Problems of Psychology in The 21st Century, Vol. 7, 2013

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Problems of Psychology in the 21st Century, ISSN 2029-8587

VOLUME 7, 2013

INTERNATIONAL
DIMENSIONS IN
PSYCHOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
– 2013

Scientia Socialis in Cooperation with Scientific Methodical Center „Scientia


Educologica“, Lithuania,
The Associated Member of Lithuanian Scientific Society, Association of
Lithuanian Serials (ALS), ESHS (European Society for the History of Science) and
ICASE (International Council of Associations for Science Education)

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European Society for the History of Science (ESHS) and International Council of Associations for
Science Education (ICASE)

Editorial Board

Dr., prof. Ferda Aysan, Dokuz Eylul University, Turkey


Dr., prof. Serhiy Boltivets, Grigory Kostyuk Psychological Institute of the Ukrainian National
Academy of Pedagogical Sciences, Ukraine
Dr., assoc. prof. Irena Gailiene, SMC “Scientia Educologica”, Republic of Lithuania
Dr., prof. Irakli Imedadze, Dimitri Uznadze Georgian Psychological National Society, Georgia
Dr. Julia Lakhvich, Belarusian State University, Republic of Belarus
Dr., prof. Vladimir S. Karapetyan, Armenian State Pedagogical University named after Kh.
Abovyan, Armenia
Dr. Charles Kimamo, University of Nairobi, Kenya
Dr., assoc. prof. Vadim N. Kolesnikov, Karelian State Pedagogical Academy, Republic of Karelia,
Russia
Dr., prof. Vincentas Lamanauskas, Scientific Methodical Centre „Scientia Educologica“, Republic
of Lithuania (Editor-in-Chief)
Dr., assoc. prof. Jan Lašek, University of Hradec Kralove, Czech Republic
Dr., prof. Mary Anne Lauri, University of Malta, Malta
Dr., prof. Maria Ledzińska, University of Warsaw, Poland
Dr., prof. Aleksandr Lobanov, Belarusian State Pedagogical University, Republic of Belarus
Dr., assoc. prof. Stanislava Yordanova Stoyanova, South-West University “Neofit Rilski”, Bulg­
aria
Dr., prof. Guna Svence, Riga Teacher Training and Educational Management Academy, Latvia
Dr., assoc. prof. Yolanda Zografova, Institute for Population and Human Studies, Bulgarian Acad-
emy of Sciences, Bulgaria

Copyright of this volume entitled International Dimensions in Psychological Research – 2013


is the property of Scientia Socialis, Lithuania. All rights reserved. No part of this volume may be
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from the copyright holders.

Problems of Psychology in the 21st Century is an international, periodical, peer reviewed scientific
journal, issued by the Scientia Socialis in cooperation with SMC „Scientia Educologica“.

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ISSN 2029-8587 © Scientia Socialis, Lithuania, 2013


ISSN 2029-8587
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Volume 7, 2013

Contents 3

Editorial

DIVERSITY, EUROPEAN IDENTITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE . . . . . . . 4


Yolanda Zografova

Articles

AGEING IN LUSOPHONE COUNTRIES: THE IMPACT OF AGE-SPECIFIC LEGISLATION


ON THE RECOGNITION OF RIGHTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Ana Carolina Braz, Maria da Luz Cabral, Susana Maria Gonçalves Coimbra,
Anne Marie Victorine Germaine Fontaine, Zilda Aparecida Pereira Del Prette

EXPLORING ATTITUDINAL VARIABLES PREDICTIVE OF HOW MEN PERCEIVE RAPE . . . . . 16


Sarah R. Edwards, Verlin B. Hinsz

THE ATHLETES’ BODY SHAPES THE ATHLETES’ MIND – NEW PERSPECTIVES


ON MENTAL ROTATION PERFORMANCE IN ATHLETES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Thomas Heinen, Damian Jeraj

CHILDREN´S ANXIETY AND PARENTING STYLES IN FAMILY IN EIGHT-YEAR-OLDS . . . . . . 32


Ivana Poledňová

DISGUST SENSITIVITY AND GENDER DIFFERENCES: AN INITIAL TEST OF THE PARENTAL . 40


INVESTMENT HYPOTHESIS
Pavol Prokop, Milada Jančovičová

THE ADAPTATION OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE POSITIVE AND DESTRUCTIVE FAMILY . . . . . 49


Ilona Skuja, Aleksejs Vorobjovs, Larisa Abelite

CONSTRUCTION AND PARTIAL VALIDATION OF AN ANIMAL USE INVENTORY . . . . . . . . 57


Donald I. Templer, Lynette Bassman, Christine Szostak, Rhoda Myra Graces-Bacsal,
Hiroko Arikawa, Anne Petrovich

CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCES OF RECIDIVISTS AS PREDICATORS


OF CRIMINOGENIC LIFESTYLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Arkadiusz Urbanek

MODERN CIVILIZATION THREATS AND THE QUALITY OF DIALOGUE


IN FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Arkadiusz Wąsiński, Michał Szyszka

IMPACT OF PERSONAL ORIENTATIONS ON ATTITUDES TO DIVERSITY


AND CIVIC SOCIAL-POLITICAL ACTIVENESS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
Yolanda Zografova

Information

INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

BALTIC JOURNAL OF CAREER EDUCATION AND MANAGEMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103


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DIVERSITY, EUROPEAN IDENTITY AND


SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE
Yolanda Zografova
IPHS, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgaria
E-mail: zografova@abv.bg

The wide range of transformations subsequent to the enlargements of the European community
reverberate in all important spheres of the way of life. The individual and social psychic experi-
ence the important influence of the enlargement processes and so do the interhuman, intergroup and
cross-cultural relations. To a mutual intergroup tolerance and the lacking conflicts integration of
foreign citizens, of immigrants and refugees in a certain country, lead the importance of a collective
European identity and the formation of commonly shared values, norms and rules. This is found to be
a controversial and uneasy process. Social knowledge and social psychology in particular could help
elaborate new models of relations on a supra-individual level directed toward research on collective
phenomena through interdisciplinary approach.
Modern processes of globalization and integration have great impact and change social psychic
on national, community and group level. Nevertheless the dynamics in development of interpersonal
and intergroup relations, there is a problem that remains crucial - the identity problem. Furthermore,
the higher the integration of the communities, the sharper the outlined identification parameters.
Phenomena as increased mobility, developed communication opportunities, migration flows, refugees,
determine formation of new attitudes, new representations and new forms of social behavior among
European citizens. However, some of the social development trends are unpredictable and this leads
to unscheduled changes in social relations and intergroup tolerance. Multiculturalism that should
have been a theory and at the same time real social context so as communities with their specificities
and diversity to coexist in mutual tolerance, could not overcome the intergroup conflicts (Putnam,
2007) and was even accused of stimulating intolerance. Thus, in the field of social psychology one
of the most often quoted and seemingly most often confirmed theory remains Tajfel’s TSI (Tajfel,
1981) with the clear positioning of We and They, of others and ours. However, Druckman suggests
that studies should develop toward analysis of the reality of multiple and mutually crossing identities
that are intrinsic to to contemporary individuals (Druckman, 2001).
Social processes provoked new challenges both for politicians and social knowledge, including
psychology. Diversity paradigm could be one unifying idea for the different branches and it is
approached by some of the social sciences, however it still rarely is in the focus of psychological
knowledge. This paradigm allows one’s own Self to be viewed as one of the Others and approach to
harmonization of the multiple systems to which person relates to be outlined (Sicakkan, 2003).
Acceptance of the ethnical, national, communal diversity on individual and collective level
could be the factor for development of intergroup tolerance. When speaking of European citizens
in particular, at the foreground comes also the issue of the common, collective European identity.
Nevertheless the number of authors who are sceptical to its formation, awareness of the common
affiliation to the EU is obviously outlined as the basis, necessary for overcoming many social and
economic issues, as well as for attainment of the important adaptation, integration of the foreigners,
immigrants, etc. in one state or another. Increasing the European citizens’ awareness about the
principles, promulgated through EC instruments such as the Lisbon treaty or about the opportunities
of European Citizens Initiative facilitates development of common normative and value models, but
Yolanda ZOGRAFOVA. Diversity, European Identity and Social Psychological Knowledge ISSN 2029-8587
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this is not sufficient. Being well informed about the general principles, rules, and norms is not always
5
related to specific forms of behavior. This is confirmed also by the data of the representative large
scale ESS on the attitudes towards foreign groups of immigrants in European countries. It turns out
that dominating are the positive attitudes to immigration and its general effect on economy, culture
and life in the countries; however at the same time there are some ambiguous attitudes, i.e. among
European citizens, the willingness immigrants to be accepted is not well expressed. This means
that the positive perception of the influence immigration has on the various aspects of the social
economic and cultural life is not always related to attitudes the respective groups of immigrants to
be accepted (Zografova, 2010).
The contemporary situation of high mobility and immigration is common in a lot of European
countries and often conflicts erupt between representatives of different ethnic groups especially
when socially unequal people devoted to pursue their personal status and employment are involved,
which contradicts to the interests of the local nationals. This provokes some reactions and actions
immigrants to be excluded in the different countries, which in essence is the contradiction to the
accepted common values and outlines ambivalence in the attitudes – acceptance of the effects of
immigration as positive, but rejection of the representatives of foreign and ethnic groups, especially
when it comes to competition. Acceptance of the ethnonational diversity and development of broader
representations, including the others’ identity in the general collective one, incorporating „Them“ to
„Us“ is a complicated process. Social cognition and social psychology in particular could facilitate
analysis and solving the new problems, originating in Community integration and expansion. A
need has been sought to develop new concepts and research approaches to the problems at societary
and collective, supra-individual and also supra-national level in social- psychological perspective.
This leads to the necessity of interdisciplinarity in the analysis of the complicate and dynamically
changing collective phenomena.

References

Druckman, D. (2001). Nationalism and War: A Social Psychological Perspective. In D. Christie, R. Wagner
& D. Winter (Eds.), Peace, Conflict, and Violence: Peace Psychology for the 21st Century. (pp.1-30),
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Psychology Book, Retrieved from http://academic.marion.
ohio-state.edu/dchristie/Peace
Putnam, R., (2007). E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century. The 2006 Johan
Skytte Prize Lecture. Scandinavian Political Studies, 30 (2), 137-174.
Sicakkan, H. (2003). Politics, Wisdom and Diversity. Or Why I don’t want to be tolerated. Norwegian Journal
of Migration Research, 1, 32-44.
Tajfel, H. (1981). Human groups and social categories: studies in Social Psychology. Cambridge
Zografova, Y. (2010). Social Psychological Dimensions of Otherness. Challenges before social psychological
knowledge. Bulgarian Journal of Psychology, 1-4, 263-273.

Received: October 01, 2013 Accepted: November 15, 2013

Yolanda Zografova PhD., Associate Professor, Institute for Population and Human Studies, Bulgarian
Academy of Sciences, “Acad. G. Bonchev.” Str. bl.6, fl.5, 1113 Sofia, Bulgaria.
E-mail: zografova@abv.bg
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Ageing in Lusophone countries:


the impact of age-specific
legislation on the recognition
of rights
Ana Carolina Braz
Federal University of São Carlos, São Carlos, Brazil
E-mail: anacarolbraz@gmail.com

Maria da Luz Cabral, Susana Maria Gonçalves Coimbra,


Anne Marie Victorine Germaine Fontaine
University of Porto, Porto, Portugal
E-mail: maria.luz26@gmail.com, susana@fpce.up.pt, fontaine@fpce.up.pt

Zilda Aparecida Pereira Del Prette


Federal University of São Carlos, São Carlos, Brazil
E-mail: zdprette@ufscar.br

Abstract

The ageing phenomenon of the 21 St Century has led to an increased need of public policies to protect the
rights of the older population. An example is the Law of the Rights of Older Persons, a Brazilian legislation.
Some countries still lack this kind of legislation, which may cause more vulnerability among this population.
The exercise of interpersonal rights in daily life requires recognition of general and specific duties, beyond the
competence to exercise them. Considering that the first step in the exercise of rights is to recognize them, the goals
of this descriptive study are: (a) presenting some exploratory and inferential data on the recognition of rights,
from the responses of 60 elderly (30 Brazilian and 30 Portuguese) to an eight-item questionnaire regarding to
the Law for the Rights of Older Persons, (b) discussing the importance of the elderly rights in the Brazilian and
Portuguese contexts. In general, the Brazilian sample presented higher scores than the Portuguese sample for
the recognition of three rights (priority assistance, free issuing of documents, reserved parking spaces) which
might be related to the existence of a legislation in Brazil but not in Portugal. Both groups reported higher
scores only of awareness of rights, medium scores for exercising rights and low scores for discrimination of
unrespected rights and for mobilization of feelings of justice, which points to possible difficulties to claim for
their rights. These findings may indicate that age-specific legislation is a necessary but not sufficient condi-
tion to prevent violence against the older persons. We discuss the importance of research and psychosocial
interventions to promote the necessary skills for the older persons claim and defend their rights.
Key words: Lusophone countries, older persons, recognition of rights.

Introduction

In the last centuries, the decrease of the fertility rates and the increase of life expectancy have
led to population ageing. According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA, 2012), in
2010-2015, life expectancy is 78 years in developed regions and 68 years in developing regions,
and by 2045-2050, it will reach to 83 years in developed regions and 74 years in developing
Ana Carolina BRAZ, Maria da LUZ CABRAL, Susana Maria Gonçalves COIMBRA, Anne Marie Victorine GERMAINE FONTAINE, Zilda Aparecida ISSN 2029-8587
Pereira DEL PRETTE. Ageing in Lusophone Countries: the Impact of Age-specific Legislation on the Recognition of Rights PROBLEMS
OF PSYCHOLOGY
IN THE 21st CENTURY
Volume 7, 2013

regions. In 2012, there were almost 810 million older persons, and projections for 2050 point
7
to 2 billion older persons. Though ageing is a global phenomenon, there are marked differences
between regions: for example, in 2012, 10 per cent of the older population (60 years and above)
were living in Latin America and the Caribbean, and 22 per cent in Europe. By 2050, it is expected
that 25 per cent of the population in Latin America and the Caribbean will be 60 years and over
34 per cent in Europe.
Although ageing process may vary within the countries, in all cases this process presents
social, economic and cultural challenges at different levels: individuals, families, societies and the
global community. Postmodernity has brought a new perspective, a new social ontology, and with
it there were changes in how social relationships between groups and individuals were legitimized.
Instead of modernity, the social body is not homogeneous and, as such, citizenship projects will
have to be reconsidered taking into account the identity and group membership. Within this new
context, we went from an „awarded citizenship“ granted by the modern nation-state, to a „claimed
citizenship“ by different social groups including the group of elderly and young people (Cabral,
2013, Stoer & Magalhães, 2005).
Considering these challenges, since 2002 a number of countries have approved national
policies, plans, programmes or strategies on ageing and older persons and some countries have
approved age-specific legislation (UNFPA, 2012). Notwithstanding these preliminary and encour-
aging initiatives, in many countries older persons report a lack of consideration by the community,
health professionals and family members, which indicates that disrespectful behavior, attitudes
and ageism may result, among other factors, from lack of public knowledge about ageing and
older persons (WHO, 2007). In some countries these changes have also led to the implementation
of specific laws. Considered as a prerequisite for social change, knowledge about legislation (by
the older persons) is still below the sufficient in different countries, such as Israel, USA (Doron
& Werner, 2008), Brazil (Martins & Massarollo, 2010), which may predispose older persons to
be vulnerable to violence, abuse and neglect.
According to the 2012 report from UNFPA, of the current 15 countries with more than 10
million older persons, seven of these are developing countries. For instance, in Latin America
and Caribbean, during the 90s, some Latin American countries have developed and implemented
age-specific legislation and programs (Huenchuan, 2006). Among these Latin American countries,
there is Brazil, one of the emergent economies in the first decade of the 21st century beside Russia,
India, China and South Africa. According to the Global Age Watch Index 20131, Brazil is ranked
at the 31st position in a 91-country ranking. The current Brazilian population aged 60 or above is
21.6 million, which represents 10.9% of total population, and by 2050 Brazil will be the 5th oldest
country in the world. According to this Index, for the enabling environment domain, Brazil ranks
at 40, which represents 88% of people over 50 reporting social support of relatives or friends,
but only 51% of the same group feeling safe walking alone at night in their neighbourhood. The
lowest rank is for employment and education, at 68th (of a total of 91 countries), with only 21.1%
of people aged 60 or over with secondary or higher education.
This Index also takes into account whether any national policy and or legislation related to
older persons were introduced since 2002. In the case of Brazil, during the transition from the 20th
to the 21st Century, there have been implemented the National Policy for Older Persons in 1994
and the Brazilian Law for the Rights of Older People in 2003. Those initiatives developed by the
Brazilian Government are aimed to the fully and equally assurance of the rights for older persons,
describing legal implications for unrespected rights.
Despite the recent legislation, Brazilian older persons still face some difficulties. There have
been some reports of abuse (negligence, physical and/ or sexual violence, inhuman treatment) at
some long term care facilities, which may lead to a decrease on physical and mental health, suicide
and homicide (Jussana de Sousa, White, Soares, Nicolosi, Cintra & D’Elboux, 2010). According to
the Brazilian Human Rights Secretary (2013), from 2011 to 2012, there was an increase of 199%
of phone calls to Dial for Human Rights service for information and/or denounce about violence

1 Global Age Watch is the first Index that compares quality of life in older age in 91 countries, considering four domains: (1)
income security, (2) health status, (3) employment and education, (4) enabling environment. Available data athttp://www.
helpage.org/global-agewatch/population-ageing-data/country-ageing-data/?country=Brazil
ISSN 2029-8587 Ana Carolina BRAZ, Maria da LUZ CABRAL, Susana Maria Gonçalves COIMBRA, Anne Marie Victorine GERMAINE FONTAINE, Zilda Aparecida
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against older persons. The most prevalent kinds of violence against older persons in Brazil are:
8 negligence (68.7%), psychological violence (59.3%), financial abuse (40.1%), and physical violence
(34%). When linked to socioeconomic inequalities present in Brazil, these evidences highlight the
importance of monitoring policies and programmes in order to ensure that those rights are actually
being respected and the older persons are aware of their rights.
This is also a global challenge for the 21st Century, as many developed countries still lack a
specific legislation for older persons and also are facing a severe economic crisis since 2008. This
crisis enhances the perception of competition between generations for scarce services and resources
and may lead aged people to even a more vulnerable situation, characterized by poverty and social
exclusion. Among these most economically affected countries is Portugal, a lusophone2 country
as Brazil. This nation ranks3 after Brazil (34 Th place in the 91 - country rank) in the Global Age
Watch Index 2013. Currently, in Portugal there are 2.6 million of older persons (24.4% percent of
the population is over 60 years), which it is set to increase to 40.4% by 2050, making Portugal the
second of 195 countries with older population by now and it is expected to be the oldest country
in the world by 2050 (Cabral, 2013). According to Global Age Watch Index 2013, Portugal ranks
at 17 for income security domain, however ranks at 76 for employment and education, with 16.5%
of people aged 60 and over having secondary or higher education. Also, in Portugal it has not been
introduced any national policy nor any legislation for older people since 2002. As other countries
from the European Union, Portugal has undertaken reforms for their social security systems, and
as Greece and Italy, Portuguese pension benefits have been reduced (UNFPA, 2012), which may
lead to a worsening of the quality of life for older persons.
As seen in other countries, ageing in Portugal is related to an increase in the dependence level
of older persons and consequently an increased likelihood of violence and abuse against elderly
(Costa, Pimenta, Brigas, Santos & Almeida, 2009; Dias, 2005). According to the Portuguese
Association for Victim Support (APAV, 2013)4, during 2000 and 2012, there was an increase of
179% support processes of older persons victims of crime and violence, as well as 14.139 notifica-
tions of violent acts, of which 80.2% were cases of domestic violence. Older women represented
82.2% of the victims, and 54% of them were 65-75 years old. As for the authors of violence, 68%
were men and 21.6% aged 65 years or over. In 25.7% of these cases, victim and aggressors were
spouses. When taking these data into account, it is possible to infer that Portuguese older persons
– especially women – still are a vulnerable group to neglect, isolation and abuse, thus in need of
a legislation that actually protects them .
An age-specific legislation is an important ingredient for the exercise of rights by the older
persons, but not a sufficient condition. Thus, besides the importance of rights, we must also consider
a number of other factors. Among these factors, we highlight the specific competence the older
people have to deal with their interpersonal relationships, especially considering assertiveness.
Inherent in the concept of assertiveness is the notion of interpersonal rights (Alberti & Eamons,
2008; Del Prette & Del Prette, 2001). In addition, Del Prette and Del Prette (2001) proposed that
the effective exercise of rights requires knowledge and recognition of the importance of general
and specific rights (Del Prette & Del Prette, 2001).
When evaluating whether a right is respected or not, one must take into account the persons
that are interacting – e.g., the individual whose rights were respected as well as the persons who
have unrespect those rights. In a preliminary evaluation of older person’s perceptions of their rights
which was based on the concept of exercise of interpersonal rights proposed by Del Prette and
Del Prette (1999; 2005), Braz (2007) developed an instrument for the assessment of recognition
of rights, the Older Persons Law Recognition (OPLR). This tool was designed to evaluate eight
items from the Brazilian Law for the Rights of Older Persons (Brazil, 2003) in four dimensions: (1)
awareness of rights by the victims, (2) discrimination of conditions when rights were unrespected,
(3) mobilization of feelings when rights were unrespected, (4) exercise of rights. When discuss-

2 Lusophone countries are those in which Portuguese is the official language.


3 A detailed description of Portuguese indexes is available at: http://www.helpage.org/global-agewatch/population-ageing-
data/country-ageing-data/?country=Portugal
4 Information available AT: http://apav.pt/apav_v2/images/pdf/Estatisticas_APAV_Pessoas_Idosas_2000-2012.pdf
Ana Carolina BRAZ, Maria da LUZ CABRAL, Susana Maria Gonçalves COIMBRA, Anne Marie Victorine GERMAINE FONTAINE, Zilda Aparecida ISSN 2029-8587
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OF PSYCHOLOGY
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ing the obtained findings, Braz (2007) had hypothesized that an existing age-specific legislation
9
has enabled the awareness of those rights by older persons, but has not enabled the exercise of
rights. In order to test this hypothesis, one could compare countries where there is legislation with
countries that still lack of such legislation.

Problem of Research

Considering (a) ageing as a process with differences between developed and developing coun-
tries, (b) the current global economic crisis and its implications to the health care and active ageing,
(c) the importance of age-specific legislation, (d) the evidences that older persons still have few
knowledge about their rights, and (e) Portugal and Brazil will be among the five oldest countries by
2050 this study evaluated two Portuguese speaking countries, one that is developed, currently under
an economic crisis, that lacks a specific legislation regarding to the older persons (Portugal) and other
that is a developing country with an approved age-specific legislation (Brazil). The hypothesis of this
study is that the existence of an age-specific legislation may lead to a difference in the recognition
of rights. A comparison between Brazil and Portugal is justified by the fact that for three centuries
(from 15th to 18th Century), Brazil was a Portuguese colony, thus these countries share many cultural
aspects, as language (Portuguese), predominant religion (Catholicism) and gender relations, for
example. In addition, they are facing the 21st century’s challenges of promoting active ageing and
protecting older persons rights in times of intense economic and demographic changes.

Methodology of Research

Sample of Research

Participants were 605 persons (46 women and 16 men), ages from 60 to 90 years (M =70.07,
SD=6.68), with low to medium educational levels. Within this sample, there were two groups,
with 30 participants each: Brazilian Group (BR) and Portuguese Group (PT). The groups were
not statistically equivalent (Mann Whitney Test), for gender (BR: 27 women and 3 men; PT: 19
women and 11 men; U = - 2.421, p = 0.15) and age (BR: M = 67.87; SD = 4.84; PT: M = 72.89;
SD = 7.73; U = - 2.000, p = 0.45). Although the groups could not be considered equivalent, these
differences were kept because they may reflect the different economic stage of these countries (in
developing countries older population is younger than in developed ones). Within the Portuguese
sample, there were also two groups which were very different from each other: union retirees,
autonomous and / or living with their relatives, mostly in 3rd age, as well as institutionalized older
persons, mostly in 4th age. These differences also reflect the heterogeneity among older person’s
groups.

Instrument

In order to evaluate the recognition of the older persons rights, it was used the Older Persons
Law Recognition (OPLR), an 8-item paper-pen questionnaire developed in Brazil (Braz, 2007;
2010) and semantically adapted to Portugal with satisfactory internal consistence (BR: α = 0.912,
PT: α = 0.937). The questions are based on specific items from the Brazilian Law for the Rights of
Older People (Brazil, 2003), as: (1) priority assistance, (2) public policies for healthy ageing, (3)
working without age-discrimination, (4) access to books, magazines and newspapers, (5) free issu-
ing of documents, (6) reserved parking spaces, (7) representation of older people in the media, (8)
protection against inhuman treatment.
Recognition of each right was evaluated by four dimensions: awareness, discrimination of
unrespected rights, mobilization of feelings when rights were unrespected, exercise of rights. For
each dimension, there were three alternatives of response that would range from zero to two points.

5 We recognize that this sample size may be a limitation of the study, but as this comparison between Brazil and Portugal was
never performed before, we decided to run a preliminary exploratory study with a smaller sample in order to verify possible
evidences of differences. At the discussing session we also take into account the implications regarding to the sample size.
ISSN 2029-8587 Ana Carolina BRAZ, Maria da LUZ CABRAL, Susana Maria Gonçalves COIMBRA, Anne Marie Victorine GERMAINE FONTAINE, Zilda Aparecida
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These alternatives vary from no (zero) to total (two points) awareness, discrimination, mobiliza-
10
tion and exercise. The alternatives were written according to the dimension under evaluation. For
example, for exercise of rights dimension, there was a possibility of no exercise, a passive exercise
(i.e., asking someone else to solve the problem) as well as an active exercise (i.e., performing an
active role to solve the problem). In Table 1, there is a description of these alternatives as well as the
internal consistency indexes (Cronbach’s α) for the each dimension of the two versions (Brazilian
and Portuguese) of OPLR.

Table 1. The four dimensions of Older Person’s Law Recognition: internal


consistency indexes and alternatives of response.

