total(?) 12 deben, rest/deficit 2½.
Janssen 1991, 55), and in graffito 447 (Spiegelberg 1921, 38). (rt. 3,2) Given to the coppersmith Pentahutnakht of the
According to P. BM EA 10068 vs. 3,5 his house was near to chapel of prince Huy as/for the engraving of
the temple of Medinet Habu. See also here below vs. 7a,1 (rt. 3,3) the mḏwy(?) of [x+]1 deben, rest/deficit 7—scrap
and vs. 8,1. His combined title ‘overseer of cattle and army copper 5 deben.
scribe’ is unusual and not known to me from other sources. (rt. 3,4) Given for the spear with the coppersmith Pen-
For the cursive forms of the sign for mšʿ by Dhutmose tahutnakht: 1 deben, (for) buying tin/lead: 1 deben,
see also Černý 1939, 10a, note on 11c–d. total 2.
(rt. 3,5) Total: 11 deben copper, rest/deficit 2½. Weight of
the spike: 1 deben. Total: 12 deben, rest/deficit 2½.
Recto Col. 2–3 (Plates 2 and 3)
Notes/commentary
Transliteration (rt. 2,1) The compound expression r-ʿ-hɜw is unknown to
(rt. 2,1) Rnp.t-sp 6 m Wḥm-Msw.t ɜbd II ɜḫt sw 27 sš.w n me from other sources, but must clearly mean ‘status of
ḥmt n r-ʿ-hɜw n sš Ḏḥwty-ms n pɜ Ḫr expenses’.
(space) (rt. 2,2) For ʿḥʿ n, ‘amount of’ (also below rt. 8,1, rt. 9,1,
(rt. 2,2) ʿḥʿ n ḥmt n nɜ ḫʿw dbn 22 wḏɜ.t 9 (space) wp-st rt. 11,2, rt. 12,1 and vs. 4,1), see Donker van Heel & Har-
rdy.t n ṯbw Nḫnw-nfr r ing 2003, 140–141. The terms wḏɜ.t, ‘rest/deficit’, and mn,
(rt. 2,3) ḏb[ɜ] pɜ rdy.t n twt šmʿ ḥmt dbn 2 rdy.t n i͗ry-ʿɜ Pɜy- ‘remainder/balance’ are frequently used in the texts of
mni͗w-rs n tɜ Ḥw.t ḏbɜ this papyrus; see for the administrative use of these terms
(rt. 2,4) pɜy=f i͗t(?) i͗ny.t i͗rm=w nɜ ḥwty.w n pɜ Ḫr ḥm.t dbn Megally 1977a, 69–82.
1 wḏɜ.t […] Above the number ‘9’ there is a partly effaced number
(rt. 3,1) rdy.t [n ḥmt.y] Ḥri͗ n pɜ Ḫr m-ḏr.t Tnt-ni͗w.t ḥmt dbn ‘5’.
1 mn dbn 8 dbn [?] 12 wḏɜ.t 2½ The group in the middle of this line is probably to be
(rt. 3,2) rdy.t n ḥmt.y Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt n tɜ hw.t kɜ=k n rpʿt read wp-st, ‘specification/in detail’, see Quack 2004, 473,
Ḥwy m tɜ mtnw n and differs from the abbreviated writing for šbn.w, ‘vari-
(rt. 3,3) pɜ mḏwy(?) n dbn [x+]1 wḏɜ.t 7 hmt mqnqn dbn 5 ous’ which also occurs regularly in this papyrus.
(rt. 3,4) rdy.t r pɜ ni͗w m-ḏr.t ḥmt.y Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt ḥmt dbn 1 The sandalmaker Nekhnunefer is also mentioned below
i͗ni͗ dḥt dbn 1 dmḏ 2 vs. 4,2. His house is listed in P. BM EA 10068, vs. 2,26; his
(rt. 3,5) dmḏ ḥmt dbn 11 wḏɜ.t 2½ i ͗sy n ḫɜy dbn 1 dmḏ 12 name was misread by Peet 1930, 94 and pl. XIV. In P. BM
wḏɜ.t 2½ EA 9997, vs. 6,1–17 regular deliveries of hides and leather to

14 chapter 4
him are listed in year 14 and year 15 of Ramesses XI, notably i͗ni͗ dḥt must mean ‘to buy tin/lead’. For dḥt, ‘tin/lead’, see
in vs. 6,1; 6,2 and 6,14 (KRI VII 393, 9 and 10; 394, 4–5 where LRL 51,8 and 56,7; O. Cairo 25677, rt. 8a–b; O. DeM 299 rt.
in all cases his title is misread). 2 and O. DeM 10238, rt. I,3; also cf. Janssen 1975, 442–443,
In the title ṯbw, ‘sandalmaker’, the forms of the shoe sign and Grandet 1994, Vol. 2, n. 414. For lead and tin in Ancient
(Möller 1909, II, 433) here and in vs. 4,2 are noteworthy. Egypt see Nicholson & Shaw 2000, 168 and 171.
For prices of sandals see Janssen 1975, 292–298; Janssen (rt. 3,5) For i͗sy n ḫɜy, ‘weight of the spike’, see Valbelle
2008, 95–107; Dorn 2011, Text- und Katalogband, 423–424, 1977, 6–7.
Taf. 556–561 (O. BTdK 684).
(rt. 2,3) Sandals of fine quality are not listed by Janssen
2008, 95–107. For the verb šmʿ, ‘to be fine’, see WB IV, 478, Recto Col. 4–7 (Plates 4 and 5)
4–5 and Caminos 1954, 397.
The porter/doorkeeper Paymeniures is known from P. Transliteration
BM EA 10068, vs. 1,23, where his levy contribution is handed (rt. 4,1) rnp.t-sp 5, I šmw sw 25 pɜ šnw n ḫr.t nb.t nty m tɜ ṯnf
over to the army scribe Qashuti; his house is mentioned (rt. 4,2) wḏɜt ẖry di͗sw n dšr 8
in P. BM EA 10068, vs. 7,4. In late 20th dynasty texts tɜ (rt. 4,3) dšr ḫtm ẖry di͗sw 1
Ḥw.t, ‘the Temple’, is the abbreviated name of the tem- (rt. 4,4) dšr nbḫɜi͗w 2 wdɜ.t 1 dmḏ 3
ple of Medinet Habu, cf. Černý 1940, 127–130. The form of (rt. 4,5) thw wḏ/tḫn(?) ḫsbd mɜʿ ḫtm bʿn.w di͗sw m dšr 2
the hieratic signs of the article tɜ in tɜ Ḥw.t is notewor- (rt. 4,6) wḏ/tḫn(?) nšmt mɜʿ ḫtm bʿn.w di͗sw m dšr 1
thy. (rt. 4,7) ḫtm ḫsbd mɜʿ bʿn.w m dšr 2
(rt. 2,4) The group after pɜy=f is not clear; it could stand (rt. 4,8) ḫtm ṯḥnt bʿn.w m dšr 1
for i͗t, ‘grain’, cf. below rt. 12,3. (rt. 5,1) mḫnmt ḫtm di͗sw m ḥḏ 2
(rt. 3,1) The coppersmith Hori is mentioned in LRL 20,10; (rt. 5,2) ḫsbd mɜʿ Mw.t (?) 1
21,11; 51,6 and 72,10. He was actively involved in the produc- (rt. 5,3) nšmt twt Ḏḥwty 1
tion of spears. See also here below rt. 9,3, where likewise (rt. 5,4) kt.ti͗ tnw šbn.w
his wife(?) Tentniut is mentioned, and vs. 8,4. (rt. 5,5) ḫtm ḫsbd mɜʿ di͗sw m dšr 1
(rt. 3,2) The coppersmith Pentahutnakht is mentioned (rt. 5,6) sɜi͗(w) nšmt mɜʿ di͗sw m dšr 1
with his full title also below rt. 8,2. His house is listed in P. (rt. 5,7) prgrn m mḥ 1
BM EA 10068, vs. 5,10. In P. BM EA 10054, vs. 2,5 he is called (rt. 5,8) dšr ḏbʿ.w 2
carpenter of the ḥw.t-temple of Huy (from year 6, III Akhet (rt. 6,1) nšmt nḏmḥ.w […]bnw(?) 2
10, only three weeks after the date of the present text: a list (rt. 6,2) ḫtm.w šbn.w 4
of distribution of barley, also mentioning the army scribe (rt. 6,3) nšmt prgrn bʿn.w m dšr 1
Oashuti in vs. 2,1). The ḥw.t-kɜ chapel of Huy is the memo- (rt. 6,4) mḫnmt di͗sw m dšr sɜi͗w 1
rial temple of Amenhotep son of Hapu north of Medinet (rt. 6,5) ḫsbd mɜʿ bʿn.w di͗sw wḏɜ.t 1
Habu, cf. Robichon and Varille 1936, 7–8. For the writing (rt. 6,6) ḫsbd mɜʿ ḫtm 2
ḥw.t-kɜ.k as here, see the discussion by Gardiner 1947, II, (rt. 6,7) dšr i͗nnhnm m mḥ 2
47*–48*. (rt. 6,8) nḥm(.t) 2
mtnw written with the determinatives as here means (rt. 7,1) wrdw m mḥ 1
the carving or inscription of an object, cf. the expres- (rt. 7,2) twt n pɜ rʿ ḏbʿ.w 1
sion mtn ḥr rn, “inscribed with the name of”, in O. Berlin (rt. 7,3) dšr ʿšrn ʿ 1
14654, 3 (online publication: http://dem‑online.gwi.uni (rt. 7,4) i͗wn mɜʿ sɜi͗w 4
‑muenchen.de). In vs. 3,4 below the word is written with
the other determinatives meaning ‘reward, compensation’, Translation
see Janssen 1975, 183 and 416–417. (rt. 4,1) Year 5, I Shemou, day 25. The inventory of all pos-
(rt. 3,3) Due to the damages of the papyrus at this point, sessions which are in the bag.
the transcription of the word—mḏwy(?)—is a guess. (rt. 4,2) 8 udjat-eye amulets with mounting of red gold
For ‘scrap copper’ see Janssen 1975, 442. (rt. 4,3) 1 seal with mounting of red gold
(rt. 3,4) Spears are frequently mentioned in the texts (rt. 4,4) 2 nbḫɜi͗w and ⟨1⟩ udjat-amulet of red gold, total 3
of this papyrus and also in several of the Late Ramesside (rt. 4,5) damaged: 2 seals of real lapis lazuli, the seals
Letters (e.g. LRL 8, 9 and 50); see also Černý 1973/2001. inlaid and mounted with red gold
379. For a price of such a weapon see Janssen 1975, 325– (rt. 4,6) 1 stele/obelisk(?) of real feldspar inlaid and
326. mounted in red gold