Dimension Cronbach-α Alternatives of response


Awareness BR: α = 0.848; PT: α = 0.781 This right does not exist / I am not sure if this right exists/ I think
this right exists

Discrimination BR: α = 0.687; PT: α = 0.821 I have never been through a situation when this right was
unrespected / I am not sure if I have been through a situation
when this right was unrespected/ I have been through a
situation when this right was unrespected

Mobilization BR: α = 0.843; PT: α = 0.918 I did not feel disrespected / I am not sure if I have felt
disrespected / I did feel disrespected

Exercise BR: α = 0.919; PT: α = 0.960 If this is (was) unrespected, I often do not do anything/ If this
is (was) unrespected, I often ask someone to do something
for me / If this is (was) unrespected, I do something myself

Procedure

The researchers directly invited eligible older persons to participate in this study. They were
informed about the goals and the procedures for the data collection. After their consent, which was
reached by signing the informed consent term6, 30-60 minute individual sessions were scheduled.
Participants answered the OPLR questionnaire under the supervision of the researchers, which pre-
sented standard instructions regarding the procedure of filling in the OPLR questionnaire. In addition,
researchers asked the participants to provide information regarding to their gender and age. One
has performed descriptive (frequencies, mean, standard deviation, median, percentiles), inferential
(non-parametric tests for two independent sample) and internal consistency analysis with the IBM
SPSS software, version 20.0.

Results of Research

This study aimed to evaluate and to compare the knowledge of rights in two samples from
Brazil and Portugal. First, it is presented the result of the overall score in the OPLR (which is the
sum of the total scores of the four dimensions), and the scores for each of the four dimensions of
OPLR. Overall Score consists in the sum of the four dimensions and ranges from zero to 64 points.
For each dimension, scores range from zero to 16 points.

6 The informed consent was a written document which consisted of two parts: the information sheet and the consent certificate.
Participants were asked to sign it only if they accepted the terms and conditions of the research. Refusal rate was 0%.
Ana Carolina BRAZ, Maria da LUZ CABRAL, Susana Maria Gonçalves COIMBRA, Anne Marie Victorine GERMAINE FONTAINE, Zilda Aparecida ISSN 2029-8587
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Table 2. Brazilian and Portuguese scores in OPLR.


11
Brazil Portugal

Overall Score M = 33.03, SD =14.245 M = 30.80, SD =15.192


Awareness M = 10.00, SD =4.676 M =8.40, SD =4.606
Discrimination M = 4.88, SD = 4.022 M = 5.40, SD = 4.446
Mobilization M = 8.85, SD = 5.047 M =7.90, SD = 5.354
Exercise M = 9.45, SD = 5.762 M = 9.37, SD = 6.162

In the overall score, both groups were located next to 32 points which is the medium point of
the scale (BR = 33.03 and PT = 30.30). Nevertheless, the analysis of the four dimensions enables
a better understanding of how the participants recognize their rights. For awareness, BR is at the
superior quartile, and PT is slightly above the medium point. Considering that Brazilian government
has introduced a specific legislation for older persons and that BR sample tended to report higher
scores for awareness, this may be and evidence that supports our hypothesis of the impact of a leg-
islation over people’s awareness of rights. For discrimination, BR and PT are in the inferior quartile,
tending to report that they have never experienced a violation of that right in question or that they
were not sure it happened. Taking into account the high rates of violence against older persons in
Brazil and Portugal, one can infer at least two possibilities: (1) a difficulty to correctly discriminate
a situation when rights were unrespected and (2) the fact that the members from these samples are
more protected and less vulnerable to the violation of their rights. The scores for mobilization were
next to the medium point for both BR and PT samples, indicating that participants tended to report
that they were not sure about their feelings when these rights were unrespected. This finding, when
associated with the previous one, may be also due to their difficulties to identify situations, which
have occurred with themselves, when rights may be unrespected. In the last dimension, exercise of
rights, BR and PT scores were also close to the medium point. Considering that three alternatives for
this dimension, the sample tended, in general, to report that they tend to ask someone else to solve
for them a situation of unrespected rights.
For each item it was calculated the three most reported rights at the four dimensions, for BR
and PT sample. Those data are displayed at Table 3.

Table 3. The most reported rights at each dimension for BR and PT samples.

Awareness Discrimination Mobilization Exercise

Brazilian Priority assistance (86.7%) Unhuman treatment Unhuman treatment Public policies (56.7%)
sample Free issuing of documents (30.0%) (64.3%) Priority assistance
(66.7%) Unrespected priority Free issuing of (53.3%)
Protection against inhuman assistance (23.0%) documents (60.0%) Age discrimination
treatment (63.3%) Age related offenses Priority assistance in working places
Access to books, magazines (20.0%) (56.7%) (50.50%)
and newspapers (63.3%)

Portuguese Public policies for healthy Non free issuing of Unhuman Priority assistance
sample ageing (73.3%) documents (55.6%) treatment (32.1%) (71.4%)
Protection against inhuman Unrespected priority Free issuing Public policies
treatment (58.6%) assistance (37.0%) of documents (58.6%)
Working without age- Unhuman treatment (55.6%) Unhuman treatment
discrimination (57.1%) (32.1%) Priority assistance (58.6%)
(37.0%).

One should note that for all dimensions participants tended to report more frequently those
items related to personal dignity, physical integrity and social mainstreaming. These reports are very
similar to those found by UNFPA (2012) in a global survey with older persons from developed and
developing countries. Also, for the third dimension, mobilization of feelings, the three most frequently
situations of unrespected rights were the same for both samples.
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Comparisons of these scores between Brazilian and Portuguese participants, pointed to simi-
12
larities in the overall score and in three of the four dimensions (Discrimination, Mobilization and
Exercise of rights), although Brazilian participants significantly self-reported higher awareness of
rights than Portuguese did (U = - 2.737, p = 0.006).
When comparing both gender and country of origin separately, there was not any statistically
significant difference for these five scores. Controlling for gender, Brazilian women presented higher
overall scores (U = - 1.987, p = 0.047) and awareness scores (U = - 3.144, p = 0.002) than Portuguese
women. Considering the small Brazilian male sample (n = 3), this comparison was not made for
men.
Comparisons between these groups for the eight rights in the four dimensions, showed overall
similarities between the BR and the PT samples for five of the eight items. For the following items,
the Brazilian sample self-reported higher awareness scores for the right of priority assistance (U =
- 3.889, p < 0.000), free issuing of documents (U = - 2.002, p = 0.045) and reserved parking spaces
for older persons (U = - 1.161, p = 0.002), as well as higher discrimination of situations when the
right of free issuing of documents was unrespected (U = - 4.408, p < 0.00). Although not statisti-
cally significant, BR sample also reported higher scores than PT sample for the discrimination of
unrespected priority assistance (U = - 1.947, p = 0.052), which was very close to the significance
level. Overall, findings suggest that legislation is an important but not sufficient condition for the
actual – and active – exercise of rights by older persons.

Discussion

Considering two countries with historical and cultural proximity, it was hypothetized that the
existence of an age-specific legislation only in Brazil but not in Portugal would lead to differen-
ces between these countries for the recognition of rights by older persons. There were differences
between the BR and PT samples for the overall awareness of rights as well as for the awareness of
two rights and the discrimination of one situation of unrespected right. In all cases, the Brazilian
sample reported higher scores of awareness and discrimination than the Portuguese sample. Though
this is an exploratory study with modests results, these findings are towards our hypothesis and also
present an evidence that the existence of the Law for the Rights of Older People (Brazil, 2003) has
some impact in older persons recognition of their rights. When older persons (a) have legislation
that supports them and (b) are aware about their rights, they are more prone to identify when these
rights are unrespected, thus they will be able to exercise their rights. Although there is a certain dis-
tance between being aware about rights and exercising these rights, awareness is a necessary – but
not sufficient - condition for the exercise: it is an important empowerment tool for a group that is
frequently very vulnerable and unrespected.
These differences between the Brazilian and Portuguese sample may also reflect dissimilar con-
cerns presented by these two nations. According to Doron and Werner (2008), every country differs
in terms of legal system and consequently there may be diverse sets of rights for older people. In
a review of 113 countries’ age-specific policy changes (UNFPA, 2012), it was found that in devel-
oped countries a higher concern about increased costs on health care, long term care provision and
the sustainability of existing pension systems. On the other hand, developing countries seem to be
more concerned about physical space for social policies relating to health and income security and
the impact of the recent demographic changes on poverty education. Different concerns may lead to
different policies, thus leading to different perceptions and exercises of rights.
These findings are in concordance with those from another study with Brazilian Sample (Martins
& Massarollo, 2010) in which older persons pointed that they were entitled to public transportation,
priority assistance, reserved seats, access to health and overall respect. In this study, only 49.2% of
the sample reported to fully know their rights. Studies from other countries as the USA (AARP, 2000)
and Israel (Doron & Werner, 2008) report similar results regarding the below to sufficient level of
knowledge about age-specific rights, which indicates that promotion of recognition of rights by the
older persons is still a global challenge.
There is a substantial body of empirical evidences stating gender differences in ageing as well
as the influence of gender over the life course in terms of access to resources and opportunities. Ac-
Ana Carolina BRAZ, Maria da LUZ CABRAL, Susana Maria Gonçalves COIMBRA, Anne Marie Victorine GERMAINE FONTAINE, Zilda Aparecida ISSN 2029-8587
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cording to UNFPA (2012), older women worldwide are usually more likely to discrimination, poor
13
access to jobs and healthcare, subjection to abuse, denial of the right to own and inherit property,
and lack of basic minimum income and social security. In addition, violence and abuse against older
women often occur in the immediate family but it remains even less visible in society than violence
against younger women. Some statistics from Portugal seem to confirm this trend, while in Brazil
there is still a lack of information about violence against older women. In this study, Portuguese
women reported lower scores for overall recognition and for awareness of rights. These lower scores
might be related, in some extent, to higher probabilities of being a victim of aggression. Due to a
smaller number of men within the Brazilian sample (n = 3), it was not performed comparisons be-
tween Brazilian and Portuguese men.
Notwithstanding the social relevance of this findings and their pottential contribution to the
discussion and evaluation of the existing age-specific public policies, this study has some limitations.
One of them is the sample size, that constrains the range of statistical analysis and the generalization
of these results. As these initial results seem to support our hipothesis, further studies should collect
data from a broader sample, and even from other lusophone countries, as Angola, Mozambique, Cape
Verde, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé and Príncipe and East Timor. The second limitation is the different
proportion of women and men, specially within the Brazilian sample. The second limitation is also
regarding to the sample: in Brazil, the ageing process strongly varies from one geographic region to
the others – this BR sample is from Sao Paulo state, the richest one in Brazil – then future studies
should make a comparison between regions. In this sample, although some socioeconomic variables
were collected, it was not evaluated the socioeconomic status. Considering that the educational level
of the sample was low, it is possible to indirectly infer their socioeconomic status, but this variable
may be important to compare the recognition of rights between different groups – wealthier persons
could have more access to information thus may have higher recognition of rights. Finally, the number
of items may be sufficient only for partial and preliminary evidences.
It is important to take into account that those reported differences may also reflect the fact that
the older generation is a heterogenous group, possibly with different levels of vulnerability. Consid-
ering in particular, differences between third and fourth age, women and men, those who still live
autonomously and those who are institutionalized, thus highlighting the need of diverse policies and
intervention strategies. Therefore, planning and introducing programmes and intervention models
for the promotion of older person’s rights must address variables as age, sex, ethnicity, education,
income and health (UNFPA, 2012).

Conclusions

Considering ageing as a challenge of the 21st century, this study has compared the recognition
of age-specific rights by older persons from countries in different economic situations (i.e., one is a
welfare state currently on an economic crisis, and the other is a developing country with an emer-
gent economy) but both with considerable socioeconomic inequities, thus with potentially diverse
implications on the public policies regarding the elderly. Differences were found in some aspects
of recognition of rights, thus indicating that a specific legislation may increase the older person’s
awareness of rights. These findings are the first of this kind to provide a perspective of older person’s
recognition of rights through a comparative approach in Portuguese speaking countries experiencing
different economic challenges.
In general, the higher scores reported by the BR sample when compared to the PT sample
indicates that age-specific policies are important and should be implemented in countries that still
lack this kind of legislation. Even important, the legislation itself is not a sufficient condition for
the actual protection of rights: both groups reported low scores for discrimination of unrespected
rights as well as modest scores for mobilization of feelings and exercise of rights when unrespected.
Beyond legislation, there must be a combination of both public policies and programmes in order
to promote older person’s awareness of their rights, in terms of the rights they are entitled to and
also should expect to receive. In addition, in order to attain this goal, it is necessary to broadcast the
older person’s rights to the society as a whole: older persons themselves, younger family members,
health professionals (such as physicians, nursing staff, and therapists), human resources specialists,
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policy makers, economists. In addition, interventions, such as Social Skills Training should be a
14
useful and already effective proven resource for the promotion of rights for older persons (Braz,
Del Prette& Del Prette, 2011).

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the São Paulo Research Foundation - FAPESP for two
awards (2007/06450-7; 2010/10008-0), Federal University of São Carlos, Porto University and the
participants of this study.

References

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cterísticas sociodemográficas na terceira idade [Linking social skills, Brazilian Law for the Rights of
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Advised by Irena Gailienė,


SMC “Scientia Educologica”, Lithuania

Received: September 30, 2013 Accepted: November 11, 2013

Ana Carolina Braz Master in Psychology, PhD Candidate, Federal University of Sao Carlos, Rodovia
Washington Luis, Km 235 - Caixa Postal 676, 13.565-905 - São Carlos, São Paulo, Brazil.
E-mail: anacarolbraz@gmail.com

Maria da Luz Cabral First degree in Educational Sciences, Master Student at Community Interventions at Porto
University, Rua Alfredo Allen, 4200-135 Porto, Portugal.
E-mail: maria.luz26@gmail.com

Susana Maria PhD in Psychology, Lecturer and Researcher, Porto University, Rua Alfredo Allen, 4200-
Gonçalves Coimbra 135 Porto, Portugal.
E-mail: susana@fpceup.pt

Anne Marie Victorine PhD in Psychology, Lecturer and Researcher, Porto University, Rua Alfredo Allen, 4200-
Germaine Fontaine 135 Porto, Portugal.
E-mail: fontaine@fpceup.pt

Zilda Aparecida PhD in Psychology, Lecturer and Researcher, Federal University of São Carlos,
Pereira Del Prette São Carlos, Rodovia Washington Luis, Km 235 - Caixa Postal 676, 13.565-905 São Carlos,
São Paulo, Brazil
E-mail: zdprette@ufscar.br
Website: http://rihs.ufscar.br
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16

Exploring Attitudinal Variables


Predictive of how Men
perceive Rape
Sarah R. Edwards
University of North Dakota, Grand Forks, ND, USA
E-mail: sarah.edwards@und.edu

Verlin B. Hinsz
North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA
E-mail: verlin.hinsz@ndsu.edu

Abstract

86 male university students completed an assessment battery regarding their attitudes towards women and
beliefs about sexual violence, as well as their own intentions to be sexually violent. They read five vignettes
depicting different situations in which women were raped, and answered questions about what they thought
happened in the vignettes, i.e. whether the actions depicted were rape. Results showed only one of the constructs,
acceptance of sexual violence, predicted men’s ability to recognize rape scenarios, whereas hostility towards
women, adversarial sexual beliefs, rape myth acceptance and sex role stereotyping were not significant after
acceptance of sexual violence was accounted for. Furthermore, men’s acceptance of sexual violence mediated
the relationship of their perceptions of rape vignettes and their self-reported intentions to be sexually violent.
Implications for further research in sexual violence and interventions to prevent acts of aggression towards
women are discussed.
Key words: rape, sexual aggression, violence against women.

Introduction

Violence against women remains a problem in most post-secondary educational settings given
the high prevalence (e.g. Testa & Livingstone, 2010) and great costs, both tangible and intangible,
associated with victimization. Most of the research attempting to predict sexual aggression and
identify those at risk of perpetrating it has focused on offenders’ personality traits and dispositions
like authoritarianism (Walker, Rowe & Quinsey, 1993), poor anger management (Groth, 1979), lack
of empathy (Marshall, Jones, Hudson, & McDonald, 1993), inadequate abilities to form meaningful
relationships (Marshall, 1989; Ward, Hudson, Marshall, & Siegert, 1995), general aggressiveness,
impulsivity and cognitive patterns, e.g. having stereotypes about sex-roles (Burt, 1980). Holding false
beliefs about the severity of sexual assault as well as false attribution of responsibility (i.e. blaming
the victim instead of the offender) can also be expected to increase the likelihood of engaging in
sexually aggressive behavior towards women (Jones, Russell & Bryant, 1998).
Gudjonsson, Petursson, & Skulason (1989) found that perpetrators of sexual violence scored
higher on over-controlled hostility than non-sexual violent, criminal offenders. Fiqia, Lang, Plutchik,
and Holden (1987) found greater indirect hostility among sexual offenders. However, research in-
vestigating the relationship of hostility and sexual offending is not conclusive. While several studies
found sexual offenders to exhibit greater hostility and anger (e.g. Hudson & Ward, 1997; Lee, Pat-
Sarah R. EDWARDS, Verlin B. HINSZ. Exploring Attitudinal Variables Predictive of How Men Perceive Rape ISSN 2029-8587
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tison, Jackson, & Ward 2001; Rada, Laws, Kellner, Stivastava, & Peake, 1983), others did not find
17
this relationship (Overholser & Beck, 1986; Seidman, Marshall, Hudson, & Robertson, 1994).
Some researchers have also proposed sexual offenders have a social skill deficit (Overholser
& Beck, 1986) and are sexually incompetent (Dwyer & Amberson, 1989). Marshall and Barbaree
(1990) argue that as a result of poor socialization, offenders fail to learn how to control their behav-
ior. Therefore they lack inhibition and respond impulsively to sexual and aggressive cues. Marshall
and Barbaree suggest that sexuality and aggression are connected in offenders’ minds, resulting in
aggression becoming part of their repertoire in sexual situations.
While most research that looked at perpetrators’ personality traits used incarcerated offenders,
several studies have shown that these findings are also valid for non-incarcerated offenders (e.g.
university students who self-report raping women). Lisak and Roth (1990) found differences in hos-
tility, feelings of betrayal, wish to sexually dominate women, and hypermasculine traits in a sample
of college males who admitted to rape compared to a non-sexually violent control group. These
differences are comparable to the differences found between incarcerated rapists and controls.
Rapaport and Burkhardt (1984) concluded that males who endorse sexual coercion possess
attitudes that make the use of aggression acceptable. Other authors (e.g. Ageton, 1983) have sug-
gested rape is just a subset of delinquent behaviors, and can be predicted by the same factors (i.e peer
support for delinquent behaviors) that anticipate other antisocial, criminal behavior. Undoubtedly
however, sexual crimes differ in some aspects from other, violent crimes.

Problem of Research

Malamuth (1988) conducted two studies to assess if several individual difference measures of
males predict laboratory aggression in form of noise blasts toward female and male confederates.
The individual difference measures (acceptance of interpersonal violence, sex role stereotyping, be-
ing motivated to be sexually dominant, antisocial tendencies, tumescence measured in response to
arousal to rape scenes) did not predict aggression toward a male target, but accounted for over 36%
of variance in aggression displayed toward a female target. The motivation to dominate a woman
sexually and level of antisocial tendencies were the strongest predictors (βs ~0.40), only sex role
stereotyping was not a significant predictor.
Briere and Malamuth (1983) surveyed 352 college males for their sexual attitudes using Burt’s
(1980) rape myth acceptance scale, acceptance of interpersonal violence measure and the adversarial
sexual beliefs scale. Self-reported likelihood to force a woman to do something sexual she didn’t
want to do and self-reported likelihood to rape a woman were the dependent variables. They found
that 60% of the sample reported some likelihood to engage in either rape or use force to obtain sexual
compliance. Variables that assess attitudes and beliefs about women and sexuality that are deemed
to be rape encouraging predicted the intentions to commit sexual assault rather than sexual variables
such as sexual experience and number of sexual encounters during a specified period. This provides
evidence that rape and forceful sexual acts seem to be indeed motivated by social factors such as rape
supportive attitudes rather than a lack of sexual outlets, as it was hypothesized by numerous research-
ers before (e.g. Gebhardt, Gagnon, Pomeroy, & Christianson, 1965; Groth & Burgess, 1977).
Clearly a variety of beliefs and attitudes men might hold to varying degrees have been linked to
a greater propensity to engage in sexual coercion or violence. Prevention and intervention programs
designed to reduce risk of sexual offending often attempt to address these. However, being able to
accurately recognize situations in which sexual coercion is occurring also appears to be very impor-
tant. An inability to recognize such situations on part of the male would annihilate any possibility
of the man altering or ceasing his unwanted sexual advances. Hence, the present study is interested
in whether beliefs and attitudes regarding women, sexuality and sexual coercion are predictive of
men’s abilities to accurately perceive situations in which sexual violence is occurring.

Research Focus

The primary aim of the present study was to explore the relative importance of dispositional
variables related to sexual assault perpetration on men’s perceptions of sexual interactions depicting
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rape, and men’s self reported intentions to commit sexual assault. By using a battery of scales assess-
18
ing a range of different variables thought to be associated with the commitment of sexual assault, we
examined the interrelation of several concepts: the role of general hostility toward women, beliefs
and attitudes related to the role and expectations of women in society, sexual motives, and endorse-
ment of hyper-masculine beliefs. The outcome measure of interest was participants’ perceptions of
situations depicting rape, and participants own intentions to be sexually aggressive.
We expected men who hold rape supportive attitudes, endorse violence in general as well as
sexual violence against women and have stereotyped gender perceptions to perceive fewer of the
rape scenarios as depicting rape, and report higher intentions to use force to obtain intercourse and
rape a woman themselves. Furthermore, we hypothesized perceptions of rape would mediate the
relationship of dispositional variables and intentions to commit sexual violence.

Methodology of Research

Sample of Research

Eighty-six male students from a public university in the north-central United States participated
in the study. The literature suggests this to be a large enough sample to conduct the planned analyses
with adequate power (Tabachnick and Fidell, 2006). Men received extra credit for their participation,
and were recruited using sign-up sheets that were hung in the psychology department. Subjects had
to be at least 18 years old, and were initially not told the full purpose of the study.

Instrument and Procedures

When participants arrived to the lab, they were seated privately by a male experimenter who
then obtained informed consent who reminded them the study was anonymous and they could leave
anytime. No participants withdrew from the study. Participants were then given the study materi-
als, and the experimenter left to allow for complete privacy until participants indicated they had
completed the study.

Measures

The study began with demographic measures, and the 13-item short version of the Marlowe -
Crowne social desirability scale (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960), version MC form C (Reynolds, 1982)
to control for the potential of participants’ responses being influenced by not wanting to be seen in
a negative light. The questions in this part of the survey consisted of 8 different scales, which were
all answered on 7 point scales from 1- strongly disagree to 7 strongly agree.
The hostility toward women scale (Check, 1985) was used to assess hostile, negative and resentful
feelings subjects might hold against women. This scale consists of 22 items, which specifically address
male hostility against females. A sample item reads as following: “It is safer not to trust women”.
To assess sex and rape related beliefs and attitudes, subjects completed the Sex Role Stereotyping
Scale (SRS; Burt, 1980), Adversarial Sexual Beliefs Scale (ASB; Burt, 1980), Rape Myth Accep-
tance Scale (RMA; Burt, 1980). The SRS assesses the degree to which subjects think people should
adhere to the traditional gender roles and what their attitudes are about violating those. It assesses
the degree to which participants hold beliefs that sexual intimate relationships are negative, violent
and exploitive in nature. The RMA measures the adherence to faulty beliefs about the circumstances
and justifiability of rape. We also used three items adapted from the Acceptance of Interpersonal
Violence Scale (AIV; Burt, 1980) to fit sexual, rather than physical, violence.
Following these dispositional measures, participants read five vignettes of sexual assaults oc-
curring in various situations, inside and outside of established relationships. One scenario depicted
rape in a marriage, one rape in a dating relationship, one rape while the victim is intoxicated; another
situation depicted a girl hitchhiking; and the last scenario described a promiscuous, intoxicated woman
at a party. Participants were asked to judge whether a particular scenario constitutes rape, or simply
a wrongdoing on the man’s part that should be forgiven on a three point scale. The composite score
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of these judgments served as an index of how participants perceive situations and what they would
19
label as rape, and is referred to as rape perceptions in this study.
Participants then indicated how likely they were to “force a woman to do something sexual she
doesn’t want to” as a percentage in increments of 10. The questionnaire concluded with the Sexual
Experience survey (Koss & Oros, 1982). This instrument asks participants whether they have ever
been in a variety of sexual situations. It assesses a wide range of sexual experiences from hetero-
sexual intercourse to sexual coercion, and attempted and completed rape. The 11 questions were
answered in a yes/no fashion.
After participants had finished the questionnaire, they underwent an elaborate debriefing aimed
at educating participants about rape and dispel any rape myths, as well as probe what participants
thought was the purpose of the study. No participants reported negative effects or were able to dis-
cern the purpose of the study.

Results of Research

Analyses of their demographics revealed participants’ age was M = 21, SD = 3.6 years. Most
participants identified as Caucasian (86%), and stated they have had intercourse before (73%). Re-
sponses to the questions taken from the Sexual Experience Survey (Koss & Oros, 1982) indicated
that 51.8% of the sample had used verbal coercion to obtain sexual intercourse, 18.1% have used
physical coercion or done unwanted sexual acts to a woman. One participant (1.2%) has indicated
he attempted rape, and 4.9% of the sample indicates they have committed an act that meets the legal
definition of rape. This is not significantly lower (Fisher’s exact probability p >0.41, df = 66) than the
percentage of rapists in a college sample found by Koss and Dinero’s survey of US men (1988).
Social desirability was unrelated to all variables of interest. All dispositional variables had
significant positive correlations with perceptions of rape vignettes. Table 1 depicts the correlations
of the dispositional variable and the social desirability as well as obtained Cronbach’s alpha coef-
ficients for this sample.

Table 1. Correlations of measures of beliefs and attitudes about women and rape.

  ASB Host MC RMA SRS SV RP

ASB 0.78 0.78** -0.19 0.61** 0.53** 0.38** 0.34**

HOST 0.88 -0.2 0.60** 0.52** 0.41** 0.30*

MC 0.54 -0.14 -0.25* 0.02 0.06

RMA 0.81 0.42** 0.45** 0.35**

SRS 0.56 0.21 0.25*

SV           0.54 0.37**
ASB = Adversarial Sexual Beliefs; HOST = Hostility towards women; RMA = Rape Myth Acceptance scale;
SRS = Sex Role Stereotyping scale; SV = Sexual Violence scale; MC = Marlow – Crowne Social Desirability
scale, short version. Alpha coefficients are printed in bold on the diagonal

To see which dispositional variables would predict perceptions of the rape vignettes, perceptions
of rape vignettes was regressed on the five variables that had significant Pearson correlations with
perceptions of the vignettes. Only acceptance of sexual violence (β = .29*) contributed uniquely to
the prediction, F (5, 77) = 4.04, p < 0.01, R2 = 0.21. Hostility towards women, adversarial sexual
beliefs, rape myth acceptance and sex role stereotyping were not significant.
According to Baron and Kenny (1986), a mediation is present if, after including the mediator,
the relationship between the predictor and criterion (here: rape perceptions and intentions to use
force) is no longer be significant, but the mediator significantly predicts the criterion. Hence, to test
whether acceptance of sexual violence mediated the relationship of rape perceptions and intentions
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to use force to obtain intercourse, a two step regression analysis was conducted. Perceptions of the
20
five rape vignettes significantly predicted intentions to use force to obtain intercourse, β = 0.30, t =
2.76, p < 0.01. When acceptance of sexual violence was added in the second step, it was significant,
β =0.26, t =2.32, p < 0.05. Perceptions of rape were no longer significant, β = 0.20, p > 0.08, thereby
meeting criteria for mediation.

Discussion

As expected, all the dispositional variables had significant Pearson’s correlations with men’s
perceptions of what constitutes rape in response to reading a variety of vignettes depicting different
situations in which sexual aggression occurs. Interestingly, only acceptance of sexual violence was a
unique predictor with perceptions of rape as indicated by the results of the multiple regression analysis.
Men who accepted violence as normal part of sexuality, labelled fewer of the five rape vignettes as
actual rapes. This suggests that men who accept sexual violence might have a mistaken view of what
constitutes rape, and have difficulties accurately identifying a rape scenario. Furthermore, acceptance
of sexual violence mediated the relationship of rape perception and intentions to rape. Maybe men
who have a proclivity to engage in sexual coercion can accept violent actions as a normal in sexual
relations because they can convince themselves their violent sexual actions do not really constitute
rape, as evidenced by their failure to recognize sexual coercion when it was presented to them. This
would make it easier for them to overcome inhibitions to use force and coercion in sexual situations.
If this is the case, prevention programs should also incorporate educational components designed to
improve men’s recognition of what constitutes sexual coercion.
In addition to these finding having interesting implication for programs aimed at reducing risk
of sexual offending, the results might also have importance in terms of bystander intervention. Many
sexual assaults occur in environments where eyewitnesses could mitigate the risk of sexual assault
to occur (Burn, 2009). However, this is unlikely to happen when the bystanders, who often belong
to the assailant’s peer group, are unable to accurately identify a sexually coercive situation them-
selves. Therefore, bystander intervention programs might need to focus initially most on teaching
participants to accurately identify situations that constitute sexual assault, and dispel any mistaken
beliefs men might hold that “true” rape mostly occurs as a random crime of opportunity between
complete strangers.
Given the exploratory nature of the present study, future research should attempt to replicate
these findings with a larger and more diverse sample of men. The men in the current study were all
recruited from an area that has traditionally lower than average crime rates (US Department of Justice,
2007). This may have impacted how men in the study judged the scenarios, or their endorsements
of rape myths, sex role stereotypes or acceptance of sexual violence. In addition, future research
could present participants with a greater variety of sexual assault scenarios to gain a more in depths
understanding of which variables in a sexual assault (e.g. location, relationship to the perpetrator,
and characteristics of the victim) relate to attitudinal measures and in what way.
In summary, our study demonstrated the importance of attending to what situations men perceive
as rape, since results suggest men are not accurately indentifying situations that constitute sexual
assault as such, and their ability to do so is strongly influenced by men’s acceptance of sexual ag-
gression in general.

Conclusions

Although many beliefs and attitudes have been shown to be associated with sexual coercion,
our study showed acceptance of sexual violence to be particularly influential when judging the
nature of a situation potentially involving sexual aggression. Failure to adequately identify sexual
coercion across various situations was associated with holding adversarial sexual beliefs, and these
beliefs mediated the relationship of men’s ability to accurately recognize scenarios depicting rape
and their self-reported intentions to be sexually coercive. This provides further evidence to the need
for sexual violence prevention programs aimed at men and incorporating components that heighten
men’s accuracy when judging what is and is not coercive sexual behavior.
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Acknowledgements

The authors wish to thank Jared Ladburry for his assistance in collecting the data.

References

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Advised by Stanislava Yordanova Stoyanova,


South-West University “Neofit Rilski”, Bulgaria

Received: September 12, 2013 Accepted: December 02, 2013

Sarah R. Edwards Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Counseling Psychology, College of Education, University of North
Dakota, Grand Forks, ND, USA
E-mail: sarah.edwards@email.und.edu
Website: http://education.und.edu/counseling-psychology-and-community-services/faculty-
research.cfm

Verlin B. Hinsz Ph.D., Professor of Psychology, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA.
E-mail: verlin.hinsz@ndsu.edu
Website: http://www.ndsu.edu/pubweb/~hilmert/SPRG/SPRG/Verlin_B_Hinsz.html
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23

The athletes’ body shapes the


athletes’ mind – new perspectives
on mental rotation performance
in athletes

Thomas Heinen
University of Hildesheim, Germany
E-mail: thomas.heinen@uni-hildesheim.de

Damian Jeraj
German Sport University Cologne, Germany
E-mail: d.jeraj@dshs-koeln.de

Abstract

Mentally rotating the image of an object is one fundamental cognitive ability in humans. Recent theoretical
developments and empirical evidences highlight the potential role of the sensory-motor system, when analysing
and understanding mental rotation. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the role of specific
sensory-motor experience on mental rotation performance in gymnasts. N = 40 male gymnasts with either
clockwise or anticlockwise rotation preference in a forward twisting layout salto performed a psychometric
mental rotation test with either rotation-preference congruent or rotation-preference incongruent stimuli. Re-
sults revealed that choice reaction times differed clearly as a function of Angular Rotation between the stimuli
figures. Gymnasts who preferred a clockwise rotation preference showed faster choice reaction times when
the rotation direction of the reference figure was clockwise, and vice versa. The results clearly support the
notion, that mental rotation performance varies as a function of sensory-motor system characteristics between
different people. It is concluded, that sensory-motor experience in a particular sport may facilitate cognitive
processing of experience-congruent stimuli. This may be advantageous for situations in which people are
engaged in observing sport performance (i.e., judges, coaches). This conclusion could furthermore contribute
to the training of athletes from sports such as sky-diving, scuba-diving, and climbing, where losses of spatial
orientation can be life-threatening.
Key words: functional equivalence hypothesis, gymnastics, rotation preference, sensory-motor experience.

Introduction

Mentally rotating the image of an object is seen as one fundamental cognitive ability in humans
(Sternberg, 2003). It has received considerable attention by a great number of researchers from vari-
ous disciplines (Munzert, Lorey, & Zentgraf, 2009; Zacks, 2008). New theoretical developments
and empirical evidences highlight the potential role of the sensory-motor system in general, and
sensory-motor experience in particular, when analysing and understanding perceptual and cognitive
processes (Gibbs, 2006; Wexler, Kosslyn, & Berthoz, 1998). Therefore the purpose of this study
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was to investigate the role of specific sensory-motor experience on mental rotation performance in
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gymnasts.
In a classical mental rotation task, participants usually observe pairs of pictures showing
three-dimensional cuboid-like objects (Shepard & Metzler, 1971). These objects exhibit different
rotation angles and participants are asked to indicate if one object is a rotation of the other object
or not. The results usually show a (linear) function between the angular rotation of the two objects
and participants’ reaction time, supporting the functional-equivalence hypothesis (Jolicoeur &
Kosslyn, 1985; Paivio, 1990). This hypothesis states that the percepts one constructs mentally are
not identical, but functionally equivalent to the physical phenomena they represent. Therefore,
phenomena that occur in the physical world should have their functional equivalent in their cor-
responding mental representations. Thus, if one rotates an object in the physical world it would
take longer to rotate the object, if it has to be rotated a larger angle.
In light of the functional equivalence hypothesis one may argue that if there is a congruence
between the stimulus (or characteristics of it) in a mental rotation task, and the person (or char-
acteristics of it) performing the mental rotation task, then this would facilitate the mental rotation
process (Heinen, 2013). Amorim, Isableu and Jarraya (2006) had for instance participants perform
a mental rotation test with stimuli of different complexity. Mental rotation performance on classi-
cal, cuboid-like figures was for instance compared to mental rotation performance on cuboid-like
figures with body characteristics (e.g., adding a head to the cubes), and also to mental rotation
performance on computer-generated human-like figures that matched the spatial configuration of
the cuboid-like figures. Results revealed that participants exhibited a better mental rotation per-
formance when the stimuli comprised bodily characteristics or were human-like.
From recent theoretical developments and empirical evidence one may argue that the functional
equivalence just mentioned is at least in part shaped by the sensory-motor system one possesses,
since this system is the basis for interaction with the environment (Barsalou, 2008; Gibbs, 2006).
Thus, mental rotation performance is thought to vary as a function of current states of the sensory-
motor system. Ionta, Fourkas, Fiorio and Aglioti (2007) investigated for instance the influence of
participants’ hand posture on mental rotation performance of hands and feet. Results revealed worse
mental rotation performance when the hands were held in an unusual posture as compared to an
anatomical posture. Lenggenhager, Lopez and Blanke (2008) applied galvanic vestibular stimula-
tion while participants performed a mental rotation test. Results indicated a specific interfering
effect of galvanic vestibular stimulation on mental rotation performance, that was modulated by
participants’ sensory sensation during galvanic vestibular stimulation. The results just described
highlight the role of the current state of the sensory-motor system in mental rotation.
Nevertheless, different people possess different sensory-motor system characteristics. Es-
pecially athletes have accumulated massive sensory and motor experience over their years of
practice in performing different actions and activities (Blake & Shiffar, 2007; O’Regan & Noë,
2001). This experience usually goes along with adaptations in the various body systems, so that
athletes’ sensory-motor system usually considerably differs from non-athletes (Enoka, 2003). As
a consequence one would expect that mental rotation performance varies as a function of sensory-
motor system characteristics between different people. Pietsch and Jansen (2012) investigated for
instance the relationship between physical and musical activity, and mental rotation performance.
In particular it was found that music and sport students exhibited faster reaction times in a mental
rotation test as compared to education students. The results just described support the notion that
mental rotation performance varies as a function of sensory-motor system characteristics between
different people. Furthermore, Moreau, Clerc, Mansy-Dannay and Guerrien (2012) had participants
complete a mental rotation test before and after a specific physical training in two different sports.
One sport comprised mental rotation ability (wrestling) whilst the other sport did not (running).
In particular, the results showed that the wrestling group outperformed the running group in the
mental rotation test after completing the physical training. The results just described highlight the
role that sensory-motor experience may play in mental rotation performance.
Taken together, one may argue that athletes’ specific sensory-motor experience could influence
mental rotation performance. Following this, the main purpose of this study was to investigate
the role of specific sensory-motor experience on mental rotation performance in gymnasts. It was
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predicted that gymnasts’ mental rotation performance on gymnast-like stimuli varies as a func-
25
tion of gymnasts’ rotation preference when performing forward twisting saltos. In particular, it
was expected that gymnasts who prefer a clockwise rotation direction in a forward twisting salto
show faster reaction times on rotation-preference congruent stimuli in a mental rotation test as
compared to rotation-preference incongruent stimuli (Heinen, 2013). However, since gymnasts
were asked to perform a mental rotation test, it was also expected that mental rotation performance
in general varies as a function of the angular rotation between the two stimuli figures (Shepard
& Metzler, 1971).

Methodology of Research

General Background of Research

Perceptual and cognitive processes seem to be influenced by characteristics of gymnasts’


sensory-motor system (Amorim et al., 2006; Gibbs, 2006; Heinen, 2013). The functional-equiva-
lence hypothesis states that the percepts one constructs mentally are functionally equivalent to the
physical phenomena they represent. Thus, one may assume that if there is a congruence between
the stimulus (or characteristics of it) in a mental rotation task, and the person (or characteristics
of it) performing the mental rotation task, then this would facilitate the mental rotation process
(Heinen, 2013). In order to evaluate this assumption, a mental rotation paradigm was utilized,
with gymnasts as participating subjects.

Sample of Research

Participants were N = 40 male gymnasts (Mage: 18 years, SD = 3 years). Gymnasts had at least
11 ± 4 years of experience in artistic gymnastics and practiced on average 10 ± 3 hours per week.
They reported to have national experience due to participation in national gymnastics champion-
ships, and participation in national league competitions. They provided their written informed
consent prior to participation in this study.
N = 20 gymnasts reported to have an anti-clockwise rotation preference about the longitudi-
nal axis when performing forward twisting saltos, whereas the remaining n = 20 gymnasts of the
study sample reported to have a clockwise rotation preference about the longitudinal axis when
performing forward twisting saltos.
The gymnasts were informed about the general procedure of the study. They were, however,
not informed about the experimental manipulation in order to ensure that they remained naïve
to the experimental conditions. Gymnasts indicated that they had neither solved a mental rota-
tion test before, nor were specifically trained in mental rotation. The experiment was carried out
in accordance with the ethical guidelines of the local university. It was decided to recruit expert
gymnasts because they already possess appropriate sensory-motor experiences in their sport (Blake
& Shiffrar, 2007).

Instruments

A psychometric mental rotation test with human figures as stimulus material was used to assess
mental rotation performance (cf., Amorim et al., 2006; Jansen & Lehmann, 2013). In particular,
gymnasts completed a same-different 3-D shape-matching task. The stimuli figures for the shape-
matching task were created using the computer software Poser 7 (E-Frontier, 2007).
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Figure 1: Illustration of the stimuli used in the experiment (congruent condition).


The dotted line represents an exemplary display window during
the experiment. Note: The arm positions shown in the upper part of
the Figure (a) correspond to an anti-clockwise rotation about the
longitudinal axis when performing a forward layout salto (elevating the
left arm and lowering the right arm). The arm positions shown in (b)
correspond to a clockwise rotation about the longitudinal axis during a
forward layout salto (elevating the right arm and lowering the left arm).

Stimuli figures represented a gymnast in an upright posture in front of a white background.


One arm was elevated overhead whilst the other arm was lowered towards the floor (see Figure 1).
The reference figure was presented from a back perspective, in order help the gymnast matching his
perspective to the perspective of the figure (Amorim et al., 2006). Arm positions of the stimuli figures
represented different rotation directions about the longitudinal axis in a forward layout twisting salto,
which would occur due to the gyroscopic effect of rotating rigid bodies (Yeadon, 1990). According
to this effect, an elevation of the left arm together with a lowering of the right arm during a forward
layout salto would lead to an anti-clockwise rotation about the longitudinal axis (Figure 1-a), whereas
elevating the right arm together with a lowering of the left arm would have the opposite effect (Figure
1-b; Yeadon, 2000). It was decided to manipulate the arm positions of the stimuli, because in particular
it was hypothesized that gymnasts’ rotation preference would facilitate the mental rotation process
of rotation-preference congruent stimuli and vice versa. Since arm positioning is directly related to
the rotation of the longitudinal axis when performing a forward layout twisting salto, gymnasts with
an anti-clockwise rotation preference should exhibit faster reaction time in a rotation-preference
congruent mental rotation task than gymnasts with a clockwise rotation preference.
For each trial, two figures were presented simultaneously on a 20 inch computer monitor (see
dotted line in Figure 1). The reference figure was always presented on the left side of the screen.
The figure on the right side of the screen was rotated about its longitudinal axis. Rotations ranged
from 0° to 300° in 60° increments. Stimuli were presented in either a symmetrical condition or in
an asymmetrical condition. In the symmetrical condition, the arm positions of both figures matched.
In the asymmetrical condition, the arm positions of both figures were swapped. The gymnasts were
instructed to determine as rapidly and accurately as possible whether the two presented figures were
same or different using the “Ä” or “A” key, respectively. The keyboard layout was german. The keys
were highlighted so that key “Ä” could be pressed with the right finger, representing a same response
and key “A” could be pressed with the left finger, representing a different response.
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Gymnasts’ choice reaction time for each trial was collected by an IBM compatible personal
27
computer using CMC, a software package that can be used to develop psychological experiments
(Heinen, 2010). Each gymnast completed 144 trials: 2 (Rotation Direction of Reference Figure: anti-
clockwise vs. clockwise) × 2 (Arm Position of Figures: symmetrical vs. asymmetrical) × 6 (Angular
Rotation of both Figures: 0°, 60°, 120°, 180°, 240°, 300°) × 6 repetitions. It was decided to repeat
each trial six times in order to get a better estimation of the mean choice reaction times for each
gymnast (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Only correct trials were used for further data analysis.

Procedure

The study was conducted in three phases. All gymnasts were tested individually. In the first
phase, the gymnast arrived at the lab and completed the informed consent form. He was briefed about
the general purpose and the procedure of the study. The gymnast was, however, left naïve about the
experimental manipulation realized in this study. The gymnast was seated in front of the computer
monitor and was given 12 practice trials in the mental rotation task in order to familiarize himself
with the computer equipment. In the second phase, the gymnast was asked to perform the mental
rotation task as described above with the task to react as soon and as accurate as possible. The order
of the 144 trials was randomized for each gymnast. There was neither feedback given on the cor-
rectness of each trial, nor on the choice reaction time of each trial. The third phase of the experiment
took place immediately after the mental rotation task was completed. First, a manipulation check
was conducted in which the gymnast was asked for his assumptions on the specific purposes of the
experiment. The manipulation check indicated that gymnasts still remained naïve about the specific
purpose of the experiment. After the manipulation check, the gymnast was told the specific purposes
of the experiment and received a chocolate bar as a reward for participation.

Data Analysis

A significance criterion of α = 5% was defined for all results reported. Prior to testing the main
hypothesis, possible moderating effects of age were assessed. There was no significant moderating
effect of age on the dependent variable. A univariate analysis of variance (ANOVA) with repeated
measures was conducted in order to assess differences in choice reaction times between experi-
mental conditions (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). “Gymnasts’ Rotation Preference” (anti-clockwise
vs. clockwise) was treated as a between-subject factor, whereas “Rotation Direction of Reference
Figure” (anti-clockwise vs. clockwise), “Arm Position of Figures” (symmetrical vs. asymmetrical),
and “Angular Rotation” (0°, 60°, 120°, 180°, 240°, 300°) were treated as within-subject factors.
When the sphericity assumption was violated, the Greenhouse-Geisser correction was calculated
and the degrees of freedom were adjusted. Cohens’ f was calculated as an effect size for all F-values
reported (Cohen, 1988).

Results of Research

It was expected that gymnasts who prefer a clockwise rotation direction in a forward twisting
salto show faster reaction times on rotation-preference congruent stimuli in a mental rotation test
as compared to rotation-preference incongruent stimuli. Since gymnasts performed a psychometric
mental rotation test, it was also expected that mental rotation performance in general varies as a
function of the angular rotation between the two stimuli figures.
First, results confirmed a main effect of Angular Rotation on choice reaction times, F(3.53,
109.43) = 19.16, p < 0.01, Cohens’ f = 0.79. Choice reaction times differed clearly as a function of
Angular Rotation between the two stimuli figures (see Figure 2). There was an additional main effect
of Arm Position of Stimuli Figures on gymnasts’ reaction times, F(1, 31) = 48.42, p < 0.01, Cohens’ f
= 1.24, indicating that gymnasts exhibited slightly faster reaction times when stimuli figures showed
symmetrical arm positions as compared to when stimuli figures showed asymmetrical arm positions
(mean ± standard error: 1826 ± 89 ms vs. 2327 ± 179 ms).
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Figure 2: Illustration of gymnasts’ choice reaction times as a function of Angular


Rotation between the two stimuli figures. Note: Error bars represent
standard errors. 60° and 240° Angular Rotation as well as 120° and
300° Angular Rotation were averaged since there were no significant
differences.

Second and consistent with our main hypothesis, there was a significant interaction effect of
Rotation Direction of Reference Figure × Gymnasts’ Rotation Preference, F(1, 31) = 4.77, p = 0.04,
Cohens’ f = 0.39. Gymnasts’ who preferred a clockwise rotation preference showed faster choice
reaction times when the rotation direction of the reference figure was clockwise and vice versa (see
Figure 3).

Figure 3: Illustration of gymnasts’ choice reaction times as a function of Rotation


Direction of Reference Figure and gymnasts’ Rotation Preference. Note:
Error bars represent standard errors.

Results furthermore revealed two additional significant interaction effects as a consequence of


the main and interaction effects just mentioned: Rotation Direction of Reference Figure × Angular
Rotation × Gymnasts’ Rotation Preference, F(5, 155) = 2.70, p = 0.02, Cohens’ f = 0.30, and Rota-
tion Direction of Reference Figure × Arm Position of Stimuli Figures × Angular Rotation, F(3.67,
113.81) = 3.85, p < 0.01, Cohens’ f = 0.35. There were neither further significant main, nor interac-
tion effects of the experimental factors on gymnasts’ choice reaction time.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to investigate the role of specific sensory-motor experience on
mental rotation performance in gymnasts. It was predicted that the gymnast’s mental rotation perfor-
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mance on gymnast-like stimuli varies as a function of gymnasts’ rotation preference when performing
29
forward twisting saltos. In particular, it was expected that gymnasts who prefer a clockwise rotation
direction in a forward twisting salto show faster reaction times on rotation-preference congruent stim-
uli in a mental rotation test as compared to rotation-preference incongruent stimuli. Since gymnasts
were asked to perform a mental rotation test, it was also expected that mental rotation performance
in general varies as a function of the angular rotation between the two stimuli figures.
First, the results revealed that choice reaction times differed clearly as a function of Angular
Rotation between the two stimuli figures, thus replicating for instance Shepard and Metzlers’ (1971)
pattern of results and arguing in favor of the functional equivalence hypothesis. The functional
equivalence between percepts and represented physical phenomena seems to be directly grounded
in the mechanical properties of flying and rotating rigid bodies. Given that a rigid body possesses a
constant angular momentum when airborne, there is a systematic relationship between the angular
rotation of that body and the time it takes to achieve this rotation. This is especially the case when
there are no changes in the moment of inertia, as it was the case in the stimuli used in the mental
rotation test.
In line with our main hypothesis, results furthermore revealed that gymnasts who preferred a
clockwise rotation preference showed faster choice reaction times when the rotation direction of the
reference figure was clockwise and vice versa. This result clearly supports the notion that mental
rotation performance varies as a function of sensory-motor system characteristics between different
people. In particular, sensory-motor experience in terms of rotational preference seems to facilitate
mental rotation of rotation-preference congruent stimuli. Gymnasts’ have developed their rotation
preference already early in their training and this preference is usually maintained throughout their
whole career (Sands, 2000). Therefore they exhibit substantial sensory-motor experience in one
rotation direction about the longitudinal axis, since often this rotation preference generalises to
other skills.
There are several limitations of this study and two aspects should be highlighted: First, it was
argued that athletes’ sensory-motor system usually considerably differs from non-athletes, and thus
one would expect that mental rotation performance varies as a function of sensory-motor system
characteristics between different people (Enoka, 2003). Our study revealed for instance that gymnasts
who prefer a clockwise rotation direction in a forward twisting salto show faster reaction times on
rotation-preference congruent in a mental rotation test as compared to rotation-preference incongru-
ent stimuli. The question hereby is, if such relationships also occur for phenomena that exist due to
different rotation demands in different sports. For instance, gymnastics and soccer place different
(rotation) demands on athletes, which in turn may lead to considerably different sensory-motor
experiences over years of practice, and thus to differences in cognitive processing. Second, in this
study, gymnasts performed a psychometric mental rotation test whilst sitting in front of a computer
monitor. The question is, if concurrent movements such as symmetrical or asymmetrical arm-, leg-,
trunk-, or head-movements would facilitate mental rotation performance (e.g., Wohlschläger &
Wohlschläger, 1998). Given that gymnasts use a particular movement of the arms to initiate twists
about the longitudinal axis when airborne, one would assume that a concurrent and yet rotation-
direction and/or rotation-preference congruent arm movement during mental rotation should facilitate
the mental rotation process and vice versa.
There are, however, some practical consequences of this study so far. First, sensory-motor
experience in a particular sport may facilitate cognitive processing of specific stimuli. This may be
advantageous for situations in which people are engaged in observing sport performance (officials,
judges, coaches). This may especially be helpful when the observer has to make decision under time-
constraints. Second and seen the other way round, motor learning processes could potentially benefit
from particular mental rotation tasks (or simulations) integrated into physical training. Assuming
that a ‚mental rotation training’ may also lead to a better development of mental representations of
particular rotation skills, it may be beneficial to prevent problems such as orientation loss which can
be seen as a particular problem in artistic sports (Day, Thatcher, Greenlees, & Woods, 2006).
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Conclusions

This study examined mental rotation performance in gymnasts with either clockwise or an-
ticlockwise rotation preference. Results revealed that choice reaction times differed clearly as a
function of Angular Rotation between the two stimuli figures, and that gymnasts who preferred a
clockwise rotation preference showed faster choice reaction times when the rotation direction of the
reference figure was clockwise and vice versa. This result clearly supports the notion that mental
rotation performance varies as a function of sensory-motor system characteristics between different
people. The congruence between stimuli and participants’ sensory-motor experiences seems to be
a significant predictor of mental rotation performance in athletes. On a transfer level, this argument
would at least in part change practitioners’ understanding of motor learning. It could furthermore
contribute to the training of athletes from sports such as sky-diving, scuba-diving, and climbing,
where losses of spatial orientation can be life-threatening.

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IN THE 21st CENTURY
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Shepard, R. N., & Metzler, J. (1971). Mental rotation of three-dimensional objects. Science, 171 (3972), 701-
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Advised by Serhiy Boltivets,


Grigory Kostyuk Psychological Institute of the Ukrainian National Academy
of Pedagogical Sciences, Ukraine

Received: September 30, 2013 Accepted: November 14, 2013

Thomas Heinen Prof. Dr., University of Hildesheim, Institute of Sport Science, Marienburger Platz 22, 31143
Hildesheim, Germany.
E-mail: thomas.heinen@uni-hildesheim.de
Website: http://www.uni-hildesheim.de/index.php?id=5693

Damian Jeraj Doctoral Student, German Sport University Cologne, Institute of Psychology, Am Sportpark
Müngersdorf 6, 50933 Cologne, Germany.
E-mail: d.jeraj@dshs-koeln.de
Website: http://www.dshs-koeln.de/psychologie
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32

CHILDREN´S ANXIETY AND PARENTING


STYLES IN FAMILY IN EIGHT-YEAR-OLDS

Ivana Poledňová
Masaryk University, Brno, Czech Republic
E-mail: polednov@fss.muni.cz

Abstract

Anxiety is a recurrent topic in personality psychology of today. According to Z. Matějček’s (1991) estimation,
the issue of anxiety assumes the third place as for the number of clients in children’s counselling service (behind
the issue of intellectual capabilities and ADHD) in the Czech Republic. In children where it occurs to a higher
degree, it can have a negative impact on their socialisation, achievements, development of self-confidence.
The most influential factor in developing an anxious personality appears to be family environment. If the fam-
ily fails to satisfy the child’s basic needs – feeling of security and confidence – the child’s development can
be in jeopardy. The current research is concentrated on how the style of parenting in families (the so-called
parenting styles) is related to anxiety in children at a younger school age. The aim of the research is to find
out what relationship there is between the individual components of parenting in families (positive – negative
component, component of requirements – freedom) and anxiety in eight-year-olds. These relationships were
inquired into from mothers’ perspective by means of questionnaire surveys (Children’s Manifest Anxiety Scale
and Questionnaire for acquiring the parenting style in family). The data from 407 mothers of eight-year-old
children have been analysed. An assumption that anxiety in children of younger school age is significantly
influenced by parenting styles in family has been confirmed. The most anxious children appear to be children
raised in families with a negative parental emotional involvement towards the child and at the same time with
discordant control. They were also some differences in the importance of individual components of parenting
by fathers and mothers for anxious orientation of the child identified.
Key words: anxiety, anxious children, parenting styles.