texts and commentary 15
(rt. 4,7) 2 seals of real lapis lazuli inlaid in red gold The black dots in front of lines rt. 4,2–8 and rt. 5,1 are
(rt. 4,8) 2 seals of faience inlaid in red gold most probably checkmarks, well-known from administra-
(rt. 5,1) 2 seals of red jasper mounted in silver tive texts.
(rt. 5,2) 1 Mut-statuette(?) of real lapis lazuli
(rt. 5,3) 1 statuette of Thoth of feldspar (rt. 4,1) šnw, ‘inventory’, can also have the connotation
(rt. 5,4) various others ‘inspection, check’, as clearly so with the determinative of
(rt. 5,5) 1 seal of real lapis lazuli mounted in red gold the eye in P. Ambras, 1,1 (El-Kholi 2006, 15–16).
(rt. 5,6) 1 sɜi͗w of real feldspar mounted in red gold (rt. 4,2) udjat-eye amulets, as mentioned here, in rt. 4,4
(rt. 5,7) 1 prgrn with inlay and in rt. 6,5 are well-known.
(rt. 5,8) 2 finger seals of red gold For di͗sw/ti͗s, ‘mounted’ or ‘mounting’, see WB V, 243,2–
(rt. 6,1) 2 nḏmḥw(?) of real feldspar inlaid 3. The writing everywhere in this papyrus with M 23 + Z 7,
(rt. 6,2) 4 various seals instead of Aa 18 + Z 1, is noteworthy.
(rt. 6,3) 1 prgrn of feldspar inlaid in red gold The sign of the ‘red crown’ (Möller 1909, II, 413), here
(rt. 6,4) 1 sɜi͗w of red jasper mounted in red gold and everywhere else in this list stands for dšr. Since it is
(rt. 6,5) 1 udjat-eye amulet of real lapis lazuli inlaid and clearly a material also used for mounting small objects, I
mounted suggest this would be ‘red gold’. Although the word is not
(rt. 6,6) 2 seals of real lapis lazuli recorded so far, red gold was well-known in Ancient Egypt,
(rt. 6,7) 2 pomegranates of red gold with inlay see Frantz & Schorsch 1990, 1323–152.
(rt. 6,8) 2 lotus-buds For the gemstones ḫsbd, nšmt and mḫnmt see Harrell
(rt. 7,1) 1 wrdw with inlay 2012.
(rt. 7,2) 1 seal with an image of the sun-god (rt. 4,4) The word nbḫɜi͗w (or nbḏɜi͗w?) is unknown so far.
(rt. 7,3) 1 pair of lentils of red gold (rt. 4,5) The form of the first sign in this line and in
(rt. 7,4) 4 sɜi͗w of real i͗wn rt. 4,6 is different from that of the sign for ḫtm as for
example in rt. 4,3 and 4,7. It should stand either for Gar-
Notes/commentary diner Sign-List O 25 or O 26. Amulets in the shape of a
As this text is clearly in Dhutmose’s handwriting, it pro- small stele or an obelisk are known, although so far only
vides us most probably with a list of his personal amulets from the Late Period (Müller-Winkler 1988, 317ff.). See
and small jewelry. Dhutmose’s interest in amulets was for a stele-shaped amulet Myers Collection Eton EG 4462
already known from remarks in two of the Late Rames- of green feldspar, NMS Edinburgh A.1965.87 of greenish-
side Letters. In P. Geneva D 407, vs. 3–5 (LRL 15,5–7) his white feldspar engraved with a figure of Osiris, or British
son Butehamun wrote: “Now as for your having written to Museum BM 22987 in faience (cf. Taylor & Antoine 2014, 83
me about the matter of this Red Crown amulet, ‘Do you and 89, figs. 69 and 81), and for an obelisk-shaped amulet
have it? Or has it become lost?’ you said. It has not become C. Andrews, www.PalArch.nl 1,2 (2004), and Sale’s Cata-
lost; I have it.” And in P. BM EA 10411, vs. 3–5 (Janssen 1991, logue Christie’s London, April 2011, lot 87.
12–15; see also L. Weiss 2015, 164ff.). Butehamun wrote: “As For bʿn.w, ‘inlaid’, see WB I, 447,9 and Grandet 1994,
for the matter of the Hippopotamus amulet, I gave it to Vol. 2, n. 551. A seal amulet inlaid with silver is mentioned
you when you were going south, together with your letter. in O. DM 10082, rt. 4 (Grandet 2006, 83–84. 271–273).
As for the matter of the Double Red Crown amulet about (rt. 4,6) The ditto signs indicate that also here bʿn.w and
which you said to me: ‘Has it become lost, or is it with you? di͗sw should be read.
Write (it) to me’: I have sent it to you on I šmw 2”. In all (rt. 5,4) The combination of kt.ti͗ and tnw in the expres-
these three cases the amulets are represented by a sketch sion kt.ti͗ tnw is noteworthy.
drawing. (rt. 5,6) As the word sɜi͗w is so far unattested, we do not
A precise parallel of this list of private amulets and/or know what kind of jewelry item or amulet this may be; see
items of jewelry is unknown among the written legacy of possibly sɜ, ‘pearl’, WB IV, 43,17. Here the piece is of real
Ancient Egypt. A short list of some pieces of jewelry is feldspar, in rt. 6,4 of red jasper and in rt. 7,4 of real i͗wn.
preserved on an ostracon of uncertain date and prove- (rt. 5,7) Here and in rt. 6,3 we find a prgrn of feldspar.
nance in the Museo Egizio at Turin: O. 57558, see López The word, written pqrn below in vs. 6,7, is not attested so
1984, Tav. 180; and a late papyrus text seemingly has a list far and as a consequence it is not possible to define the
of amulets, cf. Capart 1908–1909, but unfortunately does nature of this piece of jewelry or amulet. The scribe had
not offer convincing parallels; see for amulets also Munro some difficulty with the spelling of this word, as shown by
2003, 57–60. the correction in the middle of the word here.

16 chapter 4
For m mḥ, ‘with inlay’, see WB II, 119,23. Translation

(rt. 6,1) nḏmḥw (or nmḥ.w is the first sign is to be tran- (rt. 8,1) Amount of copper of the altar: 12 deben,
scribed as Gardiner Sign-List T 34) is so far an unknown rest/deficit 4; the part of workman Shedsuamun: 4
word for a kind of amulet or small jewel. deben. Total 16 deben, rest/deficit 6 among them.
The word bnw after the lacuna most probably stands for (rt. 8,2) Given to make them into a ewer with copper-
bʿnw, ‘inlaid’. smith Pentahutnakht of the chapel of Huy: 2 deben
(rt. 6,7) The i͗nhnm are clearly small jewels in the shape copper, rest/deficit 6.
of pomegranates. For the real fruit attested in a non- (rt. 8,3) Given for the commission of coppersmith Pen-
literary document from this period, see Demarée 2006, 25. tahutnakht: 11 deben copper, rest/deficit 5 among
(rt. 6,8) The ligature of the first signs is somewhat them
clumsy, but the determinative proves that the word must (rt. 8,4) Given for the washbowl: 7 rest/deficit 5; the pole-
read nḥm(.t), ‘lotus-bud’, see WB II, 297,10. Just like in the end: 4 deben. Total 11, rest/deficit 5.
previous line also here most probably small jewels in the
shape of lotus-buds are meant. Notes/commentary
(rt. 7,1) wrdw must be a ‘goose-shaped jewel’, derived (rt. 8,1) For ʿḥʿ n, ‘amount of’, see above rt. 2,2.
from wrd, ‘goose’, WB I, 336,18. The writing of the female article tɜ in tɜ dni͗.t is note-
(rt. 7,3) The ʿšrn- for ʿršn- are clearly small jewels in the worthy and different from the same just below in the next
shape of lentils. line.
(rt. 7,4) i͗wn is so far an unattested type of semi-precious The workman Shedsuamun, here and below vs. 2,4, is
stone. known from P. Turin 1972, vs. 2 (LRL 8,10). In this letter
written by Dhutmose his name is spelled exactly like here,
Column recto 7 is written over clear traces of an almost viz. without the complementing w in the name-element -
completely washed out earlier text column of four lines sw- (see above Introduction). He is also recorded in late
(ending with numbers). After rt. 7,1 still visible traces of the 20th/early 21st dynasty name-lists like O. Cairo CG 25765
first line can be read: … Ns-ʾImn n pɜ Ḫr dbn 6 šbnw(?)—“… and O. DeM 256, vs. II,2.
Nesamun of the Tomb, 6 deben, various”. From this period (rt. 8,2) nwy is most likely a spelling variant of nw, ‘ewer’.
both a scribe and a (chief-)policeman called Nesamun are The few prices of a ewer listed by Janssen 1975, 421–422,
known. In between the beginnings of rt. 7,1 and 7,2, the vary between 2 and 10 deben.
second line of the earlier text begins with rdy.t written For the coppersmith Pentahutnakht of the chapel of
in red and ends with a number 3. The third line begins (prince) Huy, see above rt. 3,2.
most probably with rdy.t written in black and continues (rt. 8,4) For ḥɜt-nbi͗w, ‘pole end’, see P. BM EA 10403, 1,21
with incompletely effaced signs followed by n pɜ Ḫr, “… (KRI VI, 830,4). The washbowl and the pole end are also
of the Tomb” and at the end the number 2. Of the fourth mentioned below vs. 2,2. For prices of a washbowl see
line only the number ‘1’ at the end is still legible. The two Janssen 1975, 418–421.
lines beginning with rdy.t indicate that the original text
column probably also dealt with expenses of copper, just
like almost all other columns on this side of the docu- Recto Col. 9 (Plate 7)
ment.
Transliteration
(rt. 9,1) ʿḥʿ n ḥmt n pɜ sbɜ n pɜ sḫw rdy m dni͗t n sš Ḏḥwty-
Recto Col. 8 (Plate 6) ms
(rt. 9,2) ḥmt dbn 16 wp-st
Transliteration (rt. 9,3) rdy.t n ḥmt.y Ḥri͗ n pɜ Ḫr di͗.w n Tnt-ni͗wt ḥmt dbn
(rt. 8,1) ʿḥʿ n ḥmt n tɜ ḫɜwt dbn 12 wḏɜ.t 4 tɜ dni͗t n rmṯ-i͗s.t 10 (some signs effaced)
Šd-sw-ʾImn dbn 4 dmḏ dbn 16 wḏɜ.t 6 wp-st (rt. 9,4) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t ni͗w m-ḏr.t wʿb ḥmt.y Sr-Ḏḥwty dbn 1
(rt. 8,2) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t=w m nwy m-ḏr.t ḥmty Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt n (rt. 9,5) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t=w m ni͗w m-ḏr.t ḥmt.y Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt
tɜ ḥw.t-kɜ=k n Ḥwy dbn 3 wḏɜ.t 6 ḥmt dbn 5(?) mn 13
(rt. 8,3) rdy.t r ḥnw n ḥmt.y Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt ḥmt dbn 11 wḏɜ.t (two lines effaced)
5 wp-st
(rt. 8,4) rdy.t r pɜ i͗ʿ 7 wḏɜ.t 5 tɜ hɜ.t-nbi͗w dbn 4 dmḏ 11
wdɜ.t 5