Introduction

Anxiety is a recurrent topic in child´s personality psychology of today. In children where it occurs
to a higher degree, it can have a negative impact on their socialisation, achievements, development of
self-confidence. According to Z. Matějček’s (1991) estimation, the issue of anxiety assumes the third
place as for the number of clients in children’s counselling service (behind the issue of intellectual
capabilities and ADHD). The most influential factor in developing an anxious personality appears
to be family environment. If the family fails to satisfy the child’s basic needs – feeling of security
and confidence – the child’s development can be in jeopardy. In our paper, we concentrate on how
the style of parenting in family (the so-called parenting styles) is related to anxiety in children at a
younger school age.
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Problem of Research 33
Anxiety regards inner conditions of the feeling of security that are hard to objectivise; there-
fore, it is characteristic of fears of one’s helplessness and loss of integrity of one’s own personality.
Anxiety is sometimes referred to as “fear of nothing”, it has various intensity and endurance. Ac-
cording to Reykowski (1978), the state of unrest and even anxiety is aroused by influences distorting
the image of the world and self. A high level of anxiety contributes to the development of special
defence mechanisms whose task is to increase self-control and thus provide personality’s integrity.
Grzegolowska-Klarkowska (1986), Senejko (2010) claim that anxiety is a factor responsible for
triggering of defence mechanisms. Yet also anxiety has some causes and thus it can be viewed also
as a condition favourable for triggering of defence mechanisms after the occurrence of an immedi-
ate triggering cause. The idea that anxiety is the main and immediate cause of defence established
already in times of Sigmund Freud. Freud (1936) regarded anxiety as a result of repressed bodily
impulses. He believed that it is a libidinous notion that had been found to be dangerous and hence
repressed and without a possibility of expression transformed into anxiety. According to him, anxiety
basically means an evident yet transient affective state characterized by tension or fears connected
with an increased activity of the autonomous nervous system. Later on, Freud extended the concept
of anxiety to a signal of danger. He differentiated objective anxiety – fear, and neurotic anxiety, which
either came from the outside world or from the inside world in the form of repressed impulses.
Anxiety is not a simple emotion. One of the best-developed theories derived from the dual
concept of anxiety is Spielberger’s approach. Spielberger (1972) distinguishes between anxiety as
a state and anxiety as a trait. He conceptually defines state anxiety as a transient emotional state of
organism aroused by stressful stimuli with clearly perceived unpleasant feelings of tension and wor-
ries as well as increased activity of the vegetative nervous system. Trait anxiety is characterised by
a relatively steady, individually differentiated tendency to anxiety that is manifested by a different
increase of the anxious state. Anxiety as a trait and anxiety as a state are somehow interrelated. The
stronger trait anxiety an individual shows, the wider the circle of situations that can be experienced
as threatening and can evoke the state of anxiety (Heckhausen, 1980). This relationship is true mainly
for situations threatening self-evaluation. Some authors (Endler, Parker, Bagby, Cox, 1991) stem
from the presumption that anxiety as a trait (anxiousness) is not one-dimensional but is derived from
interplay of more factors. Via factor analysis of S-R anxiety inventory, its authors (Endler, Hunt,
Rosenstein, 1962) obtained 3 types of situational factors of anxiousness: interpersonal factor, physi-
cal danger and a factor of ambiguity or oddity. By factor analysis of Taylor manifest anxiety scales,
O’Connor, Loor and Stafford (qtd. in Czako, Seemanová, Bratská, 1982) obtained 4 factors which
they interpret as: a) chronic fear (related to anxiousness, sensitivity and lack of personal confidence),
b) consequent instability of the neurovegetative system in situations arousing threat or fear, c) sleep-
ing disorders related to a strong inner tension and d) feeling of personal inferiority.
At younger school-age it is a gradual increase in a child’s activity – yet being misunderstood by
others who try to slow down the unwanted activity can lead to serious behaviour disorders. During
this period, the main source of the child’s feeling of security is social support, out of which the most
important is parental support. An inappropriate family environment acts as a major factor in creating
anxious personality in childhood. Anxiousness is caused both by parenting that is too careful and by
strict parenting that fails to respect the individual’s potential. A key source of anxiety is also emotion-
ally immature parents who are inconsistent in parenting. Apart from that, refusing the child by either or
both parents leads to manifestations of anxiety as well. A similar effect making the child confused has
a discordant family environment or discordancy in parenting (Vymětal, 1979, Čáp, Boschek, 1994).

Research Focus

The aim of the research is to find out what relationship there is between the individual compo-
nents of parenting in families (positive – negative component, component of requirements – freedom)
and anxiety in eight-year-olds. These relationships were inquired into from a mother’s perspective
by means of questionnaire surveys. Moreover, we also examined differences in anxiety between
boys and girls.
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Methodology of Research

Sample of Research

The presented research is part of the international project ELSPAC (The European Longitu-
dinal Study of Pregnancy and Childhood). Data collection started with seven-year-olds only via
questionnaires – questionnaires developed by an international team of researchers were sent to the
families by post. At 8 years of age, an examination began when the examined child was physically
present for the first time (usually together with the mother) – this part of the research had a somatic
and psychological part. The results presented in this paper are from the psychological part of this
research, which was carried out at the Institute for Research on Children, Youth and Family at the
Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University in Brno. Respondents in the Czech part of the research
were from the city of Brno and its surroundings.
In this study, we process data from 407 mothers of eight-year-olds - these mothers came per-
sonally with their children to the psychological examination at the university. Mother’s answers
pertaining to their children were analysed.

Instrument and Procedures

The following questionnaire methods were used for the research:


1. Children’s Manifest Anxiety Scale - CMAS (Castaneda, McCandless, Palermo, 1956) modified
by J. Fischer and Š. Gjuričová (1974). It is a self-assessment method, one-dimensional questionnaire
in which the person under examination is asked about anxiety symptoms.
The scale is composed of 61 items, out of which 48 concern anxiety symptoms and 13 items
make up the so-called Lie Scale. The scale has a high reliability and validity and reliable norma-
tive data. It is aimed at the population of children attending standard classes 4-6. In our research,
the method was applied to the population of younger (8-year-old) children and thus we changed its
instruction – children’s mothers completed the questionnaire in the way they thought their children
would complete it.
2. Questionnaire for acquiring the parenting style in family (Čáp, Boschek, 1994) is derived
from the model of four components of parenting and their combinations. Two of these components,
i.e. components of the requirements and freedom, characterize parental control. The emotional in-
volvement to the child is composed of a positive and negative component. It is possible to work with
individual components of parenting separately; however, a more synthetic picture of family parenting
implies their combination. An empirically verified form of the model assumes nine combinations or
possible styles of parenting in family (see tab. 1). The questionnaire has a satisfactory reliability and
validity. The correlation coefficient for the test - retest reliability is in the range from 0.74 to 0.87,
the internal consistency (Cronbach’s α) ranges from 0.59 to 0.82.
Table 1. Model of nine fields of parenting style.

Control
Emotional
involvement
Strong Medium Weak Discordant

3: personal form of
1: autocratic, traditional, patriarchal 2: liberal parenting with a
Negative parenting, discordant control
parenting lack of interest in the child
with a negative relationship
Negatively 9: emotionally discordant parenting; one of the parents is rejecting, the other one is extremely
positive positive or the child is in coalition with him/her
5: best form of 6: kind parenting without
Positive 7: discordant control
4: strict and at parenting possible requirements and limits
relatively balanced
the same time with mutual
8: friendly relationship, by positive emotional
Extremely positive kind parenting understanding and
voluntary abiding of norms involvement
reasonable control
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The questionnaire enables us to acquire paternal and maternal style of parenting separately and
35
the style of family parenting as a whole.
Parenting control of an individual parent is evaluated accordingly:
If the parent has a high component of requirements and at the same time
•• has a high component of freedom, it is discordant control
•• has a lower component of freedom, it is strong control.
If the parent has a lower component of requirements and at the same time has
•• a low component of freedom, it is strong control
•• a moderately high component of freedom, it is medium control
•• a high component of freedom, it is weak control.
The parenting control of family as a whole is weak if both parents show weak control. Simi-
larly, strong and medium control is always determined according to the agreement of control of both
parents. If either of the parents has medium control, the control of the family as a whole is regarded
as discordant. Moreover, the control of the family is discordant also in case of the combination of
weak control of one parent and strong control of the other.
The emotional involvement of the family as a whole is evaluated on the grounds of the quality
of the involvement of both parents. The involvement of the family as a whole to the child is:
negative – when one or both of the parents have a negative emotional involvement while
neither of them has an extremely positive emotional involvement.
positive – both parents have a positive emotional involvement, or one of them has a
positive and the other one medium emotional involvement.
extremely positive – one of the parents has a zero and the other one only a minimal value
of the negative component and at the same time, they have a high positive component.
negatively positive– one of the parents has a negative and the other one extremely posi-
tive emotional involvement to the child.
If one of the parents has a medium emotional involvement, the emotional involvement in family
is assessed according to the emotional involvement of the other parent as positive or negative.
In the research, the original recording sheet was used; however, its instructions were modified
– it was completed by mothers as they imagined how their children would fill them in. 385 mothers
completed the questionnaire also for their spouses.

Data Analysis

Mothers completed both questionnaires (among other methods) during a complex psychological
examination of their children. The questionnaires were evaluated and processed by conventional
statistical procedures for the whole sample.

Results of Research

Analysis of the Basic Components of Parenting for Mothers and Fathers

In table 2, there are mean values in the individual components of parenting separately for fathers
and mothers. In parenting, it is the positive component that is the most frequent in fathers and moth-
ers, i.e. parents show a strong positive emotional involvement with their children. An approximately
the same occurrence, much lower than in the positive component, is further held by components of
the requirements and freedom, the lowest occurrence was found in the negative component, i.e. a
negative emotional involvement.
When comparing differences between the individual components of parenting on the part of
their mothers and fathers, we discovered that there is statistically much higher value of the individual
components of parenting in mothers than with fathers (see table 3).
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Table 2. Mean values and standard deviations for the individual components of
36 parenting.

Positive Negative Component Component


  component component of requirements of freedom
 
Father Mother Father Mother Father Mother Father Mother

N
385 407 385 407 385 407 385 407
(Number of respondents)
m
27.54 28.4 11.45 11.67 15.49 16.22 16.37 16.72
(mean value)
SD
2.43 1.51 1.93 1.83 2.84 2.48 2.98 2.68
(standard deviation)

Table 3. Two-sample t-tests for differences in the individual components of


parenting in fathers and mothers.

Difference of averages p
SD t
(fathers– mothers)

Positive component -0.84 2.04 -8.09 0.000

Negative component -0.24 1.73 -2.75 0.006


Component
-0.75 2.48 -5.91 0.000
of requirements
Component of freedom -0.38 2.66 -2.78 0.006

Relationship between Children’s Anxiety and the Basic Components of Parenting

In table 4, there are correlation coefficients between the scores of anxiety and parenting com-
ponents separately for mothers and fathers. We discovered that in maternal parenting, there is a
statistically evident negative relationship between the child’s anxiety and the negative component of
parenting, component of requirements and component of freedom. In paternal parenting, we obtained
the same result, only the component of freedom does not show a statistically evident correlation
with anxiety. Therefore, free parenting by father appears not to affect the formation of the child’s
anxious personality to such a degree as it is in mothers. The values of coefficients imply that the
most significant influence on child’s anxiety has a negative emotional involvement of both parents
towards the child.

Table 4. Correlation coefficients (Kendall’s coefficient Tau-b) between the scores


of anxiety and components of parenting separately for mothers and
fathers.

Component Component
Positive component Negative component
  of requirements of freedom
 
Father Mother Father Mother Father Mother Father Mother

Anxiety -0.14 -0.11 0.24 0.24 0.14 0.19 0.06 0.12


p
(value of 0.000 0.003 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.112 0.001
significance)
N
(number of 385 407 385 407 385 407 385 407
respondents)
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Manifestations of Children’s Anxiety Depending on the So-called Parenting Fields


37
In table 5, there are mean values of anxiety in boys and girls depending on the style of parenting
defined by the so-called parenting field according to the questionnaire of the Czech author J. Čáp.

Table 5. Mean values of anxiety in boys and girls depending on the style of
parenting.

Child’s sex

Male Female
Parenting style
(parenting field)
N N
m m
(number (number
(mean value) (mean value)
of respondents) of respondents)

1 16.82 17 21.27 11
2 15.75 4 22.43 7
3 20.71 14 25.11 18
4 13.26 43 12.22 32
5 14.91 43 14.00 35
6 14.67 15 14.45 11
7 16.74 23 19.41 17
8 17.54 24 12.59 29
9 16.67 3 12.67 3

A detailed statistical verification of the cogency of differences between the individual parenting
styles (boys and girls together) showed that the most anxious children appear to be children raised in
families with parents’ negative emotional involvement towards the child and at the same time with
discordant control (parenting field 3). The least anxious were children with an extremely positive
emotional involvement of parents towards the child and at the same time strong control (parenting
field 4).

Discussion

In today’s psychology, issues of anxiety are being widely researched. Anxiety can have a crucial
impact on performance motivation and an overall human performance (see e.g. Stuchlíková, Klinger,
1996), but also the overall level of optimism (Dewberry, Richardson, 1990). Aspects of social anxiety
are an important predictor of the feeling of loneliness among peers.
The relationship between parenting environment in the family and occurrence of anxiety in
children has been repeatedly confirmed by researchers. J. Čáp (Čáp, Boschek, 1994) in his research
verified the relationship between stability – lability in Eysenck’s view and parenting styles in family;
the pole of lability included anxiety symptoms. It turned out that lability examined by Eysenck’s
questionnaire is related to the negative emotional involvement, especially when the high negative
component occurs in the parent of the opposite sex. Lability was also related to discordant and strong
control. In other research studies by J. Čáp conducted in relation to the individual parenting fields,
the highest number of labile children was acquired in field 3 (negative emotional involvement with
discordant control), followed by field 1 (negative emotional involvement with strong control) and
field 2 (negative emotional involvement with weak control). The most stabile ones occurred in field
5 (positive emotional involvement with medium control) and field 8 (weak control with an extremely
positive emotional involvement).
This research, too, has confirmed that in relation to anxiety, the combination of discordant control
and negative emotional involvement is the least favourable. Regarding the fact that the questionnaire
was completed by children’s mothers, we examined their subjective view of their parenting, which
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can be affected by a series of modifying factors and can differ from the children’s perspective. In a
38
study by Siqueland et al. (1996), it was discovered that anxious children’s parents can be evaluated
differently by these children and by independent observers. Independent observers assessed parents
of anxious children as not providing enough psychological autonomy while children aged 9-12
themselves viewed their parents as not very accepting.
It is evident that the influence of family and family upbringing in childhood is crucial. How-
ever, it is necessary to become aware of the fact that an important role in anxiety experiencing and
manifestations is played by other significant personality traits and wider social and motivational
variables. Even in an adverse style of parenting, personality’s positive development is achievable
or, in other words, it is possible to try to accomplish it. It is just as important that parenting does not
work only in one direction but it is a mutual interaction between parents and their child.

Conclusions

The assumption about the relation between anxiety in children of younger school age and parent-
ing styles in family has been confirmed. It has become clear that in the parenting of eight-year-olds,
it is the positive component that is the most frequent in parenting , i.e. parents show a strong positive
emotional involvement to their children, more so on the part of mothers than fathers.
Children’s anxiety is closely related to the individual components of parenting. From research
it is evident that emotional relationship with the child can be considered as a key moment in opti-
mal upbringing. In maternal parenting, child’s anxiety is lower in family with a positive emotional
involvement towards the child and higher in family with demanding requirements imposed on the
child, a high degree of freedom and a negative emotional involvement. In fathers, we obtained the
same result, only the component of freedom does not show a statistically evident correlation with
anxiety. Therefore, free parenting by father appears not to be in relation with anxious personality
of their children affect the formation of the child’s anxious personality to such a degree as it is in
mothers.
It was also found that the most anxious children appear to be children raised in families with
a negative parental emotional involvement towards the child and at the same time with discordant
control. On the contrary, the least anxious are children with an extremely positive parental involve-
ment towards the child and at the same time with strong control. These findings would be appropriate
applied in counseling practice.

References

Castaneda, A., McCandless, B. R., Palermo, D. S. (1956). The children’s form of the manifest anxiety scale.
Child Development, 27 (3), 317-326.
Czako, M., Seemanová, M., Bratská, M. (1982). Emócie. Bratislava: SPN.
Čáp, J., Boschek, P. (1994). Dotazník pro zjišťování způsobu výchovy v rodině. Bratislava: Psychodiagnos-
tika.
Dewberry, C., Richardson, S. (1990). Effect of anxiety on optimism. Journal of Social Psychology, 130,
731–738.
Endler, N. S., Hunt, J. McV., Rosenstein, A. J. (1962). An S-R Inventory of Anxiousness. Psychological
Monographs, 76 (17), 1-33.
Endler, N. S., Parker, J. D., Bagby, R. M., Cox, B. J. (1991). Multidimensionality of State and Trait Anxiety:
Factor Structure of the Endler Multidimensional Anxiety Scales. Journal of Personality and Social Psychol-
ogy, 60 (6), 919-926.
Fischer, J., Gjuričová, Š. (1974). Škála zjevné úzkosti pro děti – CMAS. Bratislava: Psychodiagnostické a
didaktické testy.
Freud, S. (1936). The problem of anxiety. New York: Norton.
Grzegolowska – Klarkowska, H. J. (1986). Mechanizmy obronne osobowości. Warszawa: PWN.
Heckhausen, H. (1980). Motivation und Handeln. Berlin: Springer.
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Matějček, Z. (1991). Praxe dětského psychologického poradenství. Praha: SPN.
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Reykowski, J. (1978). Osobowość. In: T. Tomaszewski (Ed.). Psychologia. Warszawa: PWN.
Senejko, A. (2010). Obrona psychologiczna jako narzędzie rozwoju. Na przykładzie adolescencji. Warszawa:
PWN.
Siqueland, L., Kendall, P. C., Steinberg, L. (1996). Anxiety in children: Perceived family environments and
observed family interaction. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 25 (2), 225-237.
Spielberger, Ch. D. (Ed.). (1972). Anxiety. Current Trend in Theory and Research. New York: Academic
Press.
Stuchlíková, I., Klinger, E. (1996). Úzkost a motivační struktura osobnosti. In Retrospektíva. Realita a pers-
pektíva psychológie na Slovensku. Bratislava: Stimul, 97-99.
Vymětal, J. (1979). Úzkostné děti a jejich výchova. Praha: SPN.

Advised by Jiří Dan, Masaryk University,


Brno, Czech Republic

Received: September 30, 2013 Accepted: November 21, 2013

Ivana Poledňová PhD., Researcher, Masaryk University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Psychology,
Joštova 10, 602 00 Brno, Czech Republic.
E-mail: polednov@fss.muni.cz
Website: http://www.muni.cz
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40

DISGUST SENSITIVITY AND GENDER


DIFFERENCES: AN INITIAL TEST
OF THE PARENTAL INVESTMENT
HYPOTHESIS

Pavol Prokop, Milada Jančovičová


Trnava University, Trnava, Slovakia
E-mail: pavol.prokop@savba.sk, miladka.j@gmail.com

Abstract

It is suggested that the emotion of disgust evolved as a disease protection mechanism in humans. The vast
majority of the research revealed that females are consistently more disgust sensitive than males. Certain
adaptationists have suggested that gender differences in disgust sensitivity reflect higher parental investment
and offspring protection by females as compared with males. We experimentally tested the parental investment
hypothesis by manipulating the visual and acoustic exposure of participants to cues associated with parental
investment (a picture of an infant’s face and the sounds of an infant crying). The control group was exposed
to cues that do not trigger parental investment (an adult man speaking a foreign language). It was found that
participants in the experimental group did not score higher in the pathogen disgust domain and had similar
expected reproductive goals than participants in the control group. Girls and sexually mature participants
rated pictures with disease-relevant animals as more disgusting than boys and sexually immature participants.
These results provide no support for the role of parental investment as an ultimate explanation for higher
disgust sensitivity in females.
Key words: disgust, gender, parental investment, sexual maturation.

Introduction

Disgust is one of the six basic emotions that are universally displayed and recognized (Dar-
win, 1872). Bodily secretions and excretions, blood, corpses, rotting food, disease-relevant animals
and incest are typical stimuli that invoke heightened disgust (Fessler & Navarrete, 2003; Curtis,
Aunger, & Rabie, 2004; Prokop & Fančovičová, 2010; Rozin, Haidt, & McCauley, 2000). These
disgust-invoking objects/subjects obviously possess the risk of being contaminated (Curtis & Biran,
2001; Curtis et al., 2004). Subjects viewing disgust-relevant stimuli show increased brain activation
in the occipital–temporal lobe, in the prefrontal cortex, and in the thalamus (Phillips et al., 1997)
and amygdala (Stark et al., 2003; Schienle, Schäfer, Walter, Stark, & Vaitl, 2005b). Neural activity
consequently triggers behavioral mechanisms which inhibit disease transmission (Curtis & Biran,
2001; Curtis et al., 2004). In particular, people exhibit avoidance and/or aversive responses toward
disgusting stimuli accompanied by a typical facial expression which is recognizable across cultures
(Darwin, 1872; Ekman & Friesen, 1986; Mesquita & Frijda, 1992).
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41
Problem of Research

Women are typically more disgust sensitive than men (e.g., Curtis et al., 2004; Davey et al., 1998;
Haidt, McCauley, & Rozin, 1994; Prokop & Fančovičová, 2010; Schienle, Schäfer, Stark, Walter, &
Vaitl, 2005a, Tybur, Lieberman, & Griskevicius, 2009; for a review see Oaten, Stevenson, & Case,
2009), although the neural activity of certain brain centers is similar between the sexes (Stark et al.,
2003; Schienle et al., 2005a). Some evidence suggests that elevated levels of the hormone proges-
terone, which is typical in the luteal phase of the menstrual cycle, positively correlates with disgust
sensitivity since progesterone has an immunosuppressive effect on a woman’s body (Fessler, 2001;
Fessler, Eng, & Navarrete, 2005; Fleischman & Fessler, 2011). This suggests that sex hormones
influence disgust sensitivity in women.
From an adaptationist view, it could be expected that greater disgust sensitivity in women com-
pared to men is due to women’s increased parental investment (Trivers, 1972); while males produce
large amounts of sperm cells, females (particularly mammals) invest time and energy into gravidity,
lactation and protecting offspring. Thus, it is reasonable to expect that women who care for infants
who need to be protected from infectious diseases should be more sensitive to disease-connoting cues
(Curtis et al., 2004; Oaten et al. 2009). Incest, as an example of suboptimal sexual behaviour due to
the increased likelihood of detrimental homozygotic recessive alleles in offspring (Bittles, 2001),
elicit stronger feelings of disgust in females as compared to males (Lieberman, Tooby, & Cosmides,
2003; Fessler & Navarrete, 2004; Antfolk, Karlsson, Bäckström, & Santtila, 2012a; Antfolk, Lieber-
man, & Santtila, 2012b). This suggests that greater reproductive costs in human males and females
regulates gender differences in disgust responses. However, disgust sensitivity is developed at a very
early age in humans (i.e., from 2.5 years, see Stevenson, Oaten, Case, Repacholi, & Wagland, 2010)
and the higher sensitivity of females to disgusting stimuli begins at least by 8 years of age (Prokop
& Fančovičová, 2010). This strongly suggests that caring for infants itself cannot be responsible
for higher disgust sensitivity in females and that factors influencing gender differences should be
detectable in school-aged children. Parental investment could be a factor that explains this difference
between boys and girls. To the best of our knowledge, however, no study has investigated parental
investment theory and disgust sensitivity.

Research Focus

To address this omission, we conducted an experiment in which the following predictions were
tested. First, visual and acoustic exposure to stimuli that could trigger parental investment would
enhance participants’ disgust sensitivity. The rationale for this prediction is supported by the fact that
some human brain centres activated upon exposure to infant face and/or infant crying (a caretaking
elicitor in all studied mammals) including substantia nigra, amygdala, thalamus, parietal cortex, and
prefrontal cortex (e.g., Kim, Mayes, Wang, Leckman, Feldman, & Swain, 2010; Swain, Lorberbaum,
Kose, & Strathearn, 2007) are similar to those activated by visual exposure to disgust stimuli (e.g.,
Schienle et al., 2005b; Stark et al., 2003). This suggests that a neurobiological link between parental
care and disgust sensitivity could exist. Second, the greater the expected reproductive investment, the
higher disgust is expected from cues associated with risk of contamination. Thus, we predicted that,
compared to individuals not exposed to parental investment cues, individuals exposed to parental
investment cues would react with more disgust to cues associated with contamination. Third, in line
with previous studies and with parental investment theory, females should show increased sensitivity
to disease-relevant cues, but not to disease-irrelevant (control) cues (Prokop, Fančovičová, & Fedor
2010a; Prokop, Usak, & Fančovičová, 2010b,c). Finally, if heightened disgust sensitivity in females
is influenced by parental investment and related hormonal shifts, then sexually mature females should
be more disgust sensitive than their sexually immature counterparts. To date, no published research
has investigated the effect of sexual maturation on disgust sensitivity in humans.
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42 Methodology of Research

Sample of Research

The sample of participants (75 males and 72 females, four participants excluded) consisted of
10-15-year-olds (M yrs = 11.8, SE = 0.11) attending one elementary school in Western Slovakia.
Our previous research (Prokop & Fančovičová, 2010; Prokop et al., 2010c) revealed that children
of at least 8 years of age are sensitive to cues which pose a disease threat to humans; thus, 10 year
old children seem to be appropriate for testing our hypotheses. Moreover, this group of participants
consisted of children with similar age, thus our investigation was focused almost exclusively on
hormonal (i.e., sexually mature and sexually immature), rather than on age differences between
participants. The participants were asked to provide their age/grade and sex.

Instrument and Procedures

Disgust inducing visual cues of pathogens

We presented 16 colour pictures in lecture halls to groups of students. Each picture contained
one insect and was presented individually. Overall, eight out of the sixteen pictures presented to
each participant were insects, either disease-relevant (head lice [Pediculus capitis], hard tick [Ixodes
ricinus], human flea [Pulex irritans] and mosquito [Anopheles gambiae]), or their disease-irrelevant
antipoles (Old World swallowtail [Papilio machaon], ladybird beetle [Coccinella septempunctata],
leaf beetle [Chrysomela fastuosa] and azure damselfly [Coenagrion puella]). Similar invertebrates
were used by Prokop and Fančovičová (2010). Images of objects holding a potential disease threat
were taken from a published study examining people’s perception of pathogens (Curtis et al., 2004)
and recently used by Little et al. (2011) and Prokop et al. (2012). Each high pathogen image had a low
pathogen counterpart. For example, a plate of viscous liquid colour-morphed like bodily fluids (high
pathogen cue) or a blue chemical dye (low pathogen cue). In this study, the remaining pictures were:
a healthy and unhealthy male face (low and high pathogen cue, respectively), a white cloth with a
stain resembling body fluid (high pathogen cue) or a strain of blue liquid (low pathogen cue), and a
metro (i.e., a subway) that was either full of people or empty (low and high pathogen cue, respecti-
vely). Pictures were adjusted to identical sizes. The pictures had a similar contrast and brightness.
The pictures were presented in random order. Each picture was presented for 30 seconds. During
this time, participants rated disgust of presented pictures (e.g., How disgusting would you consider
this animal?) on a 5-point scale (1 = not at all, 5 = extremely disgusting). When pre-test data of all
participants (n = 147) were pooled together, the test–retest reliability was high (Guttman split-half
reliability = 0.87). We calculated individual scores for disgusting pictures (DP, pictures with disgust-
ing animals and high pathogen cues pooled) and control pictures (CP, pictures with control animals
and low pathogen cues pooled) by averaging the responses to the constituent items.

Parental investment

To induce the activity of specific brain centers which influence parental behavior toward chil-
dren, we used a 1 min long video block with a 3 month old baby boy crying. Participants watching
this video (the experimental group) were consequently exposed to both visual (a baby face) and
acoustic (crying) stimuli which trigger parental investment. The control group was shown a neutral
video with a 30 year old man from the news who spoke a foreign language (Portuguese). None of
the participants reported knowledge of Portuguese; thus, the content of the video could not be un-
derstood. The control group was thereby also shown both a visual and acoustic stimuli produced by
a human although neither of them were expected to enhance parental investment. Both videos were
freely downloaded from available web sites. The length of the visual/acoustic exposure to the was
similar to other studies that have shown significantly influenced neural activity in human brains (e.g.,
30 seconds: Lorberbaum et al., 1999; 40 seconds: Ranote et al., 2004).
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The Disgust Scale


43
There is general agreement that the emotion of disgust has three relatively independent domains:
Pathogen Disgust (PD) refers to disgust elicitors caused by the sources of various pathogens (e.g.,
stepping in dog excrement). Moral Disgust (MD) refers to disgust that pertains to social transgressions
(e.g., deceiving a friend). These social transgressions broadly include non-normative, often antisocial
activities such as cheating, stealing, etc. Sexual Disgust (SD) refers to disgust which motivates sexual
avoidance of an unsuitable mating partner or other reproductively costly behavior (e.g., performing
anal sex or being in a situation with a high probability of having sex with a stranger). We were par-
ticularly interested in pathogen disgust and, consequently, decided to use the Pathogen Disgust (PD)
domain adopted from Tybur et al. (2009). We also measured Moral Disgust (MD) adopted from the
same questionnaire (Tybur et al., 2009) in order to examine, whether possible changes caused by the
experimental manipulation will influence the PD domain, but not the MD domain. Both the PD and
MD subscales consist of seven Likert scale items (1=not at all disgusting, 5=extremely disgusting).
Examples of the items are: Stepping in dog excrement, Stealing from a neighbor, respectively. The
PD and MD domains had acceptable pre-test and post-test reliabilities (Cronbach’s alpha for the
PD domain = 0.64 and 0.76; Cronbach’s alpha for the MD domain = 0.81 and 0.83, respectively).
When pre-test data of all participants (n = 147) were pooled together, the test–retest reliability was
high (Guttman split-half reliability = 0.80). We calculated the individual scores of DP and MD by
averaging the responses to the constituent items.

Sexual maturity

We asked one question (“Have you had your first menstrual cycle?”) in order to examine the
onset of sexual maturity (generally defined as the age when an organism can reproduce) in girls.
Girls that reported having had their first menstruation were treated as sexually mature (M = 12.4,
SD = 1.16, n = 39) and girls that reported not having had their first menstruation were treated as
sexually immature (M = 11.1, SD = 0.75, n = 33). The onset of sexual maturity in males is much
harder to estimate unless a physical assessment by a physician is performed, but reported data suggest
that Caucasian boys mature somewhat later than girls (e.g. Sun, Schubert, & Chumlea et al., 2002).
Consequently, we decided to classify 5th and 6th grade boys as sexually immature (M = 10.9, SD
= 0.65, n = 49), as the majority of the females in these grades (72 %) were also sexually immature.
Boys from the 7th and 8th grades were treated as sexually mature (M = 13.6, SD = 0.81, n = 26).
Participants did not know about our hypotheses. After the research was completed, the participants
were debriefed regarding the research goals.

Expected Reproductive Goals (ERG)



ERG was measured by asking participants “How many children would you like to have in the
future MAXIMUM” and “How many children would you like to have in the future MINIMUM?”
(see Wang, Kruger, & Wilke, 2009). Responses to these two questions were moderately correlated
(r = 0.46, p < 0.001) and, thus were combined and then averaged.

Experimental Procedure

Participants were randomly divided into experimental and control groups and were tested two
times: before (pre-test) and after treatment (post-test). In the pre-test, all the participants completed
a questionnaire which consisted of the Disgusting Pictures (DP), Control Pictures (CP), Pathogen
Disgust (PD), Moral Disgust (MD) and Expected Reproductive Goals (ERG) scales as well as basic
demographic variables and measure of sexual maturity (females only). Four weeks after the pre-test,
we presented cues influencing parental investment (CIPI) to the participants from the experimental
group. Post-test questionnaires were administered immediately after the experiment. The control
group was exposed to the neutral video.
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Data Analysis
44
A 2 (treatment: between-subject) × 2 (gender: between-subject) × 2 (sexual maturity: between-
subject) multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) with five dependent variables (postest
mean scores of DP, CP, PD, MD and ERG scales) was used to examine whether there are effects
of treatment, gender and sexual maturity on disgust sensitivity and expected reproductive goals. A
series of t-tests indicated there were no differences in pre-test mean scores between the experimental
and the control group in the DP, CP, PD and ERG scales (all p > 0.09), although the control group
tended to score higher in the MD scale (t = 2.04, p = 0.04). Thus, the pre-test scores of the MD scale
was treated as a covariate to check for potentially confounding pre-test differences between the two
groups. Between-subject interactions between the variables were not statistically significant (all p
> 0.1) and were consequently not mentioned in the text. Partial η2 was used in order to measure the
effect size (0.01 was considered small, 0.04 moderate, and 0.10 large; Huberty, 2002)

Results of Research

Effects of Experimental Procedure, Gender and Sexual Maturity

MANCOVA revealed that there was a significant effect of gender (Wilks’s λ = 0.89, F(5,134)
= 3.24, p = 0.008, η2 = 0.11) on the dependent variables. However, effects of treatment and sexual
maturity were not statistically significant (Wilks’s λ = 0.97 and 0.94, F(5,134) = 0.95 and 1.57, p =
0.45 and 0.17, η2 = 0.03 and 0.06, respectively). Interactions between variables were also not sig-
nificant (all p > 0.49, all η2 ≤ 0.032). A series of ANCOVAs revealed no gender differences in ERG,
MD, PD and CP (F(1,138) = 0.70, 0.0009, 2.28 and 0.013, all p > 0.13, all η2 ≤ 0.016, respectively).
Girls, however, scored significantly higher in the DP domain (F(1,138) = 11.07, p = 0.001, η2 =
0.07, Table 1). A detailed analysis of univariate results for the effect of sexual maturity that showed
a moderate effect size revealed that sexually mature participants had higher mean score in the DP
domain than sexually immature participants (F(1,138) = 4.40, p = 0.04, η2 = 0.03). Other differences
were not statistically significant.

Table 1. Differences in expected reproductive goals (ERG), moral disgust (MD),


pathogen disgust (PD), ratings of disgusting pictures (DP) and control
pictures (CP) with respect to treatment, gender and sexual maturity.

      ERG MD PD DP CP  

Sexual
Treatment Gender M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD n
maturity

Experimental Boys Immature 1.74 0.72 3.38 1.06 3.58 0.93 3.48 0.99 1.89 0.70 25
  Mature 1.39 0.55 3.11 0.74 4.29 0.50 4.10 0.53 2.29 0.52 9
Girls Immature 1.71 0.42 4.03 0.84 4.03 0.77 4.06 0.70 2.14 0.50 19
    Mature 1.67 0.71 3.57 0.71 3.98 0.75 4.28 0.47 2.16 0.57 18
Control Boys Immature 1.73 0.63 3.93 0.86 3.52 1.01 3.51 0.91 1.92 0.74 24
  Mature 1.76 0.73 3.37 0.93 3.61 0.70 3.79 0.50 2.10 0.69 17
Girls Immature 1.75 0.61 4.01 0.69 3.88 0.45 4.29 0.60 1.92 0.59 14
    Mature 1.69 0.56 3.55 0.80 3.91 0.72 4.08 0.48 2.06 0.54 21

Correlations between the Domains



Scores on the PD strongly correlated with scores on the DP, and moderately with scores on the
CP (Table 2). However, scores on the MD subscale did not correlate with the DP, CP, or PD subscale
(Table 2). These findings suggest that the PD subscale is independent from the MD subscale.
Because the parental investment hypothesis is based on reproductive investment, we further
Pavol PROKOP, Milada JANČOVIČOVÁ. Disgust Sensitivity and Gender Differences: an Initial Test of the Parental Investment Hypothesis ISSN 2029-8587
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investigate whether there are any associations between the ERG and other domains. The ERG did
45
not correlate with MD, PD, DP, or CP both in the pre-test and the post-test (Table 2).

Table 2. Pearson correlations between five domains (n = 147 participants). Pre-


test r values are below the diagonal and post-test r values are above
the diagonal. Asterisks denote statistically significant correlations (*p <
0.05, **p < 0.01, **p < 0.001).

  ERG MD PD DP CP

ERG   - 0.1 - 0.06 0.01 0.02

MD - 0.16 0.17* 0.27** 0.12

PD - 0.02 - 0.06 0.61*** 0.42***

DP - 0.02 0.09 0.62*** 0.53***

CP 0.14 0.02 0.48*** 0.64***  

Discussion

This study investigated gender differences in disgust sensitivity from an evolutionary perspective.
As far as we are aware, this is the first study which attempted to experimentally test whether parental
investment theory accounts for differences in disgust sensitivity in human males and females.
The first predictions derived from the parental investment hypothesis suggest that visual and
acoustic exposure to stimuli which trigger parental investment should enhance participants’ disgust
sensitivity and that ERG should correlate with disgust sensitivity. This study provided no statistical
support for these predictions. Specifically, participants exposed to the video with crying children evi-
denced levels of disgust similar to those reported by participants in the control group. In particular,
children exposed to the video with crying children showed a similar pathogen disgust than the children
in the control group and considered pictures with insects (both disease-relevant and control) similarly
disgusting as did participants in the control group. One explanation for this lack of effect may be that
mother’s responses to the cries had been found to vary with respect to inter-personal differences be-
tween mothers (Ainsworth et al., 1978) and are increasingly sensitized to repeated infant distress signals
(Out, Pieper, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn, 2010). Babies crying may also trigger certain
aversive responses (Swain et al., 2007), resulting in abuse, neglect and infanticide (Soltis, 2004). The
present study, however, did not control for inter-personal differences in participant’s responses to the
cries. Furthermore, we used a single visual and acoustic exposure to stimuli that trigger neural activ-
ity (Lorberbaum et al., 1999; Ranote et al., 2004), but the question whether a more intense, repeated
exposure to the crying children would stimulate stronger emotional response, remains open.
The largely negative results could also be explained by the age and by experience of the partici-
pants. Kim et al. (2010) in their study on adult mothers with a mean age of approximately 33 revealed
that the postpartum period is accompanied by structural changes in brain regions, such as increased
gray matter volumes in large regions of the prefrontal cortex, parietal lobe, and midbrain similarly as
it has been found with rat mothers (e.g., Featherstone, Fleming, & Ivy, 2000). It is possible that the
experimental manipulation employed in the present study (i.e. audiovisual stimuli of a crying baby)
did not increase sentiments pertaining to parental investment in the participants. Thus, the fact that
we were unable to detect any differences in disgust sensitivity between the experimental group and
the control group should not be taken as a falsification of the hypothesis that differences in male and
female parental investment explain the differences in male and female disgust sensitivity. There are
no studies, however, which investigate changes in neural activity after exposure to baby faces and/or
crying amongst humans of a comparable age as in the present research (P. Kim, pers. comm.). In other
words, it remains unclear whether the manipulation led to any changes in neural activity. Thus, it is
hard to assess the degree of neural activity after the treatment in the present work. The possibility that
the postpartum and parental experience could make parents more disgust sensitive cannot be ruled out.
ISSN 2029-8587 Pavol PROKOP, Milada JANČOVIČOVÁ. Disgust Sensitivity and Gender Differences: an Initial Test of the Parental Investment Hypothesis
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Further research in both neurobiological and behavioral level in this area is clearly required.
46
The third prediction replicates previous research suggesting that women are more disgust sensitive
than men (for a review see Oaten et al., 2009). Girls scored significantly higher in the DP domain, but
not in the PD domain. It may be that visual cues of pathogens produce more valid measurements than
the paper-and-pencil test (the PD domain) (Rozin, Haidt, McCauley, Dunlop, & Ashmore, 1999).
The final prediction suggested that sexually mature individuals should be more disgust sensitive
than their sexually immature counterparts, because heightened disgust would help them protect offspring
against threat of disease. This prediction received some support since sexually mature individuals scored
significantly higher than sexually immature individuals in the DP domain. This indirectly supports
current research indicating that hormonal shifts correlate with disgust sensitivity in humans (Fessler,
2001; Fessler et al., 2005; Fleischman & Fessler, 2011). Overall, higher disgust sensitivity in sexually
mature individuals is compatible with the parental investment hypothesis.

Conclusion

This study provided little support for the hypothesis that higher parental investment is associated
with heightened disgust sensitivity which primarily protects humans against disease transmission.
Participants exposed to a baby crying and face scored similarly in all domains than control participants.
It is possible that the present study experimentally did not induce parental investment in such a way,
thus no differences between the experimental and control group could be detected. Sexually mature
individuals who are more likely to reproduce were more disgust sensitive the DP domain than their
sexually immature counterparts. Further research should be focused on adult individuals who vary in
their parental experience and the effect of the postpartum period on disgust sensitivity in humans.

Acknowledgments

Daniel M. T. Fessler made helpful comments on previous versions of the manuscript. David
Livingstone improved the English of the manuscript.

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Advised by Irena Gailienė,


SMC “Scientia Educologica”, Lithuania

Received: November 10, 2013 Accepted: November 30, 2013

Pavol Prokop PhD., Associate Professor, Department of Biology, Faculty of Education, Trnava University,
Priemyselná 4, 918 43 Trnava, Slovakia.
E-mail: pavol.prokop@savba.sk
Website: http://www.zoo.sav.sk/prokopo

Milada Jančovičová MSc., PhD. Student, Department of Biology, Faculty of Education, Trnava University,
Priemyselná 4, 918 43 Trnava, Slovakia.
E-mail: miladka.j@gmail.com
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49

THE ADAPTation OF THE


QUESTIONNAIRE POSITIVE AND
DESTRUCTIVE FAMILY

Ilona Skuja, Aleksejs Vorobjovs, Larisa Abelite


Daugavpils University, Daugavpils, Latvia
E-mail: ilona.skuja@inbox.lv

Abstract

In order to be able to correct the asocial behaviour of adolescents, several factors that can have positive
and destructive family an effect on the issue must be understood, these being biological, social, and
psychological, as well as understanding the context of the situation itself. Various methods were used to re-
search valuable adolescent family environments, including the questionnaire entitled Positive and Destructive
Family, which was developed by Russian authors (Опросник “Конструктивно-деструктивная семья”
(КДС), Эйдемиллер, Юстицкис). Since this methodology was not available to researchers in Latvian, the
first step to be taken was to adapt this method to the cultural environment of Latvia. (The author’s consent
has been received for the use of the questionnaire in scientific work.) The adaptation of the method allows the
following steps to be implemented (Hambleton & Patsula, 1998; 1999; 2000; Van de Vijver & Hambleton,
1996): the translation and backward translation of questionnaire observing the context of the cultural envi-
ronment; empirical verification of the translated questionnaire, thereby establishing its reliability and validity
in accordance with the psychometric indicators used to provide a validity check on the factors illustrated in
the source survey; the administration of the survey in the new cultural environment; documentation showing
the adaptation of the questionnaire and the development of the interpretation of the survey’s values. To date,
only some of the aforementioned steps have been implemented and presented. Respondents from sixty families
participated in the survey (all of whom were aged in group of 31-68, and who included 42 women and eighteen
men). The survey consists of twenty statements to which respondents will reply either positively or negatively
(this being the dichotomy scale). Further tasks are related to the complete adaptation and application there
of in population surveys in Latvia. Another method for family study that has been adapted in Latvia provides
more extensive opportunity for further empirical studies, and will also provide a useful set of instruments for
practitioners in psychology.
Key words: adolescent deviance, dysfunctional family, questionnaire adaptation.

Introduction

In Latvia, the issue of juvenile delinquency is still pending. The fact that adolescents often
fail to change their behaviour and, instead continue to repeat their offences, should be considered
alarming. Deviant behaviour in full may be understood only if several factors, what have an effect
on this issue, must be understood. These factors being biological, social, psychological, as well as
understanding the context of the situation in which such an offence occurs. By involving an indi-
ISSN 2029-8587 Ilona SKUJA, Aleksejs VOROBJOVS, Larisa ABELITE. The Adaptation of the Questionnaire Positive and Destructive Family
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vidual in a social environment, a gradual process of socialisation occurs. The most intensive process
50
of socialisation occurs in childhood, and the family is considered to be the primary socialiser. The
notion of socialisation is often used as a synonym for parenting, teaching, etc. If an individual expe-
riences any adaptation issues, other members of the family must, to some extent, adjust themselves
to that individual. Any attempts to adjust may require considerable efforts from each individual and
from the family in general, and can sometimes even lead to the family’s break-down or dysfunction.
For in-depth research on a family’s failure to function, a survey, available to researchers only in the
Russian language has been chosen. Therefore, the purpose of this research shall be an adaptation of
the method shown to the cultural environment of Latvia. Any adapted instrument provides an op-
portunity for new surveys. Any survey that provides answers to causes for unsuccessful socialisation
may help to develop measures for the ‘resocialisation’ of adolescents and other preventive measures
for the elimination of behavioural disorders in adolescents.

The Family as a Research Object in Psychology

In society there are various types of families that differ from one another in various factors,
including the number of people they contain, their structure, their location and the way they live,
their gender, socioeconomic level, distribution of roles, and numerous of other factors. This re-
stricts unification and quick, and easy understanding of the notion of “family” because there is no
unified concept of a family and its essence. A family may be researched in various ways, both as a
historically social unit, a social group, the subject of mutual relations (cooperation), and as a unified
system (Karpova, 2000). A cluster of united and behaviourally coordinated family members will be
useful when it comes to considering them as an open, dynamic and self-regulating social system,
one which includes a programme for optimum functioning developed through social practice (Papp,
1984). Supporters of the systemic approach consider that each conflict or crisis situation in the fam-
ily has a destructive effect on any member involved in that situation. Similar processes may also be
observed in opposing situations, no matter which member of the family changes their behaviour in
a positive manner, because, as a result of such change, the entire family system will have to change
as well (Bowen, 1978). Just like other social systems, the family as a system includes a programme
that has been developed through social experience, which ensures the optimum functioning of the
system, i.e. its purposeful and stable functioning, as well as specific mechanisms and stereotypes for
verbal and non-verbal behaviour which, with reference to influences, can turn away from the initial
purposeful cooperation of family members and the correct operation of the system, and return it to
its optimum regimen (Karpova, 2000).
Family researchers who attempt to define a standard for a functioning family usually adhere
to any of the following positions:
•• They create their own opinions of what kind of relationship should exist between family
members and what it shall not be;
•• The promote a principal requirement for the functioning of a favourable family (such as,
for instance, what material or moral conditions are required for each individual family
member);
•• They know what a family cannot be;
•• They trust to the client and help that client to avoid the things that might be interfering
with family life (Эйдемиллер, Юстицкис, 1999). Three types of dysfunction are dis-
tinguished in social work:
1. A lack of necessary function. Among those who belong to the system (the system
being the family), there is lack of interaction (such as, for instance, in a non-complete
family).
2. Incorrect function. The family fails to fulfil the tasks that are entrusted to it, thereby
functioning incorrectly (such as, for instance, becoming an isolated group in its vicin-
ity; within this, children are unable to free themselves from their dependency on their
parents and remain nonviable as functioning individuals).
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3. A conflict of functions. The system (the family) is unable to function according to its
51
purpose because the most significant members of the family act against each other-
failing to cooperate, refusing to collaborate, and behaving in a dysfunctional manner.
Internal family conflict occurs, as a result of which the family functions incorrectly.
A dysfunctional family is labelled as a problem system, and it is in society’s interests to correct
any dysfunctional social system, so that it can begin to function properly. Psychologists pay more
attention to researching family structure, which includes the composition of the family and the unity
of its mutual relationships. To analyse a family structure means establishing the way in which its
functions as a social group are being implemented. Any broken, damaged, or destructive structure
is described by signs which encumber the implementation of the functions (Karpova, 2000).

The Influence of the Adolescent on Family Functioning

The structure and functions of the family change depending on which stage of the life cycle it
is passing through (Karpova, 2000). The phases for family life have been researched by numerous
scientists (including K. Rogers, R. Hill, etc.). However, E Duvall’s approach is often used, in which
the principal property that separates one phase of the family from another is children-their existence
or lack thereof, and their age. The significance of the family in parenting cannot be overestimated.
However, when analysing the family as a system, we may conclude a feedback as well, in terms of a
child’s influence on its parents and the family in general (Абабков, 1999). Various relationships exist
simultaneously within the family, including relationships between the parents themselves, and between
the parents and their children. A crisis situation in the family often occurs when children become
adolescents. At this transitional stage, the restructuring of the mutual relationship among members of
the family, any changes in composition of this relationship, etc. must occur (Тайсон, Тайсон, 1998).
One diagnostic indication that a family is functioning properly is its adaptation, which reflects how
flexible or vice versa (how rigid) the family structure is, how able it is to adjust to different internal
or external stressors (Эйдемиллер, Юстицкис, 1999). (Children becoming adolescents should be
considered as being a stress point for any family system.) The following parameters are used for the
adaptation of a family: leadership in the family, discipline, leading roles, and existing family rules.
Since the family is a self-regulating system and every change is based upon changes in the system,
we may consider that an individual’s behaviour is determined by the rules that are utilised in the fam-
ily’s system of operation rather than through individual motivation and needs (Черников, 1997). If
the family system is unable to adapt to the new situation, then fixation and regression occurs, which
causes the family to become dysfunctional (Karpova, 2000). Other authors analyse disorders of fam-
ily functioning either as 1) a disorder at the subject level, 2) disorder in the system, 3) inter-group or
inter-systemic disorder. One significant indication of the family’s proper functioning should be its
unity or cohesion (Minuchin, 1985; Olson, 1986; Reiss, 1982). Increased distance between family
members provides evidence of a conflicting, negative, or otherwise emotionally-alienated relationship
(Gehring & Schultheiss, 1986; Gerber & Kaswan, 1971; Russel, 1980). In a dysfunctional family,
communication is usually encumbered (Jackson, 1968; Haley, 1963). Furthermore, it is not only
verbal or non-verbal communication that is of primary importance, metacommunication is also vital:
thoughts, the views of an individual, and the individual’s attitude towards other family members and
the family in general (Russell, 1980). Systems that have negative self-evaluation (showing a lack
of faith in its own abilities to solve the situation) experience encumbered functioning and usually
seem hopeless (Черников, 2001).
Summing up theoretics, a hypothesis may be set out in which the result of the adaptation of the
family to a large extent affects whether an adolescent’s behaviour will become socially adequate.
In turn, in order to be able to assess the ability of parents to be able to react positively to their
child’s deviance, the questionnaire Positive and Destructive Family (Опросник «Конструктивно-
деструктивная семья» (КДС), Эйдемиллер, Юстицкис) was chosen as one of the research methods.
Since this methodology was not available to researchers in Latvian, the first step was to adapt this
survey to the cultural environment of Latvia. (The author’s consent has been received for the use
of the survey in scientific work.) The adaptation of the method provides for the implementation of
the following steps: the translation and backward translation of the survey observing the context of
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the cultural environment; empirical verification of the translated survey, establishing its reliability
52
and validity in accordance with the psychometric indicators used to provide a validity check on the
factors illustrated in the source survey; the administration of the survey in the new cultural environ-
ment; documentation of the adaptation process for the survey and development of the interpretation
of the survey’s values (Hambleton & Patsula, 1999; 2001).
To date, only some of the aforementioned steps have been implemented and presented.