Translation ments in good condition, 2 thin linen garments

(9,1) Amount of copper of the door of the slaughterhouse damaged, 1 mutilated, total 13—they are (in) one big
given as part/share of scribe Dhutmose: box.
(9,2) 16 deben copper—in detail/specification. (rt. 10,2) What is (in) the second big box: 4 various fine
(9,3) Given to the coppersmith of the Tomb Hori, given to thin linen garments in good condition, 1 krtn damaged,
Tentniut: 10 deben copper (some signs effaced). total 5—specification: 3 ẖnk, 1 dɜi͗w, 1 krnt. (some signs
(9,4) Given to be made (as/into) a spear in the hand effaced)
of the priest and coppersmith Ser-Djehuty: 1 (rt. 10,3) What is above belonging to Shedemdua: 5 thin
deben. damaged rwḏw, 3 i͗dg in good condition, 3 half swḥ, 2
(9,5) Given to make them as/into a spear in the hand thin mutilated mss, 2 mrw, 1 i͗dg.
of the coppersmith Pentahutnakht: (5) deben, bal- (rt. 10,4) What is below: 1 basket—what is in it: 2 thin bɜ
ance/remainder 13. in good condition, 1 used, total 3, 2 rwḏw, total 5; of
(two lines effaced) Shedemdua: 3 fine thin rwḏw, 1 mutilated, 3 royal linen
rwḏw, total 7.
Notes/commentary (rt. 10,5) 1 half swḥ. Total various clothes 47.
(rt. 9,1) For ʿḥʿ n, ‘amount of’, see above rt. 2,2. (rt. 10,6) What is in the place of the inner hole(?) 2, the
sḫw—this slaughterhouse may well be Side Room 5 in place of the school(?) 2, the outer hall 1.
the First Hypostyle Hall of the temple of Medinet Habu, cf.
Hölscher 1941, 14 and fig. 7. Notes/commentary
(rt. 9,3) For the coppersmith of the Tomb Hori and his The position of this text column is somewhat puzzling
wife(?) Tentniut, see above rt. 3,1. since all other texts on this side of the document are deal-
At the end of this line the scribe effaced several signs ing with deliveries of copper. Possibly this inventory list
ending with the number ‘15’. of clothes is the continuation of the long text in verso 5–
(rt. 9,4) The combined title ‘priest and coppersmith’ is 7 where the scribe found no more space and then decided
also found in P. BM EA 10068, vs. 3,29 and 6,12 (KRI VI, to use an empty space on the recto like the one between
750,16 and 753,12). cols. 7 and 8.
(rt. 9,5) For the coppersmith Pentahutnakht see above For the words or terms denoting the fabrics and
rt. 3,2. condition of clothes, šmʿ—‘thin’, šmʿ nfr—‘fine thin’,
Below rt. 9,5 there are clear traces of two lines incom- nʿʿ—‘smooth’, n ʿḏn—‘in good condition’, šʿd—‘mutilated’,
pletely effaced, but more legible. thm—‘damaged, with holes’, sfḫ—‘used’, see Janssen 2008,
9–12. For the quality previously read n qn, now n ʿnd, see
Quack 2000, 219–224.
Recto Col. 10 (Plate 8) (rt. 10,1) What has been transcribed as s.t in tɜ s.t, ‘the
place’, could also represent mni͗.t with the first sign as
Transliteration Móller 1909, II, 472 (the mooring post, Gardiner Sign-List
(rt. 10,1) nɜ sšrw i͗.di͗ tɜ-s.t. 2 nty ẖry šmʿ nfr n ʿḏn sšrw šbnw P 11) and stand for tɜ mni͗.t, ‘the harbour’, WB II, 74, 14. In
10 šmʿ m thm sšr 2 . šʿd. 1 dmḏ 13 st wʿ škrʿɜ both cases, however, it remains obscure what the scribe
(rt. 10,2) nty pɜ škr ʿɜ 2 šmʿ nfr n ʿḏn sšrw šbnw 4 thm krtn.1 meant.
dmḏ 5 wp-st ẖnk . 3 dɜi͗w . 1 krnt . 1 (some signs effaced) (rt. 10,2) For krtn/krnt see Janssen 2008, 69, and for ẖnk
(rt. 10,3) nty ḥry ny-sw Šd-m-dwɜ.t šmʿ thm rwḏw . 5 n ʿḏn ibid., 42–45. For dɜi͗w see Janssen 1975, 265–271 and Janssen
i͗dg . 3 gs n swḥ . 3 šmʿ m sfḫ mss . 2 mrw . 2 i͗dg . 1 2008, 52–55.
(rt. 10,4) nty ẖry msti͗ 1 nty i͗m=s šmʿ m n ʿḏn bɜ . 2 sfḫ . 1 (rt. 10,3) For rwḏw, i͗dg, mss, and mrw, see respectively
dmḏ 3 rwḏw 2 dmḏ 5 n Šd-m-dwɜ.t šmʿ nfr rwḏw . 3 šʿd . 1 Janssen 1975, 284–286, 282–284, 259–264 and 286–287;
sšr-nsw rwḏw . 3 dmḏ 7 and Janssen 2008, 38–41, 27–28, 34–37 and 32–33 (the
(rt. 10,5) gs n swḥ . 1 dmḏ ḥsb.w šbn.w 47 note that ostracon UC 19614 recto 4 mentions a price of
(rt. 10,6) nty m tɜ s.t n ẖnw bɜi͗ . 2 tɜ s.t ʿt- sbɜ . 2 nty tɜ wsḫt one sniw is incorrect). For swḥ (‘shawl’) see Janssen 1975,
bnr 1 290.
(rt. 10,3 and 4) The lady Shedemdua is mentioned regu-
Translation larly in the Late Ramesside Letters. She was the younger
(rt. 10,1) The linen garments put (in) the two places second wife of Dhutmose’s son Butehamun, cf. Černý
which are below: 10 various fine thin linen gar- 1973/2001, 367–368.

18 chapter 4
(rt. 10,4) bɜ or bɜr (as in vs. 5,4) is an unknown type of a sign that could stand for tr (Möller, II, 271 last col-
dress. For sšr-nsw, ‘royal linen, byssus’, see Janssen 1975, umn) and the house-determinative. One might be inclined
256; the present attestation of this word seems unique to read mstr, but as group writing this remains prob-
in Deir el-Medina texts (see Janssen, Daily Dress, 19, lematic. A building called mstr is known, although writ-
n. 22). ten differently, from P. Petersburg 1116B, vs. 70 and P.
(rt. 10,5) For swḥw see Janssen 1975, 290 (some kind of BM EA 10056, rt. 10,2, the old translation of which as
‘shawl’). The writing ḥsb.w stands of course for ḥbs.w. ‘office’ is rightfully rejected by Quack 1996, 510 (to nr.
Adding up the total number of textile items, the scribe 202).
made a mistake writing ‘46’, which he corrected into the
number ‘47’ (13+5+16+5+7+1).
(rt. 10,6) Just like above in rt. 10,1 the real meaning and Recto Col. 12–13 (Plates 10 and 11)
the whereabouts of the localities mentioned in this line
remain obscure. Transliteration
The word ẖnw bɜi͗ might be a compound of ‘inner place’ (rt. 12,1) ʿḥʿ n ḥmt gmyt mn m nɜ ḥmt n pɜ sbɜ 2
and ‘hole’. (rt. 12,2) ḥmt dbn 31 wḏɜ.t 5 wp-st
The spelling of the word ʿ.t-sbɜ is unlike the normal (rt. 12,3) rdy.t ⟨n⟩ sḫt.y Bɜk-⟨n⟩-Ḫnsw r ḏbɜ nɜy.w=f i͗t ḥm.t
spelling of the word for ‘school’, but I fail to see what else dbn 10
was meant here by the scribe. (rt. 12,4) rdy.t ⟨n⟩ ẖrty-nṯr ʾImn-i͗p.t-nḫt dbn 3
For wsḫ.t ⟨n⟩bnr, ‘outer hall’, see WB I 461,10. In a temple (rt. 12,5) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t ntg n ʾImn-ḥtp dbn 1
this was probably the open area between the pylon and the (rt. 12,6) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t=w m ni͗w m ḥmt.y Pn-ni͗wt dbn 1 dmḏ
propylon (Spencer 1984, 77), but according to P. Abbott 3,3 dbn 15 mn dbn 16
(KRI VI, 471, 8–9) also a private tomb could have an ‘outer (rt. 12,7) rdy.t n Tɜ-ps-sɜ m-di͗t pri͗=s ḥmt dbn 5 (some signs
hall’. effaced)
(rt. 13,1) rdy.t r i͗ni͗ i͗t m-ḏr.t ḥm.t Ḥrr ḥmt dbn 2 wḏɜ.t 5 i͗t
i͗ny.t ḏbɜ i͗p.t 4
Recto Col. 11 (Plate 9) (rt. 13,2) rdy.t n Ḥrr ḥr tɜ ʿnt r i͗ni͗ bty ḥmt dbn 1 wḏɜ.t 4 ny-
sw pɜ sbɜ
Transliteration (rt. 13,3) rdy.t n Ḥrr r-ḥʿt=s dbn 1 dmḏ rdy.t n=s m hrw pn
(rt. 11,1) Rnp.t-sp 6 m Wḥm (sic) ɜbd III ɜḫt sw 8 ḥm.t dbn 2 wḏɜ.t 4
(rt. 11,2) ʿḥʿ n ḥmt n pɜ sbɜ n pr-mstr(?) dbn 22 (rt. 13,4) rdy.t n Ḥrr ḥr pɜ mi͗nb n 5 dbn m nɜ ḥmt n pɜ sbɜ
(one line effaced) ḥmt dbn 1
(rt. 11,3) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t ni͗w dbn 4 wḏɜt(?) 8 (space)
(rt. 11,4) mn dbn 38 wḏɜ.t 5 (rt. 13,5) 22½
(two lines effaced) (rt. 13,6) 2 wḏɜ.t 4
(rt. 13,7) 1
Translation (rt. 13,8) 28 wḏɜ.t 7 2½
(rt. 11,1) Year 6 in the Repeating (sic), III Akhet, day 8. (rt. 13,9) 2 wḏɜ.t 7
(rt. 11,2) Amount of copper of the door of the pr-mstr(?):
22 deben. Translation
(rt. 11,3) Given to make a spear: 4 deben, rest/deficit(?) 8. (rt. 12,1) Amount of copper found remaining of the cop-
(one line effaced) per of the second door:
(rt. 11,4) remainder/balance 38, rest/deficit 5. (rt. 12,2) 31 deben copper, rest/deficit 5. In detail/specifi-
(two lines effaced) cation.
(rt. 12,3) Given to the weaver Bak(en)khons to compen-
Notes/commentary sate/pay for his grain: 10 deben copper.
(rt. 11,1) The scribe carelessly omitted the second element (rt. 12,4) Given ⟨to⟩ the stonemason Amenopenakht: 3
of the expression Wḥm-Mswt—‘Repeating of Births’. deben.
(rt. 11,2) For ʿḥʿ n, ‘amount of’, see above rt. 2,2. (rt. 12,5) Given to make the chisel of Amenhotep: 1 deben.
The reading of the place of the door is a crux. The (rt. 12,6) Given to make them into spears by coppersmith
word seems to be a compound beginning with pr (even- Penniut: 1 deben. Total: 15 deben, remainder/balance 16
tually a writing for the article pɜ), followed by m+ʿ-s.t+ deben.