Methododology of Research

The authors of the questionnaire Positive and Destructive Family are the Russian scientists, E.
G. Eidemiller and V. V. Justickis (Эйдемиллер, Юстицкис, 1999). The authors of this instrument
note that the survey has not been aimed at establishing whether the specific family is dysfunctional
or not. The purpose of this survey will be to research the so-called problem family; namely a family
in which any of its members are a cause of concern to the others. Within the frame of this survey,
families were selected in which adolescents have been diagnosed as exhibiting deviant behaviour
(by breaking the law). A control group for families in which the behaviour of adolescents is not
disturbed cannot be formed because all of the questions in the survey require an assessment of at-
titudes towards the member of the family who has given rise to concern. Therefore, if an adolescent
behaves within the family in a socially adequate manner, asking these questions of parents would
be meaningless. This includes, for instance, the fifth statement - whatever we do with him/her, he/
she becomes worse; or the sixth statement - people around us consider me to be responsible for what
happens to him/her; or the seventh statement - he/she often escapes and I do not know what happens
to him/her. Therefore, by using this questionnaire, it may be able to assess the level of dysfunction
within a family, or the conflict it is experiencing in a crisis situation, as well as being able to under-
stand the limited abilities of the family when it comes to solving problems in a positive manner. The
questions in the survey have been formulated in order to allow any possible family dysfunction to
be assessed according to four significant parameters:
1. Influence. If at least five positive replies are given to questions contained in this section,
it suggests deficient parental power or influence in parenting, and the hierarchy between
family subsystems is not optimal.
2. Frustration. A parent is disappointed with their child, and the so-called unfulfilled ex-
pectations in the mutual child-parent relationship may be observed when reality fails to
comply with wishes. At least four positive statements suggest this.
3. Information. At least five positive replies to questions contained in this section suggest
insufficient communication.
4. Alienation. This requires at least three positive replies.
If the respondent provides five or more positive answers, the family’s functioning in a crisis
situation can no longer be considered as being positive. Twelve or more positive statements suggests
a significant level of disorder in the family’s functioning when the family is unable to solve issues
in a positive manner in relation to the child’s behaviour.
Respondents from sixty families in which adolescents have committed a crime were able to
participate in the survey (the respondents being between the ages of 31-68, of which 42 were women
and eighteen were men). Almost all of the respondents were the parents or guardians of adolescents;
in three cases these were grandmothers who were ensuring the full care and parenting of children,
while in two cases they were guardians.
Questionnaire consists of twenty statements to which respondents shall provide either a posi-
tive or negative answer (the dichotomy scale). Neutral position such as “don’t know” or “maybe” is
allowable for no more than three statements. Respondents are given the instruction that “the survey
sheet includes statements that are related to your family member who gives you the most cause for
concern”.
First of all, questionnaire was translated and backwards translated. This was carried out by
independent bilingual translators. The backwards translation was compared to the Russian version
and, if necessary, clauses were amended. All respondents were informed of the course of the survey
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and they participated in the survey on a voluntary basis.


53
Answers were acquired either in small groups or individually during March 2013, with no time limit
being set. Initially, the so-called “obvious validity” or face validity was assessed. It was followed
by the content validity check by expert method. Furthermore, the invited experts considered that the
content of statements in the survey “represents the psychological nature or behavioural unity of the
sign to be assessed” (Raščevska, 2005).

Research Results

Data analysis (the information acquired from the research was processed with the help of the
SPSS programme):

Table 1. Case Processing Summary.

N %
Valid 60 100.0
Cases Excluded a
0 0.00
Total 60 100.0

a. Listwise deletion based on all variables in the procedure

Table 2. Reliability Statistics No 1.


Cronbach’s Alpha No of Items
0.718 20

A commonly accepted rule of thumb for describing internal consistency using Cronbach’s
Alpha is as follows (however, a greater number of items in the test can artificially inflate the value
of alpha and a sample with a narrow range can deflate it, so this rule of thumb should be used with
caution):
Cronbach’s Alpha Internal consistency

α ≥ 0.9 Excellent (High-Stakes testing)


0.8 ≤ α < 0.9 Good (Low-Stakes testing)
0.7 ≤ α < 0.8 Acceptable (Surveys)
0.6 ≤ α < 0.7 Questionable
0.5 ≤ α < 0.6 Poor
α < 0.5 Unacceptable
George, D, & Mallery, P (2003)

Cronbach’s Alpha ratio = 0.718 shall be considered as being high and suggests that questions
in the survey are harmonised and congeneric.

Table 3. Item - Total Statistics.

Corrected Item- Cronbach’s


Scale Mean if Item Scale Variance if
Total Alpha if Item
Deleted Item Deleted
Correlation Deleted

VAR00001 5.7833 11.562 0.359 0.700


VAR00002 5.9333 11.114 0.538 0.683
VAR00003 5.9667 11.694 0.360 0.700
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54 Corrected Item- Cronbach’s


Scale Mean if Item Scale Variance if
Total Alpha if Item
Deleted Item Deleted
Correlation Deleted

VAR00004 6.0833 12.417 0.274 0.715


VAR00005 5.7833 11.901 0.256 0.710
VAR00006 5.9500 12.184 0.196 0.715
VAR00007 5.9667 11.592 0.394 0.697
VAR00008 6.1000 12.397 0.292 0.714
VAR00009 5.7833 11.596 0.348 0.701
VAR00010 6.0000 13.254 -0.125 0.741
VAR00011 5.7667 11.538 0.366 0.699
VAR00012 6.0167 11.576 0.431 0.694
VAR00013 5.8500 11.486 0.390 0.697
VAR00014 6.0333 12.880 -0.005 0.730
VAR00015 5.9500 11.540 0.404 0.696
VAR00016 6.1167 12.512 0.259 0.716
VAR00017 5.9667 11.490 0.428 0.694
VAR00018 6.0167 12.729 0.241 0.727
VAR00019 6.0000 11.593 0.413 0.696
VAR00020 6.0000 11.932 0.297 0.706

The indication of overall internal harmonisation was largely influenced by questions ten and
fourteen. Cronbach’s alpha ratio increases without these questions.

Table 4. Reliability Statistics No 2.

Cronbach’s Alpha No of Items

0.755 18

Retest reliability check carried out in the selection n = 30 after one month, obtaining Cronbach’s
Alpha -0.701.
Positive family functioning is observed in only nineteen respondents, which is 31.6% of the
total selection (n=60). Five respondents have provided positive replies to more than twelve answers,
suggesting the highest degree of dysfunctional response to the behavioural disorder of the child. A
total of 25% of the selection or fifteen respondents demonstrated alienation or separation from their
child in their replies. In 37 cases or 61.6% of the total figure, results demonstrate the reduced or insuf-
ficient ability of parents to correct their child’s behaviour, while in 35 cases or 50.83% there was an
insufficient exchange of information within the family system, and in 16.6% there was frustration.
However, it must be noted that this was a self-evaluation survey, one in which the results represent
the opinion of the parents themselves in terms of their relationship with their children, and their
ability to influence the behaviour of their child, etc. rather than objective reality.

Discussion

Although all respondents in this survey were selected from dysfunctional families that exhibi-
ted the same sign - an adolescent with a behavioural disorder who has committed an offence - after
deeper research certain parameters were acquired which show similarities, although they were not
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identical. Since the behaviour of adolescents requires correction, it is important to ensure the optimal
55
functioning of the family as a system. As may be observed from the acquired results, only about a
third of the families that are involved in stress situations are able to treat the problem positively. Li-
terature also suggests the notion of a latent family functioning disorder. This is a disorder for which
compensation may be provided in daily life, while in critical moments it may cause hindrances in
optimum functioning, and in critical moments the family is unable to mobilise its internal resources.
As a result, a psychotraumatic family environment is formed which results in overall dissatisfaction,
alarm, a sense of guilt, somatic manifestations, etc. for the family (Эйдемиллер Э Г, Юстицкис В,
1999; 2002). Therefore, we may conclude that an adolescent’s deviance may not only be a stressor
for family functioning (its cause), but also an indicator, providing evidence of a previously existing,
albeit latent, family dysfunction (the consequence). The family as a system usually develops a re-
ady-to-apply behavioural model, although when the child achieves adolescence, the peculiarities of
their respective age and the specific needs of an individual who is related to them should be taken
into account, while former family functioning models or strategies must be adjusted according to
the new situation (Terkelsen, 1980).

Conclusion

The adaptation of questionnaire Positive and destructive family is part of a more extensive
survey. Since the results that have been obtained from the Latvian version of the survey comply
with the psychometric indices in the source survey, further tasks should be related to the complete
adaptation of the method among a more extensive selection and the application of this for research
amongst the Latvian population. Currently, Latvian legislation provides a psychosocial correction
programme for each adolescent who has committed a crime. However, as we know, attempts to
correct a child’s behaviour without changing the closest environment - their family - will have only
a limited effect. Another family research method that has been adapted in Latvia provides more
extensive opportunities for further empirical research in Latvia and is useful set of instruments for
practitioners in psychology.

References

Bowen, M. (1978). Family therapy in clinical practice. New York: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Gehring, T. M., Schultheiss, R. B. (1987). Spatial representation and assessment of family relationships. The
American Journal of Family Therapy, 15, 261-264.
Gerber, G. L. (1973). Psychological distance in the family as schematized by families of normal, disturbed,
and learning – problem children. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 40, 139-147.
George, D., Mallery, P. (2003). SPSS for Windows step by step: A simple guide and reference. 11.0 update (4th
ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Haley, J. (1976). Problem solving therapy. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Hambleton, R. K. (2001). The next generation of the ITC Test Translation and Adaptation Guidelines. European
Journal of Psychological Assessment, 17, 164-172.
Hambleton, R. K., Patsula, L. (1998). Adapting tests for use in multiple languages and cultures. Social Indica-
tors Research.
Hambleton, R. K., & Patsula, L. (1999). Increasing the validity of adapted tests: Myths to be avoided and
guidelines for improving test adaptation practices. Journal of Applied Testing Technology, 1, 1-30.
Hill, J. (2002). Biological, psychological and social processes in the conduct disorders. Journal of Child Psy-
chology and Psychiatry, 43, 1, 133-164.
Jackson, D. (1965). The study of the family. Family Process, 4, 1, 1-20.
Karpova, A. (2006). Ģimenes psiholoģija. Rīga: Raka.
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Minuchin, S., Fishman H. S. (1981). Family therapy techniques. Cambridge, MA: Harward University
56 Press.
Olson, D., (1985). Faces-3. Family Adaptability and Cohesion Evaluation Scale. Family Social Science.
University of Minnesota.
Papp, D. S.(1984). Contemporary international relations: Frameworks for understanding. Macmillan; New
York.
Raščevska, R. (2005). Psiholoģisko testu un aptauju konstruēšana un adaptācija. Izdevniecība RaKa.
Reiss, D. E. (1981). The Family’s construction of reality. Cambridge, Mass: Harward University press.
Rogers, C. R.(1959). A theory of therapy, personality and interpersonal relationshipe, as developed in the
client-centred tramework. In: Koch S. Psychology the study of a science. New York: Mc Graw-Hill.
Van de Vijver, F. J. R., Hambleton, R. K. (1996). Translating tests: Some practical guidelines. European Psy-
chologist, 1, 89-99.
Абабков, В. А., Перре М., Плапшерел Б. (1999). Систематическое исследование семейного стресса и
копинга. 0бозрение психиатрии и медицинской психологии им. В. М. Бехтерева.
Тайсон, Р, Тайсон Ф. (1999). Психоаналитические теории развития (Пер. с англ.) Екате-
ринбург: Деловая книга.
Черников, А. В. (2001). Системная семейная терапия: Интегративная модель диагностики. Изд.
3-е, испр. и доп. М.: Независимая фирма “Класс” (Библиотека психологии и психотерапии, вып.
97).
Эйдемиллер, Э. Г. (1996). Методы семейной диагностики и психотерапии. Москва.
Эйдемиллер, Э. Г., Юстицкис, В. В. (1999). Психология и психотерапия семьи. Санкт-Петербург.:
Питер.

Advised by Vincentas Lamanauskas,


University of Siauliai, Lithuania

Received: July 17, 2013 Accepted: September 15, 2013

Ilona Skuja Mag.psych., Departament of Psychology, Daugavpils University,


Parades 1, LV- 5400, Daugavpils, Latvia.
E-mail: ilona.skuja@inbox.lv
Website: http://www.du.lv

Aleksejs Vorobjovs Dr. habil. paed., Dr. habil. Psych., Professor, Department of Psychology, Daugavpils
University, Daugavpils, Latvia.
E-mail: aleksejs.vorobjovs@du.lv

Larisa Abelite Mag.psych., Departament of Psychology, Daugavpils University, Daugavpils, Latvia.


E-mail: larisa.abelite@riga.lv
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57

CONSTRUCTION AND PARTIAL


VALIDATION OF AN ANIMAL USE
INVENTORY
Donald I. Templer, Lynette Bassman
Alliant International University, Fresno, CA, USA
E-mail: donaldtempler@sbcglobal.net

Christine Szostak
Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA
E-mail: SZOSTAK.1@osu.edu

Rhoda Myra Graces-Bacsal


Nanyang Technological University, Singapore
E-mail: Rhoda.bacsal@nie.edu.sg

Hiroko Arikawa
Forest Institute of Professional Psychology, Springfield, MO, USA
E-mail: hirokoar@gmail.com

Anne Petrovich
California State University, Fresno, USA
E-mail: apetrovich@csufresno.edu

Abstract

A 78-item Animal Use Inventory was constructed. Previous animal attitude scales have centered on affection,
bonding, companion animal ownership, animal-human continuity, and general attitudes toward animals, but
not use of animals. The present inventory has six scales: Sports and Entertainment, Hunting, Working and
Service, Research, Fur, and Loving and Affection. Men scored higher on the Hunting, Research, Entertain-
ment, and Service scales. National Rifle Association members scored higher than animal protection society
members on the Hunting and Fur scales. In general, the scales correlated positively with each other but
negatively with the Loving and Affection scale. Nevertheless, caution was urged because of the unimpressive
Cronbach’s alphas on some of the scales. Further development is recommended.
Key words: animal use, ethnicity, gender, scales, hunting, companionship, work, food.

Introduction

Templer and Arikawa (2011) reviewed eight attitude-toward-animal scales. The Pet Attitude
Scale (Templer, Salter, Dickey, Baldwin, & Veleber, 1981), the Censhare Pet Attachment Survey
(Holcomb, Williams, & Richards, 1988), the Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (Johnson, Garrity,
& Stallone, 1995), and the Pet Relationship Scale (Lago, Kafer, Delaney, & Connell, 1988) assess
general companion animal attitudes and bonding with companion animals. The Companion Animal
Bonding Scale (Poresky, Hendrix, Mosier, & Samuelson, 1988) assesses bonding with companion
animals. The Miller-Rado Commitment to Pets Scale (Stats, Miller, Carnot, Rado, & Turnes, 1996)
assesses companion animal responsibility and burden. The Animal-Human Continuity Scale (Templer,
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Connelly, Bassman, & Hart, 2006) measures the degree to which the respondent perceives animals
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and humans as similar vs. different. There appears to be, however, no animal attitude instrument
that is devoted primarily to attitudes toward uses that people have for animals. The construction of
such is the purpose of the present research. It was originally planned that the Animal Use Inventory
would have seven scales: Food, Sport and Entertainment, Hunting, Work and Service, Research,
Fur, and Loving. It was anticipated that the scales could be used together or separately.
There are vast individual differences and group differences with respect to animal use and at-
titudes toward the various uses of animals. The Muslim, Jewish, Sikh, and Seventh Day Adventist
religions forbid the eating of pork. The Hindu religion forbids the eating of beef. Also, many
persons are vegetarians or vegans for health reasons. The eating of dogs is fairly common in East
Asian and Southeast Asian countries such as Korea (WuDunn, 1997) and the Philippines (Griffith,
Wolch, & Lassiter, 2002). Chicken fighting is common in Latin American and Asian cultures. Some
Southeast Asians fight fish. The fighting of dogs is carried out in various countries, including the
United States where it is illegal. Bull fighting is a popular sport in Spain and Latin American coun-
tries. Horse racing is a popular sport and, in fact, is a multimillion-dollar industry in the United States
with both legal and illegal betting. The racing of dogs (greyhounds and whippets) is less popular.
Dogs are used to guard people and property and livestock. They are also used to herd livestock and
for hunting. Dogs are used by persons with special needs such as the hearing and mobility impaired
and elderly persons. Fishman (2003) reviewed the history of guide dogs for the visually impaired
from the use of small dogs in Pompeii prior to the eruption of Vesuvius to the use of large breeds
in the last 100 years. Hooker, Freeman, and Stewart (2002) reviewed pet therapy and the related
topic of the cardiovascular benefits of companion animals. Horses, donkeys, mules, llamas, oxen,
water buffalo, and elephants are used as beasts of burden. In the 19th century, rottweilers were used
in Germany to pull milk carts. There are millions of companion animal dogs and cats in the United
States. It should be borne in mind, however, that all persons in the world do not have as positive
an attitude toward companion animals as persons in countries with populations that are primarily of
European origin. The regarding of animals as family members is much less common in African and
Muslim countries. Muslims tend to have a negative attitude toward having dogs, which are regarded
as “dirty,” as companion animals. There are millions of fishermen and hunters in the United States.
Quite a few of them have trophies on display. The use of animals for education and research has
been controversial in both psychology departments (Hull, 1996; Cunningham, 2002; Baldwin, 2003)
and medical schools (Council of Scientific Affairs, American Medical Association, 1991).

Methodology of Research

Selection of Items

The authors devised preliminary items for each of the seven scales. There were 14 tentative
items in the Animals for Food category; 12 in the Animals for Sports and Entertainment category;
9 in the Animals for Hunting category; 16 in the Working and Service Animals category; 14 in the
Animals for Research category; 9 in the Animals for Fur, Clothing, and Decoration category; and 11
items in the Animals for Affection and Loving category. The 85 items were administered to Alliant
International University students and employees on the Fresno campus.
The questionnaire was placed in the boxes of approximately 237 graduate students and 42
employees (faculty, staff, and administrators). Twenty-four percent of the 279 were returned. The
low rate of return was probably a function of the distribution having been in the week before final
exam week. There were 15 male (23.8%) and 48 female (76.2%) participants. They ranged in age
from 22 to 70 with a mean of 33.89 and a standard deviation of 11.26.

Comparison of Different Groups on the Animal Use Inventory



Validation of the Animal Use Inventory was carried out by two comparisons of groups that would
be expected to differ on the instrument. One of these consisted of comparing the means of Filipino
and American college students on the 7 scales of the Animal Use Inventory. In addition, a special
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comparison was made on the item pertaining to eating dogs. Filipino college students tend to have
59
above-average socioeconomic status. It is primarily the poor Filipinos who eat dog. Nevertheless,
it was predicted that the Filipino college students would be more accepting of the concept of eating
dog than American college students. The other comparison was between members of the National
Rifle Association (NRA) and members of two animal welfare organizations. It was anticipated that
the two groups would differ, especially on the Hunting scale.
The 64 Filipino college students, 41 males and 23 females, were in psychology undergraduate
classes at Kalayaan College in the Philippines. They ranged in age from 17 to 25 with a mean of
19.39 years and a standard deviation of 1.86 years. The 166 American college students, 79 males and
87 females, were in psychology undergraduate classes in three different colleges in the San Joaquin
Valley of California. They ranged in age from 17 to 50 years with a mean of 22.29 and a standard
deviation of 5.51. Both the Filipino and the American students were administered the Animal Use
Inventory in their classrooms.
The 18 National Rifle Association (NRA) members, 11 males and seven females, ranged in
age from 17 to 50 years with a mean of 21.29 years and standard deviation of 5.51. The 37 animal
welfare participants, five males and 32 females, were obtained from two affiliated organizations in
the Fresno, California, area—the California Feline Association and the Valley Animal Shelter. They
ranged in age from 31 to 68 years with a mean of 52.33 and standard deviation of 9.91. All organi-
zational members were administered the Animal Use Inventory in their regular meetings.

Results of Research

In each of the seven categories, item-total score correlations were computed for that category
with the Alliant students and employees. The criterion of acceptance for the items was that the cor-
relations be significant at the .001 level. Seventy-eight items met the criterion for acceptance. Table
1 contains the 14 items in Animals for Food category; 10 in the Animals for Sports and Entertainment
category; 8 in the Animals for Hunting category; 14 in the Working and Service Animals category; 12
in the Animals for Research category; 9 in the Animals for Fur, Clothing, and Decoration category;
and 11 items in the Animals for Affection and Loving category. On each scale one point is scored
for every item answered in the keyed direction.

Table 1. The item number and category of the 78 Animal Use Inventory items.

Item Direction
Category Item
No. Keyed*

1 + Loving It is nice to have turtles as pets.


2 + Service Animals pulling plows is OK.
3 + Service It is OK to use animals as a form of transportation.
4 + Food It is OK to eat meat if you use the whole animal and are not wasteful.
I think it is OK to use primates, such as monkeys and chimpanzees, for
5 + Research
research.
6 + Loving Pets should receive the best health care possible.
7 + Food It’s OK to eat shellfish.
8 + Research Animals should not be used in research if they will be killed.
9 + Fur I think it is OK to have fish mounted on the wall.
10 + Service It’s a good idea to have a guard dog to protect one‘s property.
It is OK to keep ocean animals, like dolphins and whales, captive for
11 + Entertainment
performing.
12 - Food People should not eat horses.
13 + Service It is good to use dogs for search and rescue.
14 + Entertainment Bullfighting is OK.
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60 Item Direction
Category Item
No. Keyed*

15 - Food Birds should not be eaten.


16 - Fur It is wrong to have furnishings, such as rugs, made from animal skills.
17 + Research Animal research is necessary.
18 + Entertainment The fighting of roosters is good for entertainment.
19 + Food It’s OK to eat eggs.
20 + Fur It’s OK to wear fur.
21 + Loving Fish make good pets.
22 + Loving It is OK to have an animal sleep in one’s bed.
23 + Entertainment It is OK to have animals pull carriages for fun and entertainment.
24 + Hunting I think it is OK to hunt an animal if there are too many of them.
25 - Food People should not eat dogs.
26 + Hunting It is OK to hunt rabbits.
27 + Service It is OK to have animals for personal protection.
28 + Hunting It is OK to hunt lions and tigers.
29 Loving I would like a pet in my home.
30 + Fur It think it is OK to have animal heads mounted on the wall.
31 + Service It is OK to use animals in a war effort.
32 + Hunting It is OK to shoot wolves and foxes.
33 - Food People should not eat rabbit.
Using animals for testing beauty products, such as shampoo and make-
34 + Research
up, is okay.
35 + Loving Cats are loving animals.
36 + Research I think it is OK to use rats and mice for research.
37 + Service It is good to have a dog to herd animals.
38 + Entertainment Having animals in circuses and carnivals is OK.
39 - Food People should not eat pork.
40 + Service Having animals carry things is OK.
41 + Research I think it is OK to use dogs for research.
It is OK to use ivory, such as from elephant’s tusks, for jewelry and
42 + Fur
carvings.
43 + Research Using animals for testing household cleaners is OK.
44 + Service It is good to have dogs as an aid to the hearing impaired/deaf.
45 + Hunt It is OK to fish.
46 - Food People should not at cats.
47 - Fur One should not wear clothing made of leather.
48 - Fur I am against trapping animals for their fur.
49 - Entertainment It is cruel to have animals in the zoo.
50 - Food I do not believe in eating fish.
51 + Loving Snakes make good pets.
52 + Research Animal research should be done if it will save animal lives.
53 + Service It is good to have dogs as a guide for those who are blind.
54 + Entertainment It’s all right to race animals.
55 - Food People should not eat monkeys.
56 + Service It is OK to have animals pull heavy loads.
Donald I. TEMPLER, Lynette BASSMAN, Christine SZOSTAK, Rhoda Myra GRACES-BACSAL, Hiroko ARIKAWA, Anne PETROVICH. ISSN 2029-8587
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Item Direction 61
Category Item
No. Keyed*

57 - Research Animals should not be used in research if they will experience pain.
58 + Loving A dog is a person’s best friend.
59 + Service It is good to use dogs for finding drugs and explosives.
60 + Entertainment Dog shows are OK.
61 + Hunting Duck hunting is good.
62 + Service It is good for police officers to have dogs to confront criminals.
63 - Fur It is wrong to raise sheep for their wool.
64 + Loving Pets should be treated as members of the family.
65 + Hunting It is OK to hunt elephants.
66 - Food People should not eat veal (baby cows raised in crates).
67 + Entertainment Fishing is OK if it is catch and release.
68 + Service It is good to use animals to pull people over ice or snow.
69 + Research It is OK to use animals for organ transplants.
70 + Loving Birds are great pets.
71 + Loving House pets add happiness to people’s lives.
72 + Hunting It is OK to hunt deer.
73 + Research Animal research is OK it if will benefit people’s lives.
74 - Fur There should be laws prohibiting the raising of animals for fur.
75 - Food I do not believe in eating dairy products.
76 + Research I think it is OK to genetically alter animals
77 + Entertainment It is OK to use animals in rodeos.
78 + Food It’s OK to eat meat if one is going to starve otherwise.
+ means score the number circled.
- means reverse the scoring.

Table 2 presents the means and standard deviations for the seven AUI scales for the Filipino
and American college students. It is apparent that the American college students scored significantly
higher on the Hunting and Fur scales and that the Filipinos scored significantly higher on the Research
scale. It should be further noted that the Filipinos were higher (p = 0.053) on the Food Scale and
that the Americans (p = 0.056) were higher on the Entertainment scale.

Table 2. AUI scale means and standard deviations for Filipino and American
college students.

Filipino American

Scales M SD M SD F p
Loving 56.5 8.9 57.0 11.0 0.09 0.769
Food 36.2 7.1 34.3 6.4 3.77 0.053
Service 76.0 8.9 75.7 13.1 .03 0.835
Research 46.6 9.2 43.2 11.9 4.20 0.042
Entertainment 36.4 8.5 39.1 10.1 3.70 0.056
Hunting 25.1 7.8 28.6 11.8 4.87 0.028
Fur 18.2 6.0 21.2 6.9 10.06 0.002

The Filipino and American college students both tended to be opposed to eating dogs. A higher
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percentage of American students circled 7, the option of greatest agreement for question 25, “People
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should not eat dogs.” Thirty-nine (60.94%) of the Filipino participants and 128 (75.74%) of the
American participants chose that opinion, x2 (n = 230) = 5.21, p < 0.05.
Table 3 presents the means and standard deviations for the seven Animal Use Inventory scales
for the NRA members and the animal protection society members. The protection society members
had a significantly higher mean on the Loving scale. The NRA members had a significantly higher
mean on the Service, Research, Entertainment, Hunting and Fur scales. It is noteworthy, although
not surprising, that there was a difference of over three standard deviations on the Hunting scale.
Because there was a disproportionate number of females in the animal welfare component group,
analysis of covariance was performed with sex as the covariant. Significance was obtained on the
Hunting scale, F (2,53) = 96.79, p < 0.001 and the Fur scale, F (2,53) = 25.26, p < 0.001.

Table 3. Scale means and standard deviations for NRA and protection society.