(rt. 12,7) Given to Tapeses after she left: 5 deben copper. mentioned in LRL 3,8; 51,1; 60,9; 61,2,4 and 14. For her
(some signs effaced) relation to general Piankh see Broekman 2002, 14, Haring
(rt. 13,1) Given to buy barley by the female servant of 2012, 147, and Broekman 2012, 205. She was the mother
Herere: 2 deben copper, rest/deficit 5. Barley bought of Nodjmet and either the wife or the mother-in-law of
for this 4 oipe. Piankh.
(rt. 13,2) Given to Herere for the adze to buy bar- (rt. 13,1) The sign for the measure of the barley (here
ley: 1 deben copper, rest/deficit 4 belonging to the and below vs. 4,2) is certainly Möller 1909, II, 498 and then
door(?) should stand for i͗p.t, oipe. A price of 2 deben for 4 oipe = 1
(rt. 13,3) Given to Herere for herself: 1 deben. Total given khar of barley is also known from P. Turin 2003, I, 5 (KRI
to her this day: 2 deben copper, rest/deficit 4. VII, 388, 7), dated in year 3 of the Renaissance Period (see
(rt. 13,4) Given to Herere for the axe of 5 deben from the also Janssen 1975, 121).
copper of the door: 1 deben copper. (rt. 13,2) For prices of an ʿnt, ‘adze’, see Janssen 1975, 321–
(rt. 13,5) 22½ 322, and here below vs. 1, 1.
(rt. 13,6) 2 rest/deficit 4 (rt. 13,4) For mi͗nb, the ‘carpenter’s axe’, see Janssen
(rt. 13,7) 1 1975, 322–323. A price of 5 deben is also recorded in
(rt. 13,8) 28 rest/deficit 7 2 ½ O. Michaelides 28, vs. 2.
(rt. 13,9) 2 rest/deficit 7 At the end of this line ḥmt is written with the copper-
sign only.
Notes/commentary
(rt. 12,1) For ʿḥʿ n, ‘amount of’, see above rt. 2,2.
What is meant here by ‘the second door’ remains Verso Col. 1 (Plate 12)
unclear: the next door after ‘the door’ mentioned in rt. 11,2?
(rt. 12,3) The form of the hieratic sign sḫt in the title Transliteration
sḫt.y, ‘weaver’, is noteworthy. (vs. 1,1) ʾIny.t m-ḏr.t Ḥr-ʾImn-pnʿ=f ʿnt 1 i͗r.n dbn 3 wḏɜ.t 7
The weaver Bak(en)khons is also mentioned in P. Turin
Cat. 2094, rt. 16, probably dated year 2 of the Wḥm-Msw.t Translation
(KRI VI, 867,1). (vs. 1,1) Brought by/bought from Heramunpenaef 1 adze,
A similar writing for i͗t, ‘grain’, is possibly found above rt. makes 3 deben, rest/deficit 7.
2,4.
(rt. 12,4) Amenopenakht accompanied Dhutmose in the Notes/commentary
south during the Nubia campaign, see P. Geneva D 407, (vs. 1,1) For i͗ny.t from i͗ni͗, ‘to buy’, see Caminos 1954, 98;
vs. 10 (= LRL 15,14) and P. BM EA 10411, vs. 2 (cf. Janssen 1991, Megally 1977b, 254; see also above rt. 3,4.
12–13). He is the sender of the letter P. Turin 54100 to Dhut- Heramunpenaef is the workman and controller (rwḏw)
mose (LRL 24,15—with his title stonemason). In year 2 of frequently mentioned in the Late Ramesside Letters:
the Wḥm-Msw.t he was involved in agricultural matters, cf. LRL 1,3; 8,9; 15,14; 16,7; 19,13; 20,3; 22,8; 23,2; 30,3–4; 32,2;
P. Turin Cat. 2094, rt. 3 and vs. 2,2 and 12 (KRI VI, 866,2; 33,6; 45,8; 50,16; 51,5. See also graffiti 2137 (of a ‘year 12’),
867,14; 868,8). 2138 (of a ‘year 20’) and 2988, in Černý & Sadek 1973.
(rt. 12,5) For ntg or nrg, ‘chisel’, see P. BM EA 10054, rt. 1,9: According to a docket on the coffin of Sethi I he was sent
a copper tool used to strip a coffin. The first group nt is a by the general and high priest Herihor to renew the burial
correction by the scribe. of this king on II or III Akhet, day 7 of year 6 of the wḥm-
Amenhotep could be the workman mentioned in LRL mswt (KRI VI, 838,5–8).
4,8; 8,9 and 24,1 or the carpenter in LRL 20,1. His coffin is in The Carnegie Museum of Natural History,
(rt. 12,6) The house of the coppersmith Penniut is listed Pittsburgh, Acc. 22266-3, cf. Craig Patch 1990, 68–69.
in P. BM EA 10068 vs. 5,8. The price of an ʿnt -adze was about 7 deben, cf. Janssen
(rt. 12,7) The lady Tapeses is mentioned in LRL 11,8 and 1975, 321–322; the 10 deben mentioned here would be a high
72,3. In the latter case the final elements of her name are price.
equally puzzling as in the present text, cf. the note by
Černý on LRL 11a.
Note the writing m-di͗t for m-ḏr, ‘after’, cf. below vs. 5,2.
(rt. 13,1–4) Herere is most probably the ‘principal of
the harim and chantress of Amun-Re king of the gods’

20 chapter 4
Verso Col. 2–3 (Plates 13 and 14) Notes/commentary

(vs. 2,2) The washbowl and the pole end are also men-
Transliteration tioned above rt. 8,4.
(vs. 2,1) rdy.t r ḥnw ḥmt.y Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt m ɜbd III ɜḫt sw 8 (vs. 2,4) For the kṯ-vessel see Janssen 1975, 408–
ḥmt dbn 38 wp-st 412.
(vs. 2,2) r i͗ri͗.t=w m pɜ i͗ʿ ḥnʿ tɜ ḥɜt-nbi͗w ḥmt dbn 11 wḏɜ.t 5 The orthography of the word ḥbs is different from that
(vs. 2,3) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t=w m ni͗w dbn 6 wḏɜ.t 5 below in vs. 2,6 and looks more like the common metathe-
(vs. 2,4) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t pɜ kṯ n Wnw-⟨m⟩-di͗-Mw.t dbn 6 wḏɜ.t 5 sis for ḥsb, ‘account’ (see also above in rt. 10,5), but possibly
m tɜ ḥbs(sic) n Šd-sw-ʾImn the word for ‘second wife’ is meant.
(vs. 2,5) dmḏ rdy.t=f m hrw pn ḥmt dbn 26 For the workman Shedsuamun see above rt. 8,1.
(vs. 2,6) i͗w m ɜbd III ɜḫt sw 26 m-ḏr.t ʿnḫ-n-ni͗w.t Ḥnw.t-ʿɜ.t (vs. 2,6) The lady Henutaät is mentioned in LRL 2,6
tɜ ḥbs n ḥmt.y Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt and 4,8. From the present instance we learn that she
(vs. 3,1) m pɜ 14 wḏɜ.t 7 n dbn ḥm.t wnw m-ʿ=f(??) r i͗ri͗.t pɜ was the ḥbs(.t) or second wife of the coppersmith Pen-
i͗ʿ ḥnʿ pɜ ni͗w 2 ḥm.t dbn 10 wḏɜ.t 9 wḏɜ.t=f dbn 3 wḏɜ.t 8 tahutnakht. For this title see Toivari-Viitala 2001, 32–
šbn 38. A possible etymology of the Greek name Thisbe
(vs. 3,2) i͗w m pɜ 7 wḏɜ.t 7 n pɜ i͗ʿ nty bwpw=f i͗ri͗=f m nɜ ḥmt derived from tɜ ḥbs.t is discussed by Zauzich 2015, 479–
n tɜ ḫɜwt dbn 5 wḏɜ.t 5 wḏɜ.t=f dbn 2 wḏɜ.t 2 dmḏ dbn 7 480.
wḏɜ.t 7 The scribe made some corrections in the determina-
(vs. 3,3) i͗w m pɜ 7 dbn n ḥmt n pɜ ni͗w 2 nty m gs i͗ri͗.t ḥmt tives of the word ḥbs(.t).
dbn 5 wḏɜ.t 4 wḏɜ.t=f ḥmt dbn 2 wḏɜ.t 6 dmḏ dbn 7 (vs. 3,4) For mtnw, ‘reward, compensation’, see Janssen
(vs. 3,4) nty mn m-ʿ=f m-ḥɜw tɜy=f mtnw ḥmt dbn 1 wḏɜ.t 5 1975, 183, 416–417 and 502.
Translation
(vs. 2,1) Given to commission coppersmith Pentahut- Verso Col. 4 (Plate 15)
nakht in month III Akhet, day 8: 38 deben copper. In
detail/specification: Transliteration
(vs. 2,2) to make them into the washbowl and the pole (vs. 4,1) ʿḥʿ n ḥmt dy n sš Ḏḥwty-ms m nɜ ḥnw wɜḏ n ʾImn-
end: 11 deben copper, rest 5. ẖnmt-Wɜs.t ḥmt dbn 20 wp-st
(vs. 2,3) Given to make them into a spear: 6 deben, rest 5. (vs. 4,2) rdy.t n ṯbw Nḫnw-nfr r ḏbɜ i͗t ḥmt dbn 14 i͗r.n i͗t i͗p.t
(vs. 2,4) Given to make the kṯ-vessel of Wenu(em)dimut 6 29
deben, rest 5 of the second wife(?) of Shedsuamun. (vs. 4,3) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t pɜ ni͗w n Pɜby i͗ny.t m-ʿ=f r di͗t=f r ḏbɜ
(vs. 2,5) Total: Given (to) him on this day 26 deben cop- ʿɜ.t-nḏm.t dbn 1 wḏɜ.t 5
per. (vs. 4,4) rdy.t r i͗ri͗.t ni͗w n sš Ḏḥwty-ms ḥmt dbn 3 wḏɜ.t 5
(vs. 2,6) Entered/received on III Akhet, day26 dmḏ ḥmt dbn 5
through/from the lady Henutaät the second wife of (vs. 4,5) rdy.t r ntf pɜ ni͗w wn m-ḏr.t ḥmt.y ʿɜ-nri͗ ḥnʿ tɜy bɜk.t
coppersmith Pentahutnakht. n ḥmt.y Wn-nḫt dbn 1 dmḏ dbn 20
(vs. 3,1) from the 14 rest 7 deben of copper which was
with him to make the washbowl and the two spears: Translation
10 deben copper, rest 9—his deficit 3 deben, rest 8 vari- (vs. 4,1) Amount of copper given/spent by scribe Dhut-
ous. mose as/for the new/valuable goods of Amun United
(vs. 3,2) Entered/received from the 7 rest 7 of the wash- with Thebes: 20 deben copper. In detail/specifica-
bowl which he did not make, of the copper of the tion:
altar/offering table: 5 deben copper, rest 5—his deficit (vs. 4,2) Given to the sandalmaker Nekhnunefer to com-
2 deben, rest 2. Total 7 deben, rest 7. pensate for the barley: 14 deben copper, makes 29 oipe
(vs. 3,3) Entered/received of the 7 deben copper of the barley.
two spears which are half-made: 5 deben copper, rest 4, (vs. 4,3) Given to make the spear of Paby brought/bought
his deficit 2 deben, rest 6. Total: 7 deben. from him to give it to compensate Äatnedjemet: 1
(vs. 3,4) What remains with him in addition to his deben, rest/deficit 5.
reward: 1 deben copper, rest 5. (vs. 4,4) Given to make the spear of scribe Dhutmose:
3 deben copper, rest/deficit 5; total 5 deben cop-
per.

(vs. 4,5) Given to harden(?) the spear which was with cates that the memorial temple of Ramesses II was still
coppersmith Aneri and the servant girl of coppersmith functioning at the time this text was written. Thefts from
Wennakhte: 1 deben. Total: 20 deben. this temple are recorded in P. BM EA 10053, vs. 3–4 (dating
to year 9 of the Wḥm-Mswt?).
Notes/commentary (vs. 4,2) The sandalmaker Nekhnunefer is also men-
(vs. 4,1) For ʿḥʿ n, ‘amount of’, see above rt. 2,2. tioned in rt. 2,2.
The expression ḥnw n wɜḏ or ḥnw wɜḏ occurs twice in For the price of barley see above rt. 13,1, where 4 oipe
the Late Ramesside Letters—P. Leiden I 370, rt, 5 = LRL of barley costs 2 deben copper. 29 oipe for 14 deben is an
9,8 and P. Bournemouth, rt. 5 = LRL 65,6—and was dis- almost similar price.
cussed by Wente 1967, 29. With reference to the meaning of (vs. 4,3) Paby is a workman and acquaintance of scribe
wɜḏ as ‘green mineral, smaragdus’ (cf. Harris 1961, 102–104) Dhutmose mentioned a few times in the Late Ramesside
he concluded that this expression would mean ‘vessels of Letters, cf. LRL 1,2–3; 8,9 and 30,3. The transcription of his
smaragdus’. In view of the examples in other texts and name poses some problems, see the notes by Černý 1939,
in our present document however, this translation seems 1a.
incorrect. The following examples of this expression are For i͗ny.t from i͗ni͗, ‘to buy’, see above vs. 1,1.
known: Äatnedjemet is unknown to me from other sources,
– O. DeM 108, vs. 2–3 (in a testament) “a mirror, a rhd.t- unless she is the same as the lady Tanedjmet mentioned
vessel and ḥnw nb n wɜḏ are for Ese”. In this example ḥnw below vs. 10,6.
is determined by the book-roll plus plural signs and wɜḏ (vs. 4,5) For the coppersmith Aneri see P. BM EA 10412,
is determined by the metal-determinative N 34. vs. 7 and 9 (LRL 56, 7–8.10—a—a letter from scribe
– LRL 9,8 “ḥnw n wɜḏ 2 rḥb”—“ḥnw n wɜḏ 2 rḥb-vessels”. Nesamenope to chantress of Amun Mutenope) where he
– LRL 65,6 “tɜ md.t n ḥnw wɜḏ”—“the matter of the ḥnw is to get lead/tin dḥt—1 deben and 5 kite—for a commis-
wɜḏ” (rest of sentence lost). sion of 15 spears. He is also mentioned below in vs. 7a,2
– P. BM EA 10068, rt. 6,20–25 “ḥnw n wɜḏ which the thieves with his title wʿb-priest.—
of the Necropolis said they brought away from this tomb The house of the coppersmith Wennakhte is listed in P.
which they violated”—follows a short list of bronze ves- BM EA 10068, vs. 3,29 (KRI VI, 750,16).
sels. The verb ntf with the determinative used here (the
– In the depositions of three of the notorious eight brazier, Gardiner Sign-List Q 7) is not known from other
thieves apprehended and interrogated in year 17 of sources. It refers to an activity of the coppersmith and
Ramesses IX the loot stolen by them is called nɜ ḥnw could mean something like ‘to harden’, ‘to temper’.
wɜḏ. All items listed with their value are bronze objects.
This expression in Giornale dell’Anno 17 B, rt. III, 1; rt. III,
10 and rt. IV, 5 (KRI VI, 575,1; 575,12 and 576,10) has not Verso Col. 5–7 (Plates 16, 17 and 18)
been noticed before due to incorrect transcription and
misunderstanding by the first editors of this text: Botti Transliteration
& Peet 1928, pls. 18, 19 and 20. (vs. 5,1) Rnp.t-sp 6 m Wḥm-Msw.t ɜbd IV prt sw 21 hrw n i͗y
– Present text vs. 4,1 “Amount of copper given/spent by sš Ḏḥwty-ms n pɜ Ḫr ḥnʿ sɜwty Qɜ-ḏr.t r wḫɜ nɜ ḫrt n sš
scribe Dhutmose from the ḥnw n wɜḏ of Amun United Ḏḥwty-ms
with Thebes”—follows a list of deben of copper given to (vs. 5,2) m-ḏr i͗w=f n ḫd gmy.t i͗w ṯɜy st i͗dnw ʾImn-ḥtp sɜ
various persons. Qn-nɜ rmṯ Ns-ʾImn-i͗p.t sɜ Ḥɜy
– Present text vs. 6,5 “nɜ ḥnw n wɜḏ which were with them, (vs. 5,3) rmṯ-i͗s.t Pn-tɜ-wmt nɜ ḫrt gmy.t m-ʿ=w šmʿ nfr m
the thieves”—follows a whole list of bronze items and thm rwḏw ẖry sdb 3
valuable objects. (vs. 5,4) šmʿ nfr m thm rwḏw . 3 šmʿ nfr m thm qḏmr . 1 šmʿ
The plural of the word ḥnw often not only denotes ‘ves- nfr m šfḫ mss . 1 bɜr . 2 mrw . 2 mss šri͗ 1 bhn šri͗ 1
sels’ or ‘furniture’, but more general ‘goods’ (Lesko 1984, (vs. 5,5) nʿʿ dɜi͗w . 1 dmḏ 9 (space) dmḏ šmʿ rwḏw . 6
II, 119). The basic meaning of wɜḏ is ‘green’, ‘fresh’, ‘new’ qḏmr . 1 dmḏ 7 mss . 1 bɜr . 2 mrw . 2 mss . šri͗ bhn šri͗ .
(Lesko 1984, I, 104). It seems therefore that the expression 1 dmḏ 7
ḥnw n wɜḏ may best be translated by ‘new, or valuable (vs. 5,6) dmḏ ḏrw=f gmy.t nwy m pɜ ḫr m i͗dnw ʾImn-ḥtp sɜ
goods’. Qn-nɜ Ns-ʾImn-i͗p.t sɜ Ḥɜy rmṯ Pn-tɜ-wmt
‘Amun United with Thebes’ is the name of this deity in (vs. 5,7) ḥbs.w šbn.w 15 gmy.t ẖry m tɜ ḥw.t šmʿ m thm
the Ramesseum. The mention of his properties here indi- rwḏw . 2 kt . 1 dmḏ 3 wpw m-di͗ nɜ gmy.t m-di͗=w

22 chapter 4
(vs. 6,1) Pn-tɜ-wm.t šmʿ rwḏw 1 Ns-ʾImn-i͗p.t rwḏw 1 kt . 1 (vs. 6,3) 2 thin worn rwḏw.
dmḏ 3 dmḏ gmy.t m tɜ ḥw.t ḥnʿ pɜ ḫr ḥbs.w šbn. 18(?) nty (vs. 6,4) 1 big basket of palm leaves; what is in it: 2
n=w m ʿɜ.t smooth in perfect condition ḏɜi͗w, 2 smooth used dɜi͗w,
(vs. 6,2) šmʿ n ʿḏn qḏmr . 8 wsḫt . 4 . 1 šmʿ m thm rwḏw mḥ 4 thin in perfect condition rwḏw length 7½ cubits
7½ wsḫt . 3½ . 1 šmʿ m thm mss n s.t-ḥm.t 1 kt . 1 width 3½,
(vs. 6,3) šmʿ m thm . rwḏw . 2 (vs. 6,5) 4 thin worn bɜr, 4 thin worn rwḏw, total vari-
(vs. 6,4) ṯɜw škrʿɜ . ʿɜ . 1 nty i͗m=f nʿʿ n ʿḏn dɜi͗w . 2 nʿʿ m sfḫ ous 16. The valuable goods which were with them, the
dɜi͗w . 2 šmʿ n ʿḏn rwḏw . mḥ 7½ wsht . 3½ . 4 thieves:
(vs. 6,5) šmʿ m thm bɜr . 4 šmʿ m thm rwḏw . 4 dmḏ šbn.w (vs. 6,6) bronze 1 kb-vase, 2 qrḥt-vases with base-ring, 2
16 nɜ ḥnw n wɜḏ nty ʿw=w nɜ i͗ṯɜ.w mnty-bowls(?), 2 big mirrors, 1 small, total 3, 1 big razor,
(vs. 6,6) ḥsmn kb 1 qrḥt šri͗ ẖry ʿnt . 2 kmty . 2 ʿnḫ . ʿɜ 2 šri͗ 1 1 small, total 10;
dmḏ 3 ẖʿq ʿɜ 1 šri͗ . 1 dmḏ 10 (vs. 6,7) 2 red jasper necklace with gods with their clasp
(vs. 6,7) mḫnmt ḥtyt n(?) nṯr.w . 2 i͗w tɜy=w dbw m nbw di͗- In gold mounted gold 1, 4 pqrn, 4 seals inlaid and
sw nbw 1 pqrn . 4 ḫtm . bʿnw . di͗-sw . 4 sẖrw ḏr.t . 2 mounted, 2 sẖʿ.w-ḏr.t;
(vs. 6,8) ḫtm ḏbʿ.w 12 (vs. 6,8) 12 seal rings.
(vs. 7,1) nɜ nwt km gmy.t m-ʿ=w nwt n[w]yt(?) mḥ 4 […] . 8 (vs. 7,1) Black yarn found with them: yarn col[lec]ted(?) 4
ʿɜ.t 1 dmḏ 9 cubits, 8??, 1 ʿɜ.t, total 9.
(vs. 7,2) gmyt. n-ʿ=w nwt . mḥ 3 m-ẖnw(?). 11 ʿɜ.t 2 (vs. 7,2) Found with them: yarn 3 cubits, 11??, 2 ʿɜ.t
(vs. 7,3) gmy.t m-ʿ=w nwt mḥ 2 m-ẖnw(?) 4 ʿɜ.t 4 (vs. 7,3) Found with them: yarn 2 cubits, 4??, 4 ʿɜ.t
(vs. 7,4) gmy.t m-ʿ=w nwt . ḥḏt 6 (vs. 7,4) Found with them: 6 white yarn.
Translation Notes/commentary
(vs. 5,1) Year 6 in the Repeating of Births, IV Akhet, (vs. 5,1) The remark that Dhutmose had returned from
day 21. The day that the scribe of the Tomb Dhut- the north in this year 6 of the Wḥm-Msw.t perfectly coin-
mose came together with the guardian Oadjeret to cides with the proposed date for P. Leiden I 369 (Wente
search for the personal property items of scribe Dhut- 1967, 6), written by this scribe on his journey to Middle
mose Egypt.
(vs. 5,2) after he came (back) from the north, found For the guardian Qadjeret (Kadjore) see Černý 1973,
taken/stolen by deputy chief workman Amenhotep 2001, 157–158. His earliest attestation dates to year 8 of
son of Qenna, (work)man Nesamenope son of Hay, Ramesses IX, in P. Milan 09.40127+P. Turin Cat 2074, rt.
(vs. 5,3) workman Pentawemet. The personal property II, x+13 (on unpublished Turin fragment). He is also men-
items found with them: 3 fine thin worn rwḏw with a tioned in the Late Ramesside Letter quoted above (LRL 1,
fringe, 2).
(vs. 5,4) 3 fine thin worn rwḏw, 1 fine thin worn qḏmr, 1 (vs. 5,2) For the writing m-di͗t for m-ḏr, ‘since, after’, see
fine thin used mss, 2 bɜr,2 mrw, 1 mss šri͗, 1 bhn šri͗, above rt. 12,7.
(vs. 5,5) 1 smooth dɜi͗w. Total 9. (space) Total: 6 thin rwḏw, nɜ ḫr.t … gmy.t i͗w ṯɜy st NN: for this construction see the
1 qḏmr, total 7, 1 mss, 2 bɜr 2, 2 mrw, mss šri͗, 1 bhn, total example in P. Ambras, II,2: pɜ nbw pɜ ḥḏ ḥm.t gmy.t i͗w ṯɜw
7. st nɜ rmṯ—i͗w sḏm=f form as subject of passive gmi͗, cf.
(vs. 5,6) Grand total found collected/gathered in the Kruchten 1997, 57–70.
Tomb with deputy (chief workman) Amenhotep (vs. 5,2 and 5,6) Amenhotep son of Qenna is listed as
son of Qenna, Nesamenope son of Hay, (work)man a workman on the Right Side of the gang in year 17 of
Pentawemet Ramesses IX (Giornale 17A, rt. II,10) and as a member of the
(vs. 5,7) various clothes/garments 15. Found previously Left Side in year 2 of Ramesses X (P. Turin Cat 1932+1939,
in the Temple: 2 thin worn rwḏw, 1 kt, except/besides vs. II,x+10). It was not known so far that he eventually
those found with them: became a deputy chief workman. He cannot be same
(vs. 6,1) Pentawemet: 1 thin rwḏw, Nesamenope: 1 rwḏw, 1 man as the deputy Amenhotep mentioned in year 17 of
kt, total 3. Total found in the Temple: various garments Ramesses XI (P. Turin Cat 1888+2085, II,8 = RAD 67,5), as
18(?); those which are of linen he was the son of Apatjau, see Davies 1999, 29. It is pos-
(vs. 6,2) 1 thin in perfect condition qḏmr ⟨length⟩ 8 sible that he is mentioned as the workman Amenhotep
(cubits) width 4, 1 thin worn rwḏw length 7½ cubits in some Late Ramesside Letters, LRL 4, 6; 8, 9; 24, 1. If
width 3½, 1 thin worn woman’s mss, 1 ki͗, indeed he is mentioned in P. Turin 1972 vs. 1 (LRL 8, 9),