Filipino American

Scales M SD M SD F p

Loving 57.7 7.6 63.2 5.3 7.44 0.009


Food 35.6 4.3 39.1 6.1 2.44 0.124
Service 82.4 6.0 72.8 14.3 7.91 0.007
Research 40.4 1.4 31.7 14.0 5.44 0.023
Entertainment 35.6 6.7 29.8 7.6 7.72 0.008
Hunting 47.9 7.6 19.9 8.9 134.87 0.001
Fur 22.8 7.3 12.6 5.6 37.16 0.001

Statistical analyses using all 354 participants are as follows: the Cronbach’s alphas for the seven
scales, in descending order, 0.88 for the Hunting scale, 0.82 for the Working and Service Animals
scale, 0.68 for the Affection and Loving scale, 0.65 for the Sport and Entertainment Scale, 0.59 for
the Fur, Clothing, and Decoration scale, and 0.46 for the Food scale.
Table 4 displays the product-moment correlation coefficients of the Animal Use Inventory scales
with sex and age for all 354 participants. It is apparent that males are more favorably disposed to
using animals for human benefit than are females. Although age is minimally related to the Animal
Use Inventory, younger persons are more favorably disposed to using animals for research and for
entertainment.

Table 4. Correlations of AUI scale with age and sex for all 564 participants (r).

Scales Age Sexa

Loving 0.04 -0.02


Food -0.04 -0.09
Service -0.12 -0.31**
Research -0.24** -0.32**
Entertainment 0.16* -0.33**
Hunting -0.07 -0.20**
Fur -0.08 -0.09
1 = males; 2 = females; * < 0.005; ** < 0.001
a

Table 5 contains the product-moment correlation coefficients between the seven Animal Use
Inventory scales. Perhaps the more omnibus generalization is that six of the scales tend to correlate
positively with each other and that the Animals for Affection and Loving scale tends to have nega-
tive or insignificant correlations with the other scales.
Donald I. TEMPLER, Lynette BASSMAN, Christine SZOSTAK, Rhoda Myra GRACES-BACSAL, Hiroko ARIKAWA, Anne PETROVICH. ISSN 2029-8587
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Table 5. Inter-correlations of the seven Animal Use Inventory scales for all 354
63
participants.

Scales Food Entertainment Hunting Service Research Fur Loving

Animals for Food 0.08 0.23** 0.00 0.25** 0.31** -0.25**


Animals for Sport and
0.48** 0.46** 0.56** 0.46** .03
Entertainment
Animals for Hunting 0.14* 0.39** 0.69** -0.21**
Working and Service
-0.06 0.30**
Animals
Animals for Research 0.35** -0.09
Animals for Fur,
-0.25**
Clothing, and Decoration
* p <0.005; ** p < 0.001

Discussion

The psychometric properties of the Animal Use Inventory can probably be best described
as generally adequate. It had been decided to limit the number of items for the scale so that the
total number would not be burdensome. Thus, there was a tradeoff which yielded unimpressive
Cronbach’s alphas for some of the scales. Nevertheless, the group differences, the sex differences,
and the scale intercorrelations are supportive of validity.
The Hunting scale has good psychometric properties. It has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.88. Its
correlation of 0.69 with Fur, the highest correlation in the matrix, seems reasonable since both
involve the killing of animals. Other meaningful significant correlations are 0.23 with Food, 0.48
with Sport, and -0.21 with Loving. More importantly, members of the National Rifle Associa-
tion scored higher than members of animal welfare organizations and males scored higher than
females
The Working and Service scale has good psychometric properties with a Cronbach’s alpha of
0.82. Its highest correlation is .48 with Sport and Entertainment. Both scales assess the animals
working to meet the needs of humans. Males are higher on both of these scales.
The Loving scale has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.68. Its correlating negatively with Food and
Hunting and Fur is consistent with common sense since these three scales pertain to the killing
of animals. The fact that American college students scored higher than Filipino college students
is consistent with persons of European origin having more favorable attitudes toward companion
animals.
The Sport and Entertainment scale has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.65. Its correlations of 0.48
with Hunting, 0.46 with Service, 0.56 with Research, and 0.46 with Fur are reasonable since
all of these scales involve using animals to fulfill the needs of humans. There was a meaningful
Entertainment scale.
The Fur scale has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.59. Its highest correlation of 0.69 with Hunting
was predictable since both involve the killing of animals. Its positive correlation with Food and
Sport and Research also made sense. Filipino students scored lower on the Fur scale than Ameri-
can students. The Philippines is a tropical country where the wearing of very warm clothing is
not necessary.
The weakest scale with respect to internal consistency is the Food scale, with a Cronbach’s
alpha of only 0.46. An inspection of the items reveals considerable heterogeneity with the in-
clusion of eating fish, eating animals ordinarily regarded as companion animals by Americans,
religious prohibitions, eating non-human primates, eating veal, and consuming dairy products. It
was decided not to include the Food scale in the Animal Use Inventory.
ISSN 2029-8587 Donald I. TEMPLER, Lynette BASSMAN, Christine SZOSTAK, Rhoda Myra GRACES-BACSAL, Hiroko ARIKAWA, Anne PETROVICH.
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Conclusion

All of the intended scales have some degree of validity with respect to group differences and
correlations. The internal consistency is greatest in the Hunting and the Working and Service scales.
Discriminant validity of the individual scales is evidenced by no excessive high correlation between
scales. The Food scale appears to not measure a sufficiently unidimensional entity. Either more
work on this scale or more than one food scales appears to be needed.

References

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Templer, D. I., Connelly, H., Bassman, L., & Hart, J. (2006). Construction and validation of an animal-human
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Templer, D. I., Salter, C. A., Dickey, S., Baldwin, R., & Veleber, D. M. (1981). The construction of a Pet At-
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Advised by Serhiy Boltivets,


Grigory Kostyuk Psychological Institute of the Ukrainian National Academy of
Pedagogical Sciences, Ukraine

Received: September 30, 2013 Accepted: December 06, 2013

Donald I. Templer Ph.D., Professor (Retired), Alliant International University, 257 West Los Altos, Fresno,
CA, USA
E-mail: donaldtempler@sbcglobal.net

Lynette Bassman Ph.D., Associate Professor, Alliant International University, 5130 E. Clinton Avenue,
Fresno, California 93727, USA.

Christine Szostak PhD., Graduate Researcher, Department of Psychology, Ohio State University,
Columbus, OH, USA.
E-mail: SZOSTAK.1@osu.edu

Rhoda Myra Graces-Bacsal Assistant Professor, Department of Early Childhood & Special Needs Education,
National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
E-mail: Rhoda.bacsal@nie.edu.sg

Hiroko Arikawa Lecturer, Forest Institute of Professional Psychology, Springfield, Missouri, MO, USA.
E-mail: hirokoar@gmail.com

Anne Petrovich Ph.D., L.C.S.W., Prof. Emeritus, Department of Social Work Education, California State
University, Fresno, California 93727, USA.
E-mail: apetrovich@csufresno.edu
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66

CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCES OF
RECIDIVISTS AS PREDICATORS OF
CRIMINOGENIC LIFESTYLE


Arkadiusz Urbanek
University of Wroclaw, Poland
E- mail: aur@pedagogika.uni.wroc.pl

Abstract

The research tackles the issue of the reconstruction of childhood experiences of recidivists. The aim of these
reflections is to search for cause and effect relation between socialisation experiences and further criminogenic
lifestyle. It is an interdisciplinary work due to the fact that the issue of socialisation, transmission of behaviour
patterns and environmental influences reflect scientific domains of psychology, criminology and resocialisation
pedagogy. Accomplishing the objective to reconstruct experiences and their relation with subsequent deviant
activities a source material from auto-anamnestic interviews was applied. During the research 100 respondents
aged 22 to 30 were interviewed. Each of them has already been sentenced repeatedly for criminal offences,
serving the punishment of deprivation of liberty. The research was conducted in 2013. In terms of methodology
the data analysis concentrated on the qualitative model of structural and reconstruction research, whereas the
results were presented within cause-effect matrixes. The construction of each matrix was designed to classify
and present common areas of experiences that occurred within biographies of the individual respondents.
Therefore, the research, despite its qualitative nature, categorised the socialisation experiences and the
predicators of criminogenic lifestyle subject to subgroup classification. The procedure of analysis was dual,
i.e. the cause matrixes of 33 random cases were firstly designed, and then applied to replicate the experiences
of the rest of the respondents from the group. It allowed not only to distinguish similar experiences but also
consolidated the matrixes as tools for further interpretation. The results of research of socialisation experi-
ences and predicators of criminogenic lifestyle are applicable for penitentiary resocialisation practice and
psychological support for the prisoners. Moreover, the research results revealed crucial areas of disturbances,
such as isolation from the relatives, void of emotional contacts, susceptibility to deviant group influences, or
reducing the hierarchy of values to the desires of possession, unfulfilled in their childhood.
Key words: childhood, parents – children, pathogenic factors, relations, socialization.

Introduction

Human experiences gained during the process of socialisation draw attention of experts in
criminology, psychology as well as resocialisation pedagogy. The significant importance of this
process results from its complex nature and its creative function. Emil Durkheim perceived the
course of socialisation from a perspective synonymous to upbringing concerning it socially most
distinguished process of introducing individuals to the domain of social life (Hurrelmann 1994,
p. 15, Toroń 2012, p. 15). Such concept of socialisation implied its dualistic dimension with pre-
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dominant role of consolidated system of social functioning, and subsequent process of shaping
67
features of a socialised individual as a result (outcome) of the primary influences. Direct and in-
direct participation of a child in social systems and structures undoubtedly determines its position
in a group, hence the crucial process of creating, or even determining human’s fate. The power
and quality of childhood socialisation influences is significant in terms of human’s position within
a society. Therefore, socialization can be of a selective nature with its course implying forecast
within the social promotion or degradation. Taking into account sociological or emancipative
perspective there are different approaches interpreting the role of socialisation experiences, vari-
ably deterministic. Nonetheless, experiences of work with juvenile delinquents or adult offenders
prove there is a tight link between the upbringing and further lifestyle. Consolidation of previous
experiences implies duplication of the learned pattern of social participation and human’s fate
with significantly higher percentage of risk behaviour among those from low-income families
(Qi, Kaiser 2003, p. 188) and of marginalised social function. Jerzy Modrzewski recognizes such
deterministic character of socialisation in the context of a specific social location of a human
where negative or positive experiences from childhood assign such person to a given social group
(Modrzewski 2007, p. 42). It is worth to emphasise that Harold Garfinkel interprets socialisation in
a similar, deterministic manner, stressing its degrading nature due to the fact that early experiences
can be sufficiently influential to determine the quality and direction of the course of further stages
of entering social life (Garfinkel 1956, pp. 420-424). Following such deterministic approach to
socialisation it may be assumed that the predicators of criminogenic lifestyle are distinct as far as
childhood experiences are concerned.
Environmental transmission and selective function of socialisation are of paramount im-
portance for the process of consolidating human tendencies to criminogenic behaviour. Hence,
recognising socialisation experiences is in the scope of attention as far as behaviour disturbances,
social, and criminal diagnosis and therapy are concerned. Recognition of early life experiences
reveals subsequent areas of deficiencies and consistently forecasts the style of individual func-
tioning within a society. There is a wide range of theoretical and empirical knowledge concerning
this issue, reflecting both the area of deficiencies and the category of protective factors. Taking
criminogenic behaviour into account, the key role is played by the analysis of defects originat-
ing from the socialisation period and resources neutralising its power. Deterministic nature of
negative socialisation experiences of recidivists is emphasised by John Muncie, who claims that
increase in criminogenic behaviour and activity within criminal groups emerges around 40 years
of age. Consolidated patterns and lifestyle determine social functions, hence neither correctional
nor punitive measures can diverse this process. However, as the individuals get older, tendency
to risk behaviour is decreasing (Muncie 2004, Rzeplińska 2006, p. 343). Recognising negative
socialisation experiences from such perspective is crucial in terms of reconstructing the decisive
processes of the offenders. Taking into consideration recidivists, i.e. those lapsing into previous,
undesirable code of conduct transgressing law, such analysis reveals great intensity of this behaviour.
These are not single episodes, but patterns constituting coherent part of reinforced, criminogenic
lifestyle. According to Jan M. Stanik, recidivists undertake risk behaviour on basis of which they
set up or evoke series of different criminogenic situations of great risk intensity (Stanik 2007,
p. 193). In her works, Emma J. Palmer highlights similar aspect, i.e. the necessity to recognise
previously reinforced personality mechanisms that allow to understand the sources of such deep-
rooted, criminogenic lifestyle (Palmer 2007). Therefore, interpretation of the experiences from
the childhood socialisation remains significant in interpreting criminogenic behaviour, thus the
presented research constitute an attempt to explore such deterministic role of socialisation. The
procedure of empirical analysis searched for given patterns of activity, similarities and differences
resulting from socialisation experiences.
Notwithstanding, while interpreting socialisation experiences and further criminogenic
lifestyle of the respondents, it was necessary to outline current knowledge concerning the factors
determining harmful behaviour and resources that suppress their intensity. The domestic and inter-
national literature provides in-depth information tackling disturbances of socialisation processes,
hence the analyses of psychological, pedagogical or anthropological approaches reach beyond
the objectives of these reflections. Nonetheless, it must be remembered that the context of family
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relations constitutes key spectrum for the interpretations of the socialisation interferences. These
68
aspects are tackled within theoretical analysis, as a description of the own research results also
refers to the issue of child-parents relations.
According to Hanna Olechnowicz, child-parents relations convey a specific potential which
protects children from deviant behaviour in their adult life. The author claims that during the in-
fancy stage emotional bond between the child and both the mother and the father play a key part.
Establishing bonds takes place mainly through child’s senses, i.e. the smell, touch, sight, hearing
and taste as these constitute complimentary channels of communication with others at this devel-
opmental stage. As a result of sustaining emotional closeness the process of shaping empathy is
launched, followed by a stable system of feelings and mature “Me” structure (Olechnowicz 1998,
p. 9). In adult life, such features become a crucial potential protecting against manifestation of
deviant behaviour, concurrently constituting predispositions that are not inborn, but established
at the age of 3 on the basis of emotional bonds between the child and own parents (1998, p. 9).
Such approach is theoretically and empirically justified as disturbances within higher emotions, in
particular inability to experience empathy, have been repeatedly tackled in the context of human
tendency to delinquent or criminal offences. Adequately, positive experiences of emotional close-
ness of a child with own parents are interpreted as correlates of behaviour control. According to
Julian Bielecki when a mother has no emotional relation with own child, nor expresses feelings
tightening the bonds between, she is incapable of controlling own child’s behaviour in other way
than by repression (Bielecki 1993, p. 11). Positive relations with parents in the early childhood
are significant for the process of shaping human’s ability to reciprocate the welfare, hence it con-
stitutes a key potential regulating social life, concurrently playing important part in the process of
socialisation. As Robert Trivers claims, the morality of an adult person is founded in the ability to
act as an altruist, for altruism is a resource allowing one to suppress egoism. Hence, people need to
learn skills to act for the welfare of others, counting on reciprocity of positive experiences (Trivers
1971). The child-parents relations also make up such foundation enabling the process of shaping
self-assessment and sensitivity to its maintenance. As far as behaviour regulating mechanisms
are concerned, an interesting viewpoint was presented in the 1930s by a German criminologist
and lawyer, Hellmuth Mayer, who claimed that a severe punishment does not deter from harm-
ful behaviour due to the fact that the sense of shame functions as a regulator of lawful conduct
(Mayer 1932). Nonetheless, it must be remembered that the sense of shame, remorse or guilty
conscience is an experience that combines positive self-assessment and effort made to sustain such
image. Therefore, when negative socialisation experiences have caused destruction of positive
self-assessment, it is more than apparent that the pressure of shame and disapproval of the social
surrounding will not protect from deviation.
As far as recidivists’ biographies are concerned, the process of socialisation was very often
disturbed, hence with regards to the above reflections it may be assumed that at the period of child-
hood they were not provided with appropriate protective resources. However, the reality seems
to be quite different, as the research proves they were equipped with predispositions intensifying
their criminogenic behaviours, relating to the acquired specific lifestyle, way of thinking, recog-
nition of own needs and way of their fulfilment. Moreover, specific features of personality were
preserved, consolidating permanent determinants of socially harmful behaviours. According to
Jan M. Stanik, the personality traits significantly shape criminogenic lifestyle and are far more
influential that situational factors experienced by a given person (Kucharewicz 2008, p. 207).
In such context, the deterministic nature of the process of socialisation can be interpreted as an
implication of experiences locating such human within given social group. In most cases these
constitute antagonistic deviant groups as they enable the youth to adapt, despite their aggressive
or withdrawn attitude. Deviant groups become in such case a point of reference as they accept the
deviants and provide them with opportunities to undertake criminogenic activity.
Concentrating on negative aspects of socialisation experiences of criminals, attention must
be drawn to the reconstruction of their relations with parents, as in empirical research the issue
of controlling own child during socialisation is of paramount importance. The results of research
by Fred Rothbaum, John R. Weisz (1994) and T.M. Achenbach (1991) outlined relations between
excessively harsh parental control and the tendency to depressive and passive behaviour among
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adult women and men. It proved that negative aspect of parental control may lead to a situation
69
when a psychological distance between a parent and a child is remained, hence the family rela-
tions are grounded in manipulation with the use of psychological separation. Such control limits
the development of a child’s individuality introducing chronic sense of fear of losing the close-
ness. These negative socialisation experiences were confirmed and described by Brian B. Barber,
Joseph E. Olsen, Shobha C. Shagle (1994) and Arim G. Rübab, Sheila K. Marshall, Jennifer D.
Shapka (2003), confronting psychological control with the behavioural one. The research projects
revealed that parents do not interfere in child’s issues, simultaneously preserving from introduction
of sufficient rules and regulations of behaviour. Hence, as a result of insufficient regulators and
social norms, the process of socialisation does not provide with adequate mechanisms protecting
from socially harmful activities (Urban 2000, p. 166). In terms of parental control, according
to German philosopher and lawyer, Günther Jakobs, particular role is played by parents’ conse-
quence concerning the act of taking care of their offspring. Hence, it is not the harsh punishment,
but consequent reaction to their children’s behaviour that equip them with internal mechanisms
regulating behaviour (Jakobs 1991).
From the perspective of Polish society at large, the research concerns significant social group,
concentrating of the childhood experiences of nowadays recidivists. Nonetheless, their problem
of socialisation during childhood implies a wider context of family and social circles. Statistical
data published by Polish central prison service indicate that the group of recidivists (men and
women) serving sentences in Polish prisons between 2011 and 2012 reached ca. 36 7000 individu-
als (http://www.sw.gov.pl/pl/o-sluzbie-wieziennej/statystyka/). Taking into account the fact the
most of them were socialised in families, the scope of research on socialisation in the period of
childhood is broad. Similarly, if it is taken into consideration that the phenomena of deprivation
affect impoverished or marginalised environments due to economic or social reasons, such social
group is also of paramount research importance. As the results of macrosocial research in Poland
prove, in 2012, the risk group subject to extreme poverty reached 6.7%. It particularly affects these
families that experience various life difficulties and economic burdens. The indicated group is also
impacted by unemployment, hence if such a family consists of two or more persons without work,
the level of extreme poverty risk reaches as high as 32,9%. Poverty concerns mostly those families
that bring up four or more children (26.6%) contrary to three-children families where 9.7% are
subject to such negative process. Low level of education is another factor that also occurs within
the researched group of perpetrators and penitentiary recidivist in particular. The group tackled by
extreme poverty embraced those with lowest possible education (junior high school the maximum),
however the indicators are definitely lower among those with medium education level (3.4%) and
high one (0,5%) (http://www.stat.gov.pl/cps/rde/xbcr/gus/ WZ_ubostwo_w_polsce_2012.pdf).

Methodology of Research

General Background of Research

The accomplished research was conducted within framework of the structural – reconstruc-
tion analysis where key part tackled biographical description of experiences and the interpreta-
tion it involved. The reconstruction of the structure and the co-related links between biographical
experiences and events were in the scope of interest. It was followed by analysis and secondary
reconstruction of the principles of human’s conduct and activity. The idea of structural and recon-
struction research is grounded in philosophical paradigm of hermeneutics, that is related to the
reconstruction of given emotional state and human experiences through which it enables wider,
contextual interpretation of the life situation of given individuals. Such approach corresponds with
the adopted objectives of conducted research project. The key goal of the analysis of gathered
source material was the attempt to present the socialisation situation and experiences in the context
of criminogenic lifestyle of the recidivists. Within such range, crucial information was provided
by application of auto-anamnestic description, i.e. recalling own experiences from the period of
childhood socialisation. Additionally, relations with adults experienced by given individuals dur-
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ing their childhood were also taken into account.


70
Accomplishing the aim of the research it was necessary to structure the procedure of methodi-
cal stages, i.e. data selection and interpretation. It must be remembered that the research aim was
no to reveal single, individual or situational variables that remain in correlation with the lifestyle,
as reinforcing criminogenic lifestyle does not refer to capturing precise and directly time-related
single events. Moreover, the scope of interest did not embrace individual behaviour, but a wider
context of the process of experiencing and its convoluted, active dynamism.
Such methodological approach, concentrated on hermeneutical qualitative analysis, is deeply
rooted in theory. Taking into consideration the criminal lifestyle, Raymond Gassin promoted its
perception applying wide-ranging process of criminogenesis, which is a dynamic, complex, multi-
stage process reaching beyond search for individual variables determining lifestyle (Gassin 2003
p. 9). A similar approach is presented by a Polish criminologist, Stanisław Batawia, who perceived
criminogenic factors as co-related circumstances, directly or indirectly favouring deviant behaviour.
According to this scholar, etiology of criminogenesis and moral structure of the offenders should
be considered genetically, not statistically. Hence, retrospective, qualitative research projects are
of great value as they focus on the complexity of social conditions experienced by the offender
(Tyszkiewicz 2007, p. 215).

Sample Selection

Empirical analysis embraced source material consisting of 100 direct interviews of anamnestic
nature, carried out with recidivists. Interviews were of diagnostic nature, concentrating on the
issues of deficits diagnosis, as well as social and criminogenic forecast accomplished during the
period of deprivation of liberty. The group of research focus consisted of recidivists repeatedly
sentenced to deprivation of liberty. The category of the offence was irrelevant as the focus was on
young people, i.e. 22 to 30 years of age, in order for their childhood experiences to be possibly
accessible. It must be remembered, however, that Polish Criminal Executive law does not clas-
sify sentenced recidivists before they reach the age of 21. The analysed empirical material was
gathered by a research team in 2013.
The essential research problems were formulated within three questions, i.e. 1. How do the
respondents assess their own relations with their closets relatives in their childhood? 2. How did
the process of pathogenesis unfold? 3. Which factors accompanied the emergence of permanent
criminogenic life style? At this point it is essential to precise adopted meaning and understanding
of the terms pathogenesis and criminogenesis. The first term has been defined as a process of re-
inforcing socially harmful or deviant behaviour, whereas the latter is secondary to the pathological
behaviour and refers to frequent, repeatable criminal offences. The difference between these two
notions refers to the time category and personal experiences. Since pathogenesis implies negative
socialisation experiences, it tackles the issue of a given problem from the childhood, often resulting
from negative socialisation. Within this range, first harmful or deviant behaviours were subject to
analysis as only in the further consequence they can transform into consolidated mechanisms pre-
dominant in a criminogenic lifestyle. Hence, specifying the process of pathogenesis of behaviours
throws light on consequent offensive and criminal activities that result from such circumstances.
Therefore, reconstruction of both childhood memories from the period of socialisation and related
activities reflecting the initial stage of pathogenesis were in the scope of research attention.

Instruments and Procedures

From the perspective of methodological correctness it is particularly important to precise


the issues of reconstructing criminal lifestyle, since – as theoretically implied – the criminogenic
lifestyle is a dynamic process, unquestionably connected to socialisation experiences. Therefore,
precise procedure of methodical analysis of source material is of paramount importance in order
to accomplish the tasks of reconstruction of such style. Hence, comparable matrixes were applied
for the purpose of its each-case interpretation. The matrixes allowed to present the experiences
of individuals, and in further consequence to search for similarities and differences within such
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personal experiences. Following the concept of hermeneutics research, the matrixes presented a
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cross-section of experiences and interpretation analysed in a longer time perspective, providing
the picture of both experiences, interpretation and hypothetical cause-effect relations between.
For construction of such case-effect networks the induction (generative) approach was applied
in order to compare not single events, but wider context of biographical experiences depicted as
structures, or even networks of activities, events and emotional states (Milles, Huberman 2000,
pp. 158-160). Such methodical approach is well-grounded both in philosophy and methodology.
The established concept of research provides the definition of term causality different from those
proposed by philosophers such as John Lock or David Hume. In a narrow understanding, the
cause-effect relation joints and links given events with the quantifier of time. The cause of events
requires some time relation in which one event evokes another. However, in case of interpretation
of causality and procedural character of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle such approach is se-
lective, i.e. the research project tackled time only from the retrospective perspective, i.e. general
division that some events proceeded some other hypothetical responses to them. On the other
hand, concentrating on the cause of events, Andrew Abbot’s approach is far more methodologi-
cally grounded, as he promoted understanding of causality in a miscellaneous relation as one effect
can have various causes, simultaneously evoking consequent experiences (Abbott 1992 p. 438).
Causality of events is even more complex if Henry R. Harrod’s concept is taken into consideration,
as this researcher perceives social facts rather in the network of co-relations and mutual, two-
sided relations, not necessarily of temporal nature (1956). Hence, the analysis of empirical data
requires structural understanding of the relations between socialisation experiences and a given,
adopted lifestyle. The methodical foundation for the selection and analysis refers to the attempt
to establish networks, i.e. wider structures of events and their interpretation. According to Gavriel
Salomon, cause and effect of social experiences evoke a network of relations (Salomon 1991),
that are subsequently interpreted. Applying reconstruction of similarities and differences, the re-
searcher searched for the genesis of a given code of conduct from the course of each event, despite
the fact that correlations between the events are not always discernible and implicit. Hence, it is
worth to ground own interpretation in a wider set of data, so the cause matrixes would not serve
to interpret one case, but rather groups. Such approach enabled to launch the process of selecting
experiences into those, that are repeatable and general, and on the other hand, distinguish these
that are strictly individual, and of low event explanatory level. Because the matrixes were designed
to determine common areas of experiences, the strategy of replication was applied in conformity
with the assumptions. Analysis of the empirical material consisted of two stages, as during the
first one a random group of 33 respondents was chosen and matrixes of the causes of pathological
behaviours were designed. On the basis of the matrixes the second stage of data analysis allowed
to apply the strategy of replication, i.e. the rest of the 67 respondents were subject to comparative
analysis with regards to previously designed matrix patterns.