he must have been pardoned, just like Pentawemet (see For ʿɜ.t as a kind of linen see Janssen 2008, 61.
below). (vs. 6,2) After the qḏmr the scribe omitted by mistake
(vs. 5,2 and 6,1) Nesamenope son of Hay is mentioned mḥ for ‘length’ before the number 8.
as a ẖrty-nṯr, ‘stonemason’, together with Pentawemet, in A lady’s tunic mss n s.t-ḥm.t proves that the mss was
year 17 of Ramesses XI (P. Turin Cat 1888+2085, I,15 and II,3 worn by both sexes, see note 52 on page 261 in Janssen
= RAD 65,16 and 66,10). He does not appear in later sources. 1975, adding that this was never indicated in the price
(vs. 5,3, 5,6 and 6,1) Pentawemet is a workman men- texts.
tioned in the Late Ramesside Letters, cf. LRL, 1,2; 8,10 For the qḏmr see above vs. 5,4. Note that the measure-
and 30,3. He seems to have been forgiven for his mis- ments of this garment are here mentioned as “length 8
deeds, because in a letter written by Dhutmose four years cubits, width 4 cubits”.
later than the present text (P. Turin 1972, vs. 1–2 = LRL For the measurements of a rwḏw, here and below in
8. 10) he is included in a group of persons asked to vs. 6,4 7½ by 3½ cubits, see Janssen 2008, 39, quoting the
pray for the sender’s safe return home from a conflict example from P. BM EA 10052, II, 25: 8 by 4 cubits, about 4
area. by 2 meters.
The activities of colleagues and neighbors as thieves For the item kt see above vs. 5,7.
are not wholly surprising during the final decades of the (vs. 6,4) For škrʿɜ as a possible variant writing of škr, see
20th dynasty. The unpublished verso of P. Turin Cat. 1966 Janssen 1975, 161–162.
(the ‘Love Songs’) contains a list of thefts committed by Between the quality indications nʿʿ and n ʿḏn in the mid-
several workmen in the houses of their neighbors. And dle of this line the scribe made a correction: he first wrote
for the downfall of morale in this period see Vernus 1993, an m and replaced this by a ‘bookroll’.
17–73 and Demarée 2010, 57–62 (P. Milan E 09.40126, (vs. 6,5) For the meaning of the expression ḥnw n wɜḏ
col. II). see above vs. 4,1.
thm as a term describing the condition of clothes cer- (vs. 6,6) In the word for kb-vase the scribe by mis-
tainly means “with holes”, but a more general translation take added the group Aa 18 + Z 1, possibly think-
“worn” seems appropriate, cf. Janssen 2008, 9–10. ing of the word kbs, ‘basket’. A somewhat similar mis-
(vs. 5,3) sdb must be the word known from Peasant B 30 take could be the writing kṯb for kṯ-vessel in P. Turin
and CT VI 322h, cf. WB IV, 368,10 and Parkinson 2012, 44. 1883+2095, vs. 3,3 (KRI VI, 432, 11) according to Janssen 1975,
(vs. 5,4 and 5) The garment bhn, ‘cloak’, is so far only 409.
known from a literary text, P. Chester Beatty I, vs. C3, 1, as An ʿnt would be the base-ring or stand for the qrḥt-vase,
an article of girl’s clothing. WB I, 188,10. The determinative seems indicative.
For a qḏmr, also mentioned below vs. 6,2 and vs. 10,3, For qrḥ.t-vases of metal cf. WB V, 63, 2. The sign for šri͗,
see Janssen 2008, 86 and Grandet 1994, Vol. II, n. 850. ‘small’, is slightly incomplete, probably caused by a failed
A garment bɜr is not known to me from other sources, stroke of the brush.
see also above rt. 10,4. mnty, ‘bowl’ (WB I, 66, 12–14), is a guess, although the
(vs. 5,6) dmḏ ḏrw=f is an expression for ‘sum total’, cf. determinative seems to point in this direction. The upper-
e.g. P. Turin 1881+2092, rt. IV 13 (KRI VI, 613, 9). most sign could be Möller 448 (Gardiner Sign-List T 1), but
(vs. 5,7) ẖry probably stands for ẖry-ḥɜ.t, ‘previously’. the spelling is unusual.
For tɜ Ḥw.t, ‘the Temple’, see above rt. 2,3. Obviously ‘the (vs. 6,7) A ḥtyt is also mentioned in P. Mayer A, 4,8;
Temple’ and ‘the Tomb’, mentioned in the previous line, the word is derived from the word for ‘throat’ and could
are still considered two different institutions. mean ‘necklace’, but Janssen concluded that it is rather
kt (kɜti͗), also in vs. 6,1 and vs. 6,2, is possibly the item an end-piece of a necklace, as suggested earlier by Gar-
of dress known as knt/krt or krnt, see above rt. 10,2 and diner, cf. Janssen 1975, 304. The word dbw is clearly
Janssen 2008, 69. derived from dbw, ‘horn’, and most likely here means
wpw m-di͗ must have the same meaning as the more ‘clasp’.
common wpw-ḥr, ‘except/besides’; cf. also ḫr m-di͗ in The word sẖʿw-ḏr.t is not attested so far. According to
P. Abbott 5,7–8. Janssen 1975, 308 a sẖʿ is a pendant or an amulet of some
(vs. 6,1) The spelling of the word kt differs from the kind, so here we are probably dealing with pieces of hand
examples in vs. 5,7 and vs. 6,2. jewelry.
The left stroke of the ‘10’ in the number ‘18’ at the (vs. 7,1–4) For nwt, ‘yarn’, ‘fabrics’, also mentioned in LRL
end of this line is on a slightly displaced fragment of the 19,9, see Caminos 1954, 286–287, and Janssen 1975, 436–
papyrus. 438.

24 chapter 4
(vs. 7,1) The traces just before the lacuna look like part (vs. 7a,3) For prices of the sft-knife, see Janssen 1975,
of Gardiner Sign-List U 19, which then would be the begin- 324.
ning of the verb nwy, ‘to collect’. (vs. 7a,5) The word denoting a part of the washbowl is
The group in lines rt. 7,1–3 transcribed and read as m- probably ḏɜḏɜ, ‘pot/jug’. The reading of the signs is ham-
ẖnw is a puzzle. pered by a few oblique brush strokes. Also the determina-
For nwt km, ‘black yarn’, see Janssen 1975, 436, note 3, tive of the word i͗ʿ, is not clear. A price of 5 deben for the
and O. DeM 973, 2 (Grandet 2003, 142–143). pot/jug of a washbowl would be fitting in relation to the
(vs. 7,4) For ‘white yarn’ see WB III, 207, 6 and 7, 210, 17 prices for a complete washbowl which range from 10 to 30
and 18; Bojowald 2015, 137–152. deben. For an 18th dynasty example of such a bronze wash-
For a possible continuation of this text, see above rt. 10. bowl, from the tomb of Kha in the Museo Egizio at Turin,
see Donadoni Roveri 1988, 97, fig. 119. A washbowl is also
mentioned above in rt. 8,4 and v,s 2,2.
Verso Col. 7a (Plate 19)
The earlier writing, upside down in relation to the later Verso Col. 8 (Plate 20)
text, is faded but not effaced and separated from the new
text by a curved line. Clearly the scribe wanted to keep his Just like col. 7a the texts of cols. 8 and 9 are faded but
older notes, also in cols. 8 and 9, for consultation. not effaced. Clearly the scribe also wished to keep these
records for consultation.
Transliteration
(vs. 7a,1) šsp m-ḏr.t i͗my-r i͗ḥw Qɜ-šwti͗ ḥmt dbn 8 i͗n wʿb Pɜ- Transliteration
Nḥsy wḏɜ.t swḏ.w-st (vs. 8,1) šsp m pɜ […] dy.t n i͗my-r i͗ḥ.w sš-mšʿ Qɜ-šwti͗ m ɜbd
(vs. 7a,2) rdy.t ⟨n⟩ wʿb ʿɜ-nri͗ r-ḏbɜ pɜ 30 n hnw bty IV ɜḫt sw 20(+x) […] snw? di͗.t st ḥmt dbn 40
(vs. 7a,3) ḥsmn. ṯbw 1 i͗r.n dbn 5 sft. 1 i͗r.n dbn 1½ ḥmt m (vs. 8,2) ḥmt m qnqn dbn 32 […] rwḏw mḥ 7 wsḫt 3 . 1 i͗r.n
qnqn dbn 12 wḏɜ.t 5(?) i͗r.n dbn 20 dbn 14 nḥḥ hnw 4 i͗r.n dbn 4 dmḏ dbn 40
(vs. 7a,4) ḫsbd dbn 11 wɜḏ dbn 10 šsɜyt dbn 6 wḏɜ.t 5 (vs. 8,3) pɜ wpw n pɜ 22 n dbn n ḥmt
(vs. 7a,5) rdy.t n=f ẖr-ḥɜ.t r ḏbɜ i͗pt 1 bty rwḏw 1 i͗r.n dbn 4 (vs. 8,4) rdy.t n ḥmt.y Ḥri͗ dbn 4
ḏɜḏɜ(?) n pɜ i͗ʿ dbn 5 wḏɜ.t 5
(vs. 7a,6) ḥmt qnqn dbn 10 nʿʿ dɜi͗w 1 Translation
(vs. 8,1) Received in the […] given to the overseer of cattle
Translation and army scribe Qashuti on IV Akhet day 20(+x) […]
(vs. 7a,1) Received from the overseer of cattle Qashuti 8 snw? given, 40 deben copper.
deben copper by the wʿb-priest Panehsy, rest delivered. (vs. 8,2) 22 deben scrap copper, 1 […] rwḏw length 7, width
(vs. 7a,2) Given to the wʿb-priest Aneri to compensate for 3, makes 14 deben, 4 hin nḥḥ-oil, makes 4 deben; total
the 30 hin of emmer. 40 deben.
(vs. 7a,3) of bronze: 1 ṯbw-vase, makes 5 deben, 1 knife, (vs. 8,3) The specification of the 22 deben of copper.
makes 1½ deben, 12 deben scrap copper, rest/deficit (vs. 8,4) Given to coppersmith Hori 4 deben.
5(?), makes 20 deben.
(vs. 7a,4) 11 deben lapis lazuli (blue pigment), 10 deben Notes/commentary
malachite (green pigment), 6 deben blue-green fritte (vs. 8,1) For the overseer of cattle and army scribe Qashuti
(pigment), rest/deficit 5(?). see above rt. 1,1.
(vs. 7a,5) Given to him before to compensate/pay for The reading of this line is severely hampered by the
1 oipe emmer, 1 rwḏw, makes 4 deben, pot(?) of the lacunae. One would be inclined to read something like:
washbowl, 5 deben, rest/deficit 5, “received in the [??: commodities] given to the army scribe
(vs. 7a,6) scrap copper 10 deben, 1 smooth dɜi͗w. Qashuti on IV Akhet day 20(+x) expenses? of …?? … given:
40 deben”, but I fail to read the words after the date. The
Notes/commentary first signs seem to read s+ n.
(vs. 7a,1) A wʿb-priest Panehsy is not known to me from (vs. 8,2) The top of the sign for the number 20 is lost in
other sources. the lacuna.
(vs. 7a,2) For the wʿb-priest Aneri who was also a cop- In the lacuna before rwḏw probably stood a quality indi-
persmith, see above vs. 4,5. cation like šmʿ nfr.

For prices and measurements of rwḏw-garments (vs. 9,5) The garments of Sermontu 7 …?, 1 small bhn-
(shawls?) see Janssen 1975, 284–285 and Janssen 2008, 38– cloak, total 8
41; see also above vs. 6,2.
The last stroke of the number ‘14’ is lost in a lacuna. Notes/commentary
The old translation of nḥḥ as ‘sesame oil’ has been ques- The columns vs. 9–10 are written upside down in relation
tioned by Kraus 1999, 293–298, who suggested ‘olive oil’; to all other text columns in this document. They are obvi-
see now also Tallet 2004, 53–57, and Quack 2016, 279–280. ously written at an earlier stage. The handwriting is most
For prices of nḥḥ-oil see Janssen 1975, 330–333. probably also of scribe Dhutmose, see for example the
The sign for deben in “makes 4 deben” is partly hidden orthographies of the types of garments in these columns
by the first stroke of the number 4. and in cols. rt. 10 and vs. 5–6.
(8,3) For wpw, ‘specification’, see Janssen 2004, 61, note 1. (vs. 10,2) bɜr is an unknown kind of garment, see also
The hieratic writing of the word here is similar to that in above rt. 10,4.
P. Turin 1888+2095 rt. 4,3. (vs. 10,3) For a qḏmr see above vs. 6,2. The form of the
(8,4) The coppersmith Hori is also mentioned above rt. sign dmḏ, ‘total’, is noteworthy.
3,1 and rt. 9,3. (vs. 10,5) The lady Mut(em)wia is not known from other
sources.
(vs. 10,6) Tanedjmet may be one of the ladies mentioned
Verso Col. 10–9 (Plates 21 and 22) in LRL, 2,5, 2,6, 6,14 and 72,3,
(vs. 10,7) The lady Satanqet is not known from other
Transliteration sources. For the name cf. Ranke 1935–1977, I 287,21.
(vs. 10,1) nɜ ḥbs.w nwy (vs. 10,8) The curved line at the bottom of this column
(vs. 10,2) n ʿḏn šmʿ nfr bɜr . 2 probably means to indicate that the text continues in the
(vs. 10,3) n ʿḏn šmʿ nfr qḏmr . 1 rwḏw . 2 dmḏ 5 next column.
(vs. 10,4) šmʿ m thm rwḏw . 1 (vs. 9,2) Butehamun is almost certainly the son of
(vs. 10,5) šmʿ m thm rwḏw . 1 n Mw.t-wi͗ɜ Dhutmose. The last sign in his name, although looking
(vs. 10,6) nʿʿ m thm rwḏw . 1 n Tɜ-nḏm.t like Möller, 1909, II 150 or 155, must be an ideogram for
(vs. 10,7) nʿʿ m thm rwḏw . 1 Sɜ.t-ʿnqt Amun. His name is also written with an ideogram for this
(vs. 10,8) (traces of some signs??) element in the texts on some columns of the so-called
(vs. 9,1) nʿʿ m thm dɜi͗w 1 ‘House of Butehamun’, cf. KRI VII 402,3 and 402,16. See
(vs. 9,2) nʿʿ m thm rwḏw 1 n [B]w-thɜ-ʾImn 10 for him Černý 1973/2001, 361–372 and Davies 1999, 137–
(vs. 9,3) šmʿ nfr n qʿḏnrwḏw […] n wʿb Ḥri͗ 138.
(vs. 9,4) šmʿ nfr m thm rwḏw[…] n ditto dmḏ 14(?) The number at the end of this line should be ‘11’ if meant
(space) as a subtotal.
(vs. 9,5) nɜ ḥbs.w n Sr-Mnṯw … 7 bhn. šri͗ 1 dmḏ 8 (vs. 9,3) The orthography of the title wʿb without the ele-
ment Gardiner Sign-List N35a is also found in P. Turin Cat.
Translation 2061+2106 recto 1, 3 (unpub.), a document written by Dhut-
(vs. 10,1) The garments collected mose in year 10 of Ramesses XI.
(vs. 10,2) 2 fine thin in perfect condition bɜr (vs. 9,5) Sermontu is most probably the chief of Medjay
(vs. 10,3) 2 fine thin in perfect condition qḏmr, 2 rwḏw, mentioned in P. Leiden I 370, rt. 9 (LRL 9,13), P. BM EA 9997,
total 5 vs. 5A,2 (KRI VII, 393,2), and possibly P. Louvre 3169, 2 (KRI
(vs. 10,4) 1 thin worn rwḏw VI, 523,3–4).
(vs. 10,5) 1 thin worn rwḏw of Mut(em)wia The heavily damaged signs after the personal name con-
(vs. 10,6) 1 smooth worn rwḏw of Tanedjmet tained the words for the quality and name of a textile gar-
(vs. 10,7) 1 smooth worn rwḏw of Satanqet ment, most probably rwḏw.
(vs. 10,8) curved line For a bhn, ‘cloak’, see above vs. 5, 4 and 5.
(vs. 9,1) 1 smooth worn dɜi͗w
(vs. 9,2) 1 smooth worn rwḏw of Butehamun (total) 1[1]
(vs. 9,3) fine thin in perfect condition rwḏw […] of wab-
priest Hori
(vs. 9,4) fine thin with holes rwḏw […] of ditto total 14(?)
(space)

26 chapter 4
Verso Col. 11 (Plate 23)
Transliteration
(vs. 11,1) nɜ sš.w n nɜ ḥmt n sš Ḏḥwty-ms
Translation
(vs. 11,1) The records of the copper (expenses) of scribe
Dhutmose.
Commentary
(vs. 11,1) This line stands at the very beginning of the verso
which is first seen when the scroll is rolled up. It is writ-
ten transverse in relation to all text columns and clearly
intended to read as a ‘docket’ labeling the type of docu-
ment, cf. Eyre 2013, 303–307.
Addendum
The typical cone shape of the ibis mummy jars almost
certainly refers to the North Ibis Catacomb at Saqqara as
the original find spot, see Nicholson et.al. 2010. In this
respect it is noteworthy that this site was visited by the
famous Lepsius Expedition in early 1843 and by Anton von
Laurin in 1846, i.e. just shortly before the main body of
the Miramar Collection was gathered. Since in Gallery 16
of this Catacomb a depot of cult objects inscribed for
a special ibis-shaped god ‘Thutmosis’ (Dhutmose) was
found (Kessler 1999, 268–272), the presence of a document
labeled ‘Dhutmose’ (see above col. vs. 11) in the pottery jar
ÄS 5174 might be explained as the donation of a relic to
accompany the ibis mummy.
For the status and the work of the coppersmiths in the
texts from Deir el-Medina see now Gabler 2018, 355–384.
The word mtnw, ‘carving’, in rt. 3,2 is also found in
a slightly different spelling in O. Varille 13 (= O. Louvre
E 27678), rt. 3.

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Abbreviations
ÄA Ägyptologische Abhandlungen, Wiesbaden.

BSEG Bulletin de la Société d’Égyptologie Genève, Genève.
CT A. de Buck and A.H. Gardiner (eds), The Egyptian Cof-
fin Texts, Vol. I-VII, Chicago, 1935–1961.
EU Egyptologische Uitgaven, Leiden.
GM Göttinger Miszellen, Göttingen.
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, London.
JEOL Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genoot-
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JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Ori-
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MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archälogischen Instituts,
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MTK Materiale Textkulturen, Berlin/München/Boston.
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, Freiburg/Göttingen.
SAK Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur, Hamburg.
SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, Chicago.
SAT Studien zum Altägyptischen Totenbuch, Wiesbaden.
ZÄS Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertums-
kunde, Berlin und Leipzig.
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell-
schaft, Stuttgart.
WB Adolf Erman and Hermann Grapow, Wörterbuch der
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Index of Names and Subjects
Aätnedjemet 20, 21 Hermopolis Magna 2 Qadjeret, guardian 22

Abydos 2 Herodotus 6 Qashuti, overseer of cattle and army scribe
adze 19, 20 Hori, coppersmith 13, 14, 17, 24, 25 13, 24
Amenhotep son of Hapu 14 Huy, prince 13, 14, 16
Amenhotep, son of Qenna, deputy chief Ramesseum 21
workman 22 ibis 1, 2, 7, 9 Ramesside Period 5, 7
Amenhotep, workman 18, 19, 22 ibis cemeteries 2, 3, 8 Reinisch, Leo 3, 8
Amenopenakht, stonemason 18, 19 ibis mummy jars 1, 2, 5, 8, 10, 12 Renaissance Period (wḥm-msw.t) 5, 10, 12
amulet 11, 15, 16, 23 Imperial Collection Vienna 2, 3
Amun United with Thebes 20, 21 Said Pasha, Egyptian viceroy 3, 8
Aneri, coppersmith and wab-priest 21, 24 jewelry 11, 15, 16 23 Salt, Henry 7
animal cults 2 sandal 14, 20, 21
animal mummies 1, 6, 7 lapis lazuli (pigment) 24 Saqqara 2, 8
Asyut 2 Late Period 2, 5, 6, 7 Satanqet 25
Late Ramesside Letters 7, 11, 12, 14, 15, 18, 19, Ser-Djehuty, priest and coppersmith 17
Bahariya 2 21, 22, 23 Sermontu, chief of Medjay 25
Bak(en)khons, weaver 18, 19 Laurin, Anton von 3, 8 Sethi I, coffin of 19
Butehamun, son of Dhutmose 7, 15, 17, 25 linen garments 17, 18, 23 25 Shedemdua 17
Shedsuamun, workman 10, 16, 20
C-14 testing 6 malachite (pigment) 24 spear 14, 19, 20, 21
Champollion, Jean-François 3 Medinet Habu 7, 8, 13, 14, 17
copper, material and unit of value/price 10, Middle Egypt 12, 22 Tanedjmet 25
13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 24, 26 Miramar Collection 2, 3, 8 Tapeses 18, 19
Museo Egizio, Turin 10, 15, 24 Tentniut 13, 14, 17
Deir el-Medina 7, 8, 11, 18 Mut(em)wia 25 ‘The Tomb’ (institution) 10, 11
Dendera 2 Thebes 2, 11, 12
Dhutmose, scribe of the Tomb 5, 6, 7, 10, 11, Nekhnunefer, sandalmaker 13, 14, 20, 21 Thoth 2, 7
12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25 Nesamenope, son of Hay 22, 23 tin/lead 13, 14
Drovetti, Bernardino 7 Nesamun 16 Tomb Robberies dossier 7, 12
Nodjmet 19 Trieste 2, 3, 8
Ferdinand Max, Archduke of Austria (later Novak, Vanessa, conservator 1 Tuna el-Gebel 2
Emperor of Mexico) 2, 3, 8, 9 Nubia 7, 19
Franz Joseph I, Emperor of Austria 3 University of Veterinary Medicine, Vienna
fritte (pigment) 24 Paby, workman 20, 21 3, 4
palimpsest 5, 11
Gebelein 2 Panehsy, wab-priest 24 VERA-Laboratory of Vienna University 6
Paymeniures, doorkeeper 13, 14
handwriting (of Dhutmose) 10 Penniut, coppersmith 18, 19 washbowl 16, 20, 24
Henutäat 20 Pentahutnakht, coppersmith 13, 14, 16, 17, Wennakhte, coppersmith 21
Heramunpenaef, workman and controller 20 Wenu(em)dimut 20
19 Pentawemet, workman 22, 23 Wild, Prof. Dr. Eva Maria 6
Herere, principal of the harim and chantress Piankh, General 7, 19
of Amun 18, 19 Plutarch 6 yarn 22, 23
Herihor, high priest 19 Ptolemaic Period 2, 5, 6, 12

Index of Personal Names
ʾImn-⟨m⟩-ʾIp.t-nḫt rt. 12,4 (ẖrty-nṯr) 18, 19 Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt rt. 3,2; and rt. 8,2 (ḥmt.y n tɜ Sɜ.t-ʿnqt (f.) vs. 10,7 25
ʾImn-ḥtp rt. 12,5 18, 19 ḥw.t-kɜ n rpʿ.t Ḥwy); rt. 3,4; rt. 8,3; rt. 9,5 Sr-Mnṯw vs. 9,5 25
ʾImn-ḥtp sɜ Qnnɜ vs. 5,2; vs. 5,6 (i͗dnw) 21, and vs. 2,1 (ḥmt.y) 13, 16, 17, 20 Sr-Ḏḥwty rt. 9,4 (wʿb ḥmt.y) 17
22 Šd-m-dwɜ.t (f.) rt. 10,3; rt. 10,4 17
Mw.t-⟨m⟩-wi͗ɜ (f.) vs. 10,5 25 Šd-sw-ʾImn rt. 8,1, vs. 2,4 16, 20
ʿɜ-nri͗ vs. 4,5 (ḥmt.y) and vs. 7a,2 (wʿb) 20,
24 Nḫnw-nfr rt. 2,2; vs. 4,2 (ṯbw) 13, 20 Qɜ-šw.t.y rt. 1,1 (i͗my-r i͗ḥ.w sš mšʿ.w); vs. 7a,1
Ns-ʾImn (… n pɜ Ḫr), earlier text rt. 7,1 16 (i͗my-r i͗ḥ.w); vs. 8,1 (i͗my-r i͗ḥ.w sš-mšʿ.w)
Wn-⟨m⟩di͗=i͗-Mw.t vs. 2,4 20 Ns-ʾImn-⟨m⟩-ʾIp.t sɜ Ḥɜy vs. 5,2 (rmṯ); vs. 5,6; 13, 24
Wn-nḫt vs. 4,5 (ḥmt.y) 20 vs. 6,1 21, 22 Qɜ-ḏr.t vs. 5,1 (sɜwty) 21
Bɜk-⟨n⟩-Ḫnsw rt. 12,3 (sḫt,y) 18, 19 Ḥwy rt. 3,2, rt. 8,2 (rpʿ.t) 13, 16 Tɜ-ʿɜ.t-nḏm.t (f.) vs. 4,3 20
Bw-thɜ-ʾImn vs. 9,2 25 Ḥnw.t-ʿɜ.t (f.) vs. 2.6 (ʿnḫ-n-ni͗w.t; ḥbs n ḥmt.y Tɜ-ps-sɜ rt. 12,7 (f.) 18
Pn-tɜ-ḥw.t-nḫt) 20 Tɜ-nḏm.t (f.) vs. 10,6 25
Pɜ-by vs. 4,3 20 Ḥr-ʾImn-pnʿ=f vs. 1,1 19 Tnt-ni͗w.t (f.) rt. 3,1; rt. 9,3 13, 16
Pɜ-Nḥs.y vs. 7a,1 (wʿb) 24 Ḥri͗ rt. 3,1, rt. 9,3 (ḥmt.y n pɜ Ḫr); vs. 8,4
Pɜy-mni͗w-rs rt. 2,3 (i͗ry-ʿɜ n tɜ Ḥw.t) 13 (ḥmt.y) 13, 16, 24 Ḏḥwty-ms rt. 2,1, vs. 5,1 (sš n pɜ Ḫr); rt. 9,1,
Pn-Ni͗w.t rt. 12,6 (ḥmty) 18 Ḥrr⟨.t⟩ (f.) rt. 13,1; rt. 13,2; rt. 13,3; rt. 13,4 18, vs. 4,1, vs. 4,4, vs. 5,1, vs. 11,1 (sš) 13, 14, 16,
Pn-tɜ-wmt.t vs. 5,3 (rmṯ-i͗s.t); vs. 5,6 (rmṯ); 19 20, 21, 26
vs. 6,1 21, 22

Index of Titles
i͗my-r i͗ḥw, ‘overseer of cattle’, rt. 1,1; vs. 7a,1, bɜk.t, ‘servant girl’, vs. 4,5 20 ḥmt.y n pɜ Ḫr, ‘coppersmith of the Tomb’, rt.
vs. 8,1 13, 24 3,1; rt. 9,3 13, 16
i͗ry-ʿɜ n tɜ Ḥw.t, ‘doorkeeper of the Temple’, rt. rmṯ-i͗s.t, ‘workman’, rt. 8,1; vs. 5,2 (only rmṯ); ẖrty-nṯr, ‘stonemason’, rt. 12,4 18
2,3 13 vs. 5,3; vs. 5,6 (only rmṯ) 16, 21, 22
i͗dnw, ‘deputy chief workman’, vs. 5,2; vs. 5,6 sɜwty, ‘guardian’, vs. 5,1 21
21, 22 ḥwty.w n pɜ Ḫr, ‘captains of the Tomb’, rt. 2,4 sḫt.y, ‘weaver’, rt. 12,3 18
13 sš mšʿ, ‘army scribe’, rt. 1,1; vs. 8,1 13, 24
ʿnḫ-n-ni͗w.t, ‘lady, citizeness’, vs. 2,6 20 ḥbs(.t), ‘second wife’, vs. 2,6 20 sš, ‘scribe’, rt. 9,1; vs. 4,1; vs. 4,4; vs. 5,1; vs. 11,1
ḥm.t, ‘female servant’, rt. 13,1 18 16, 21, 26
wʿb, ‘priest’, rt. 9,4; vs. 7a,1; vs. 7a,2; vs. 9,3 17, ḥmt.y, ‘coppersmith’, rt. 3,2; rt. 3,4; rt. 8,2; rt. sš n pɜ Ḫr, ‘scribe of the Tomb’, rt. 2,1; vs. 5.1
24, 25 8,3; rt. 9,3; rt. 9,5; rt. 12,6; vs. 2,1; vs. 2,6; 13, 21
vs. 4,5; vs. 8,4 13, 16, 18, 20, 24 ṯbw, ‘sandalmaker’, rt. 2,2; vs. 4,2 13, 20

Index of Words and Expressions Discussed
*indicates newly attested or less common words
i͗ʿ,—‘washbowl’, rt. 8,4 16 *prgrn—an amulet, rt. 5,7 15 tɜ Ḥw.t—‘the Temple’ (Medinet Habu), rt. 2,3
*i͗wn—unknown semi-precious stone, rt. 7,4 14
16 m mḥ—‘with inlay’, rt. 5,7 16 ḥbs(.t)—‘second wife’, vs. 2,6 20
ʾImn ẖnmt Wɜs.t—‘Amun United with mn—‘remainder/balance’, rt. 2,2 13 ḥtyt—‘necklace’, vs. 6,7 23
Thebes’, vs. 4,1 21 *mnty(?), ‘bowl’, vs. 6,6 23
i͗ni͗—‘to buy’ (in i͗ni͗ dḥt— ‘to buy tin/lead’), mtnw—‘carving/inscribing’, rt. 3,2 14 *sɜi͗w—an amulet?, rt. 5,6 15
rt. 3,4 14 mtnw—‘reward/compensation’, rt. 3,2; vs. 3,4 sḫw—‘slaughterhouse’, rt. 9,1 17
*i͗nhmn—pomegranate-shaped small jewels, 14, 20 *sḫʿ.w-ḏr.t—piece of hand jewelry, vs. 6,7
rt. 6,7 16 *mḏwy(?)—a metal object, rt. 3,3 14 23
i͗sy n ḫɜi͗- ‘weight of a spike’, rt. 3,5 14 sšrw-nsw—‘royal linen’, rt. 10,4 18
ni͗w—‘spear’, rt. 3,4 14 sdb—‘fringe’, vs. 5,3 23
*ʿɜ.t— a kind of linen, vs. 6,1 23 nwy (for nw)—‘ewer’, rt. 8,2 16 šnw, ‘inventory’, ‘check’, rt. 4,1 15
*ʿnt, ‘base-ring’, ‘stand’, vs. 6,6 23 nwt ḥḏ—‘white yarn’, vs. 7,4 24
*ʿršn—lentil-shaped jewel, rt. 7,2 16 nwt km—‘black yarn’, vs. 7,1 24 kb—‘kb-vase’, vs. 6,6 23
ʿḥʿ n—‘amount of’, rt. 2,2 13 *nbḫɜi͗w—amulet or small jewel, rt. 4,4 15 *kt (kɜti͗)—item of dress, vs. 5,7 23
*nḥm(.t)—‘lotus-bud-shaped jewel’, rt. 6,8
wpw—‘specification’, vs. 8,3 25 16 tɜ Ḥw.t—‘the Temple’ (Medinet Habu), rt. 2,3
*wrdw—goose-shaped jewel, rt. 7,1 16 nḥḥ—‘olive(?) oil’, vs. 8,2 25 14
wḏɜ.t—‘rest/deficit’, rt. 2,2 13 *ntf—‘to harden(?) (metal)’, vs. 4,5 21
*ntg (or nrg)—‘chisel’, rt. 12,5 19 ḏi͗sw/ti͗s—‘mounted’, rt. 4,2 15
*bɜ/bɜr—type of garment, rt. 10,4 18 *nḏmḥw (or nmḥ.w)—unclear word for an dḥt—‘tin/lead’, rt. 3,4 14
bʿnw—‘inlaid’, rt. 4,5 15 amulet or small jewel, rt. 6,1 16 dmḏ ḏrw=f—‘sum total’, vs. 5,6 23
*bhn—‘cloak’, vs. 5,4 23 *ḏbw—‘clasp’, vs. 6,7 23
ḥɜ.t-nbi͗w—‘pole-end’, rt. 10,4 18 *dšr—‘red gold’, rt. 4,2 15
*pr-mstr(?)—unclear word for a building, rt. ḥw.t-kɜ—‘chapel’, rt. 3,2 14
11,2 18

Figures and Plates

Figures 1–2 37
figure 1 The ibis jar with lid removed
figure 2 Ibis jar ÄS 5174 with contents (mummified ibis)

38 Figures 3–4
figure 3 The packet with the papyrus scroll before unrolling
figure 4 The papyrus scroll wrapped in stiff linen and placed inside a piece of folded, thin fabric

Figures 5–6 39
figure 5 Contents of the ibis jar ÄS 5174: ibis mummy, papyrus scroll with inner and outer linen wrapping
figure 6 The outer windings of the papyrus scroll had broken away

40 Figures 7–9
figure 7 Unrolling of the papyrus in the conservation department of the Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection
figures 8 and 9 The papyrus scroll inside the cover-like humidifier with pieces of acid-free absorbent paper, soaked with a solution of water
and ethanol; each unrolled section was treated with cellulose

Figures 10–11 41
figure 10 The complete unrolled papyrus ÄS 10321 (incl. fragments)—recto
The reverse, or verso, of the papyrus ÄS 10321

figure 11

42 Figures 12–14
figure 12 X-ray photo of the ibis mummy inside the jar ÄS 5174; visible
below left is the papyrus scroll wrapped in linen
figure 13 The 22 papyrus fragments separated from the outer layers after first treatment and before joining
figure 14 Verso col. 7a, earlier text upside down

Figures 15–16 43
figure 15 Recto col. 2 date (right), name and title of the scribe of the Tomb Dhutmose (left)
figure 16 Sketch-drawing on the outer linen wrapping of the papyrus scroll ÄS 10321

44 Figure 16a
figure 16a
A similar complete drawing
on linen; British Museum BM
EA 10270: representation of
a man wearing the uraeus of
kingship standing between
two crocodiles
courtesy British
Museum, Department
of ancient Egypt and
the Sudan

Figures 17–18 45
figure 17 Measurements and calibrated data of the ibis mummy
figure 18 Measurements and calibrated data of the inner linen wrapping of the scroll

46 Figure 19
figure 19 Measurements and data of the outer linen wrapping of the scroll

Figures 20–21 47
figure 20 A niche in a gallery of the North Ibis Catacomb at Saqqara filled with ibis mummy jars
photo R.J. Demarée
figure 21 The so-called House of Butehamun at Medinet Habu after recent restoration works
photo W.R. Johnson

48 Plate 1
Vienna ÄS 10321—Recto 1
plate 1

Plate 2 49
plate 2

50 Plate 3
plate 3

Plate 4 51
Vienna ÄS 10321—Recto 4+5

plate 4

52 Plate 5
Vienna ÄS 10321—Recto 6 + 7
plate 5

Plate 6 53
plate 6

54 Plate 7
plate 7

Plate 8 55
plate 8

56 Plate 9
plate 9

Plate 10 57
plate 10

58 Plate 11
plate 11

Plate 12 59
Vienna ÄS 10321—Verso 1
plate 12

60 Plate 13
plate 13

Plate 14 61
plate 14

62 Plate 15
plate 15

Plate 16 63
plate 16

64 Plate 17
plate 17

Plate 18 65
plate 18

66 Plate 19
Vienna ÄS 10321—Verso 7a
plate 19

Plate 20 67
plate 20

68 Plate 21
plate 21

Plate 22 69
plate 22

70 Plate 23
plate 23


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The Notebook of Dhutmose

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/pae

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

1 The Forgotten Papyrus Vienna ÄS 10321 1

2 Thoughts about Provenance and Composition of the Ensemble 5

3 The Notebook of Dhutmose 10

4 Texts and Commentary 13

Figures and Plates 35

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

The Forgotten Papyrus Vienna ÄS 10321

Introduction The Papyrus,4 Its Unrolling and Conservation

4 Assigned inventory number ÄS 10321; the inner linen wrapping of

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004381582_002

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

tion of the animal mummies in Vienna was undertaken

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Thoughts about Provenance and Composition of the Ensemble

Physical Description of the Papyrus

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004381582_003

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2

the ibis and the papyrus came from a dealer in antiqui-

Regina Hölzl, Michael Neumann, and Robert J. Demarée - 978-90-04-38158-2