Data Analysis

One of the leading aspects of children’s socialisation refers to their relations with adults,
which forms a general perspective as it tackles the issue of direct and symbolic communication,
embracing emotional relationships as well as common experiences during free time. The assess-
ment of the quality of a child’s relation with adults became a point of reference to select the source
material and initial classification of the cases. During the interviews the respondents defined their
subjective sense of relation with parents, describing contacts with their mother, father or/and sib-
ling. For this purpose four classifying subgroups were introduced, linking respondents of similar
experiences of relations with adults. On the basis of the experiences from childhood socialisation
the following categories were established:
a. persons experiencing positive relations with their mother and father,
b. persons experiencing negative relations with their mother and father,
c. persons experiencing positive relations only with their mother,
d. persons experiencing positive relations only with their father.
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At the first stage of the analysis of source material 33 randomly selected respondents were
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chosen and then divided in accordance with the below criteria (Table 1).

Table 1. The group of randomly selected respondents at the 1st stage of research
analysis.

Number
of people
in special Number of people
Age when the first deviant behaviour
Relations with adults in the purpose in correctional
occurred
childhood school and institutions
education
centre

Positive relations with both 12 (2 persons)


8 1 0
parents 14, 15, 16 (2 persons), 17 (2 persons)
9 , 10 (2 persons), 12 (2 persons), 13 (3
Negative relations with
22 persons), 14, 15 (4 persons), 16 (5 persons), 5 2
both parents
17 (4 persons)
Good relations with the
2 15, 16 0 0
mother
Good relations with the
1 12 1 1
father
Total = 33 cases researched during the 1st stage of analysis

The following matrixes provide reconstruction of events and behaviours that make up a network
of mutual influences. Each event remained in cause-effect relation combining behaviours, emotions
and subjective approaches that altogether shaped the specific lifestyle. It has been so deeply rooted
that the researched respondents still - as adults aged 22 to 30 - manifest criminogenic lifestyle, having
committed criminal offences repeatedly and being deprived of their liberty already for few times.
The group experiencing positive relations with their mother and father during their childhood
was divided into three subgroups. The differences occurred during the analysis of socialisation expe-
riences and circumstances of the emergence of the first deviant behaviours, as socialisation process
was accompanied by given events that launched the process of modification in current lifestyle,
whereas acceptable behaviours were replaced by the deviant ones.
Differences in the interference of the socialisation process allowed to distinguish three matrix
models presenting the process of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 1,2,3). The sub-
group 1 presents similar experiences of three respondents as the reconstruction of their experience
was related to palpable disturbances implying a sequence of harmful behaviours. For instance, their
childhood was stigmatised by sudden death of the father (when the child was 12), parents’ divorce
and father’s departure (when the child was 15), favouring elder sister by the parent degrading the
son at the same time (when the boy was 15). The analysis of the process of pathogenesis revealed
significant areas of common experiences for each of the respondents, as presented in the Figure 1.
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Figure 1: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 1, 3 persons).



Distinguishing the second subgroup resulted from different socialisation experiences, causing
disturbance within a socialisation process. The disturbances were neither of rapid nor emotionally
painful character, compared to the case of subgroup 1, as their key role was rather played by the
internal context related to the negative influence of deviant peer groups. Figure 2 presents the area of
common experiences of these individuals. However, it is worth to notice that there were no factors
suppressing nor stopping such pathogenic process. Socialisation in negative social circumstances
provided a set of behavioural competencies that were easily duplicated in further deviant groups.

Figure 2: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 2, 3 persons).


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74 Figure 3 presents experiences of one respondent, nonetheless due to its specificity it


is significant in terms of research objectives, as there is significant factor emerging, i.e. the
primary process of social aberration that took place as early as at the age of 12. On the other
hand, the socialisation process was interfered due to the family eviction to a depraved envi-
ronment. It is also noticeable that although the family was poor, there were no pathogenic
behaviours manifested by the parents. Nonetheless, deprivation caused by the change of
environment made both of this family’s sons adopt criminogenic lifestyle and go to prison
in their adult lives.

Figure 3: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 3, 1 person).

Analysis of the pathogenesis of the respondents behaviour experiencing negative relations with
their mother and father during their childhood (N=22)
The number of respondents assessing their relations with parents during childhood as negative
is definitely larger in the researched group. Parents (as well as the parent’s cohabite) on one hand
passed on negative patterns of functioning, and on the other manifested brutal behaviour towards
own children. Hence negative experiences resulting from a wide catalogue of deviant behaviours
among boys (Table 2). However, it is striking that only in five cases the family court located children
in special purpose school and education centre in order to protect them from their parents. In two
cases the children were placed in correctional institutions, yet it was the repercussion and consequent
reaction to already consolidated deprivation.
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Table 2. Parents’ (caretakers’) deviant behaviour towards respondents in their


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childhood.

Mother Father Other factors:


Prison experiences of the
Parents alcoholism 14 13 sibling – 8 cases

Permanent contacts with


Parental violence towards 2 7
depraved criminal groups – 4
own children cases

Lack of parental interest in 3 5


their children’s life
Unfulfilled children’s basic
needs, negligence
(lack of data generally resulting
6 from assigning this role to the
mother not the father)

Promiscuity, often change of


partners 3 0

Parental criminal liability 1 2

During the reconstruction of the circumstances of the emergence of socialisation disturbances


three causes-effect subsequent matrixes were outlined (subgroup 4, 5, 6). Similarly as in the first
group of respondents, each structure of an event was differentiated on the basis of the pathogenesis
evolution.
The forth subgroup embraced those who located interference of their socialisation and emergence
of pathogenesis within aborted relations with parents. Apart from the fact that the parents fulfilled
their parental care insufficiently, additionally strong isolation of children occurred. In most cases
it was manifested directly, e.g. parents getting divorced and abandoning children or isolating from
them inexplicitly (taking no interest in their children’s needs), as shown in Figure 4. This subgroup
referred to the greatest number of persons, i.e. eleven, with the manifestation of their deviant behav-
iours of the age between 10 to 16.

Figure 4: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 4, 11 persons).


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The fifth subgroup included those who perceived genesis of their criminogenic lifestyle through
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the experiences of the socialisation environment. They had contact with influential patterns of negative
behaviours that were addressed by the peers and adults who identified themselves with criminogenic
groups. At this point it is worth to recall the deterministic function of socialization experiences, as
harmful conditions of social group and chronic impact of negative patterns of functioning in case of
these respondents located them within marginal, deviant social group they gradually settled into.
Such experience was shared by nine persons with the emergence of influential deviant behaviour
occurred between the age of 9 and 16.

Figure 5: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 5, 9 persons).

The sixth subgroup embraced two persons, whose manifestation of harmful behaviour occurred
at the age of 17 and their experiences specifically combine rejection and isolation from their fami-
lies with concurrent engagement in the activities of criminogenic groups (Figure 6). It is worth to
emphasise that the below matrix depicts not only the structure of evens and experiences, but rather a
kind of loop where events conditioned one another. For that purpose it is hindered to explicitly define
which experience is the cause and which is the effect as they all influence each other both ways.

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Figure 6: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle (subgroup 6, 2 persons).

Analysis of the pathogenesis of the respondents behaviour experiencing positive relations with
one of their parents during their childhood (N=3)
Number of respondents that had positive relations only with one of the parents was smallest
in the researched group. Good relations with mother were declared only in two cases, whereas with
the father just in one case. Despite insignificant presentation of these one-side positive relation,
qualitative research cannot neglect this problem, especially that criminology theories repeatedly
recall mother’s and father’s role in shaping the lifestyle of their grown-up sons.

Figure 7: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle with positive relations with


their mother only (subgroup 7, 2 persons).

The key issue is the mother’s position and her support as in both cases it was emphasised by
the adult offenders. One of them got involved in the activity of criminogenic group, whereas the
other became addicted to alcohol. Notwithstanding, both blamed their family for the fact that they
were isolated and unaccepted, and in both cases their mother was the only person supporting them
in their childhood.
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Last of the researched group consisted of only one respondent that shared strong bond solely
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with his father, what seems to be particularly interesting issue in researching men population. The
mother did not participate in the boy’s upbringing, as she was addicted to alcohol and abandoned
the family. Hence his father brought him up and during this stage there were no socially harmful
activities emerging. However, his father’s suicidal death evoked strong auto-aggressive reaction of
self-mutilation and suicidal attempts that resulted in psychiatric treatment. The process of pathogenesis
began early, i.e. at the age of 12, and the child was located in special purpose school and education
center as he did not maintain relations with his mother nor further family. Hence, as early as in the
period of childhood drug and alcohol abuse were intensified.

Figure 8: Course of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle with positive relations with


their father only (subgroup 8, 1 person).

Research Results

Analysing the research results the deterministic nature of the course of socialisation is notice-
able, and the matrixes depicting the lifestyle reflect two sequences of the course of socialisation.

Figure 9: First sequence of the course of the change in functioning style (Figures
1,2,3,8).

Among the research cases factors interfering socialisation emerged between the age of 12 and
15, what must be taken into account as it occurred when children did not posses developed mecha-
nisms to deal with experiences and influences they were subject to. Moreover, they could not count
on in-depth, social structure of support, nor had the competences to manage own fate or possibilities
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to search for new, alternative interpersonal relations. Confirmation of such thesis can be found in
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the catalogue of behaviours they manifested such as self-mutilation, suicidal attempts, dropping out
school or excessive alcohol abuse. Already experienced activities were aborted by a strong personal
trauma replacing the current structure of experiences. The dramatic and rapid intensification of such
harmful behaviours as well as their categorical nature is worth highlighting in the context of the
objectives of the research project. If the young men consumed alcohol, they did it intensively and
with no limits. Similarly, they would not play truant, but quit school definitely. Additionally, their
current peer environment would be entirely abandoned for the sake of contacts with deprived groups.
Uncompromising termination of the current lifestyle is confirmed by the analysis of vocabulary used
to describe these behaviours. It is a complex situation from the perspective of preventing deprivation,
as the pedagogue’s or school psychologist’s activities can become in vain as change in the behaviour
is so rapid and uncompromising that children do not seek for help nor assistance, also due to the fact
that they do not want to return to their previous lifestyle.
There is also noticeable issue of relative deterministic power of the socialisation process, as
current, positive course of socialisation (in particular appropriate relations with both parents) should
create protective factors, that bind a person to given life environment. Criminogenic theories of social
control pay great deal of attention to this aspect as solid relationships with the social surrounding
crystallise during the course of socialisation. The respondents themselves describe their parents’
attempts to protect them from social aberration in a specific manner, i.e.: “...parents told me a lot
about misbehaviour, but I didn’t care”, “...they never had a reason to punish me”, “childhood was
good, but with discipline”, “they cared for children”. It therefore seems that their behaviours did not
manifest a sporadic sign of rebellion or powerlessness, but became consolidated within criminogenic
lifestyle that led them in their adolescence to transgression of the law.

Figure 10: Second sequence of the course of the change in functioning style
(Figures 4,5,6,7).

These cases confirm the deterministic function of socialisation in the childhood, as negative
experiences of relations with parents and growing up in pathogenic environment equipped children
with specific life dispositions. Many of the respondents explicitly stressed that colleagues, brothers or
even fathers, taught them to steal, encouraged to start fights and hurt others. Thus, deprived group of
criminals became a natural habitat for growing up and autonomous activity, as such groups established
area of acceptance and allowed to fulfil own needs. It is worth to highlight that the catalogue of such
needs was prosaic and concentrated mainly on material issues, i.e. wanting to have the things that
others poses. Due to the fact that the family environment was not interested in fulfilling children’s
needs nor having resources for this purpose, the criminal peer group provided a natural opportunity
for group fulfilment of such needs. At this point the thesis seems to reflect the findings from police
statistics that the youth commit crimes most frequently in organised groups.
While analysing this issue it is crucial to focus on two dominant factors shaping negative so-
cialisation of the researched respondents. On one hand it is the criminogenic life environment, and
on the other – lack of acceptance from the relatives and closest family members. In the course of
respondents’ life, both factors appeared undoubtedly together as it is difficult to consider children’s
acceptance in a situation when their parents neglect them or manifest violent, brutal behaviour
towards their offspring. However, from the perspective of pedagogical and psychological work
with the prisoners, it is worth to notice that as adults these offenders realise the void of emotional
contact with their relatives. Lack of fulfilment of such needs is not compensated in further stages of
life. Moreover, none of the social groups they belonged to, and identified with, completed this gap.
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Such conclusions are significant for the resocialisation practices as it does not only prove its limited
80
possibilities, but acknowledges that many of the recidivists do not become subject of emotional
desensitisation as they realise such lack of emotional relations.
The attempt to locate unfulfilled needs from childhood is also one of the key issues in the
discussion concerning the mechanisms of consolidating criminogenic lifestyle. The cause-effect
matrixes revealed relations between unfulfilled needs and disturbed behaviours whereas in the case
of younger children, the internal, negative emotional experiences were particularly traumatic. Situ-
ations such as the death of the relatives, abandoning the child or lack of child acceptance by parents
or sibling jeopardise the needs of belonging, acceptance or sense of security. At large, such issues
were experienced by the respondents in their early age, i.e. they occurred too early for them to pos-
ses tools and skills to deal with such traumas. Unfortunately, they were not supported by institutions
established for such purpose. The behaviours of these children were significantly of internalised
nature, aiming to withdraw from the activity, whereas self-mutilation, as well as alcohol and drug
abuse were merely impulses for different authorities to place such children in different institutions,
sometimes protecting their lives from death. Nonetheless, their experiences related to a destructive
situation remained unnoticed as the intervention took place later, .i.e. when the harmful activities
have already emerged.
The depicted figures present the catalogue of external factors shaping criminogenic lifestyle.
Lack of parents’ engagement in fulfilling life needs of their children made the latter search for own
ways to achieve what others had and possessed. For that purpose they used contacts with depraved
peer groups, hence the lifestyle was shaped in depraved environment generating number of conflicts
with law, but providing with desired material resources. The urge to possess was strong enough to
prevail negative consequences of the punishment they were subject to for their offences. Nonetheless,
it proved not to be deterrent enough. Such pressure to fulfil the need to posses was entirely accepted
by those who had been neglected by their parents, as such parents would not undertake activities
aiming to fulfil at least the basic needs. Thus they found themselves in a situation of intense, unful-
filled urge to posses, that determined their behaviour.

Conclusions

The worked-out cause-effect matrixes served as a tool to interpret socialisation experiences of


the second group of respondents as well. The replication allowed to analyse the above issue within
the framework of wider biographical experiences. The distinguished streams of common childhood
experiences implied channels that grouped individual experiences, revealing similar context of the
genesis of criminogenic lifestyle. Taking the above into consideration, the overall conclusions drawn
from the research results can be formulated as follows.
1. From the perspective of prevention and supporting children in particularly difficult life
situation it is worth to focus on the insignificant role played by factors suppressing the
process of deprivation. The matrixes did not reveal powerful factors supporting socialisa-
tion of children nor factors suppressing or diverting the process of pathogenesis. Insig-
nificant role of school, church or other social institutions participating in the process of
socialisation are also among the issues worth considering. Moreover, during the period
of strong, negative personal experiences the research persons were not provided with
support, hence canalising the tension in self-mutilation and suicidal attempts.
2. The issue of influential power of socialisation experiences while consolidating given
lifestyle is crucial, as children’s positive experiences of relations with parents did not
prevent further course of events and activities leading to criminogenic lifestyle (group
1, subgroup 1,2,3). Traumatic personal experiences or the influence of peer environment
were sufficient to take the edge over current habits, values and etc. Concurrently, the
process of socialisation in unfavourable conditions was resistant to influences of other
social environments, prevailing duplication of deviant lifestyle by the children (group
2, subgroup 4,5,6). It is worth to continue research projects within this range as it may
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contribute to the recognition of the power of socialisation at given developmental age.


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The researched respondents might have been too young for the process of appropriate
socialisation providing with tools of protection against deviant behaviours. Their learned
mechanisms were not sufficiently internalised to function as internal protective factors.
Another interesting issue is the necessity to carry out research concerning families as it
may be concluded that despite declared, positive relations with parents and appropriate
socialisation, there might have been other, hidden factors that favoured the rapid tendency
to change the way of functioning.
3. Another key point is the issue of social costs of deprivation, as during the analysis of
biographies there was a case when eviction of a family to deprived environment brought
about engagement of two sons in deviant criminal groups and as a result, in their adult-
hood they became a repeated offenders. Eviction and change of living conditions emerged
in Figure 3 as an initial factor generating further harmful activities. In Poland, as well
as in other countries, they is a widely-discussed problem of evictions of impoverished
families, that have become financially insufficient. Additionally, another problem is the
social poverty ghettos that become the material reality of such families. Hence, it is worth
to consider the real social costs of such actions, as if it is recognised that eviction and the
process of ghettoisation are the predicators of criminogenic lifestyle, the financial costs
of committed crimes and social costs of generating the criminal group are incomparably
higher than the insufficiency of a family to maintain the house.
4. Reflection tackling unfulfilled needs of possession implies conclusions crucial in terms
of practical application for psychology and penitentiary pedagogy. In many cases unful-
filled children’s needs evoked concentration on activities aiming to posses and gather
material values that others had at their disposal. In many cases such desire led to repeated
punishment for theft. Hence, penitentiary tutors shall not neglect the issues of axiol-
ogy, i.e. expanding the catalogue of values as well as the issue of social security. These
are crucial aspects as the recidivists essentially do not posses, or possess insignificant
competences to earn money and fulfill own possession needs. If they shall not learn to
control it and do not expand the set of values crucial in life, it will be easy to foresee
that they will return to their criminal activity in order to fulfill such need in only way
they are familiar with.

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Advised by Miroslawa Wawrzak-Chodaczek,


University of Wroclaw, Poland

Received: November 20, 2013 Accepted: December 02, 2013

Arkadiusz Urbanek PhD., Faculty of Pedagogy, Division of Historical and Pedagogical Sciences, University of
Wroclaw, Pl. Uniwersytecki 1, 50-137 Wrocław, Poland.
E- mail: aur@pedagogika.uni.wroc.pl
Website: http://www.pedagogika.uni.wroc.pl
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83

MODERN CIVILIZATION THREATS AND


THE QUALITY OF DIALOGUE IN FAMILY
RELATIONSHIPS

Arkadiusz Wąsiński, Michał Szyszka


Higher School of Administration in Bielsko-Biała, Poland
E-mail: arkadiusz.wasinski@gmail.com, szyszkathome@gmail.com

Abstract

In this study the authors discuss the issue of changes related to the integration and disintegration of family
as regards the interaction of external factors listed among modern civilization threats. The authors assume
that family is a special type of community life as compared to other forms of communities on various levels of
social structure. It has a function to protect its members in the relations with the outside world, and at the same
time it prepares them to take active part in the world and integrates them with what is outside. Coherence and
durability of the family is in this context of key importance not only for development processes, quality and
functioning of family members (both children and parents), but also for getting them ready to take up actions
that contribute new values to the family life.
The form and structure of the text are shaped as the theoretical analysis created on the basis of empirical
research published in scientific literature. The objective of this article is not the detailed description and in-
terpretation of the research, but rather an attempt to intellectually exceed the boundaries of the research in
order to define the significance of communication processes and the authenticity of family relationships for
building the atmosphere of emotional kindness and the feeling of mutual support within the space of the family
community. The consequence of such processes is the positive stimulation as regards taking up developmental
tasks by the family members (both children and parents), which are realised in various circles of social, cultural
and educational interactions of the social environment.
The constructive image of the theoretical analysis is disclosed in the considerations focused on methodical
values of the strategy of family dialogue set in the perspective of specific behavior and attitudes of the family
members as confronted with stereotypical fear of weakening the position and authority of the parents.
Key words: civilization threats, factors of family disintegration, family as a community, intergenerational
dialogue, open communication model.

Introduction

The quality of the dialogue in family relationships largely depends on the character of social
and cultural changes resulting from the development of information technologies (IT), as well as
from the increasing pace of life of modern people in the professional, educational, ludic sphere and,
as a consequence, also in the family.
The research on the factors of risk behavior among the school-aged youth on the Internet shows
that one of the key factors that increase the likelihood of netaholism (net addiction) (Şenormancı,
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Konkan, Sungur, 2012) among young people is the quality of communication between parents and
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the children. Daily Internet activity of young people takes place at home, after school, in the after-
noon and evening and sometimes even at night and in the early morning. If such activity is taken
up at the expense of other forms of participating in family life and experiencing daily family events
together, it increases the communication barrier, accounts for a lack of common ground and causes
the family members to become locked out in their separate worlds (Wąsiński, Tomczyk, 2013). As
a result, the reality of family life is becoming less and less of an interaction between the parents and
the child, and more of existing side by side. It becomes the reality of mental alienation of family
members, who, despite truly loving each other, cannot talk about events that are important to them,
experiences, expectations and desires (Ngai, 2007).
The increasing pace of life of both parents (adults) and children also lead to the weakening of
various forms of community interactions between family members. The need to retain the control
over the events, to plan one’s professional career, to display effectiveness and availability at work
also limits the opportunity to be with the child and to focus on the child’s daily joys, successes but
also hardships and problems. In addition to this, there is yet another civilization need related to
the systematic self-improvement in various forms of formal and informal education (Buber, 1993;
Bauman, 2005). Therefore, people experience the feeling of actually wasting the time which could
be spent on relaxation and rest. Then a parent experiences a typical dilemma: with whom and how
to relax?, in order to be able to distance oneself from current events and to relax physically and
mentally. Organising free time with friends only strengthens the scheme of living side by side rather
than together. Spending time with children, on the other hand, limits the parents’ activity within their
own age group.
Civilization threats for the modern people should in this context be identified not only with a
loss of internal development harmony and natural dynamics of functioning, but also with the reduc-
tion in the quality of existence in the sphere of community life. The main issue is the gradual loss of
the ability to fulfil oneself in the relations with other people who are with me and for me, for reasons
other than an exchange of goods and benefits of material, financial and prestigious nature (Aronson,
Wilson, Akert, 1998). Such a loss is impossible to make up for, recover, accelerate or compensate
in any way as the time passes.
It is worth noticing that civilization threats – both those related to defective functioning of
young people due to modern information technologies and those affecting adults – are focused at
home. It largely depends on the parents’ conscious actions, their personal priorities and readiness to
become involved in the family affairs, how these threats will affect the functioning of family mem-
bers, the dynamics of personality development and the quality of family relations (Hendry, Kloep,
2011; Douglass, 2007).
It is the parents who have a key choice to make, which affects the quality and character of life
in the family community. It is a choice between allowing for gradual family disintegration and the
willingness to create the relationships based on mutual openness and dialogue. At the same time, this
is a choice between the fear of revealing oneself, which makes people intentionally neglect, overlook
and therefore fail to solve conflicts in the relationship with the spouse or child and the consistent at-
titude of open, multilevel revealing in interpersonal and community relationships (Adler, Rosenfeld,
Proctor II, 2010). The above mentioned involvement is not only supposed to reduce or solve budding
conflicts, but it should by nature eliminate some situations that generate tension and conflicts. Solving
such dilemma in favour of the dialogue and authentic existence in a community is therefore not an act
of the good will of the parents who decide to act as appropriate, but rather their mental attitude and
orientation towards open communication in marital and parental relationships (Gordon, 2000).

Psycho-social Conditioning of Family Dysfunction

Considering the causes of family dysfunction one has to recognize the significance of factors that
trigger the phenomena which have a destructive influence upon the integrity of a family, care for mutual
respect and understanding among its members, showing love and trust, readiness to talk to each other
and treat each other subjectively as well as the quality of cooperation and support in difficult situations.
One has to differentiate between two categories of factors that disintegrate family life, i.e. psychological,
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communication-related factors, identified with individual motives of family members’ actions towards
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one another - these factors directly influence the shape and nature of interaction between family mem-
bers. The other category comprises social and cultural factors connected with phenomena and processes
outside the family, yet significantly determining the conditions in which the family functions.
The former category is connected with such phenomena as:
•• domestic violence, manifested in the form of mental, physical or sexual aggression towards
family members, as well as neglecting basic activities connected with taking care and up-
bringing (Jarosz, 1997, pp. IV-VIII );
•• feeling of being emotionally betrayed and abandoned by a parent, which often leads to deep
disintegration of a family, separation and often divorce (see: Pospiszyl, 2000, pp. 185-195;
see also: Nowak-Dziemianowicz, 2002, p. 86-94);
•• segmentation of family life (Urban, 1997, p. 48), and thus a real division of the reality
of family community into incompatible, separate and disconnected worlds of individual
family members .
In such cases one usually looks for the explanations if status quo in the context of not being ma-
ture enough to exercise the roles of spouse and parent, low self-esteem, emotional infantility of adults,
feeling of incomplete self-realization, faulty role models internalized in childhood and adolescence
or incorrect strategies of problem solving and coping in situations of crisis (Leśniak, Dobrzyńska-
Mesterhazy, 1996, pp. 90-91).
The latter category of factors contains social and cultural conditioning, which if perceived as
model-forming has detrimental influence on harmonious partner relationships that support conflict-free
functioning of a family. Among such factors we have to mention first of all those that have recently
become common:
•• post-modern – characterized by extensive focus on oneself and fear of assuming respon-
sibility for another person (spouse) – lifestyles that promote single living, the so called
single culture;
•• based on egocentric and hedonistic orientation of an individual, faulty models of partici-
pation in interactions on interpersonal and group level, which make it difficult for family
members to communicate in the spirit of readiness for dialogue, mutual understanding and
compromise, where each side is treated subjectively;
•• destructive strategies of solving interpersonal conflicts, which stem from egoistic attitude
to the environment, based on the strife for domination which is usually reached through
mental and physical violence (Adler, Rosenfeld, 2010).
Psychological and communicative factors are identified with threats that arise in the dimension
of subjective functioning of family members (Toffler, 1981), while social and cultural factors are
identified with threats that appear in the dimension of supersubjective participation of the family in the
social environment. Such differentiation is significant when taking into consideration real capability
of family members of effective counteracting threats that they realize. What differs is the level of dif-
ficulty when recognizing external threats is concerned, such that arise outside the family and somehow
determine the quality and nature of family functioning rather than in situations when one has to make
an evaluative self-insight.
In the case of the supersubjective threats recognized by the members of a community, they have
to face the choice of the correct strategy of action minimizing the negative influence of society. The
extent to which they experience negative consequences in the quality of family functioning and in their
own life depends on whether or not they can recognize the phenomena and processes identified with
this category of threats correctly and on the adequacy of defensive strategy. The more aware they are
of the necessity to focus on different negative aspects of reality, the more ready they will be to prevent
successfully and consistently the transfer of these aspects to the space of family life and in specific
instances, to intervene adequately to the situation.
Threats analyzed in the subjective dimension are mainly referred to the maturity of family mem-
bers, to the durability of the emotional bond between them, the skill of showing affection, sharing
experience, treating other family members subjectively and readiness for dialogue within the family,
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facilitated by the skill of conversation (see: Mabry, Giarusso, Bengtson, 2007, pp. 94-95). The level
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of difficulty of self-evaluation is much higher when compared to recognizing supersubjective threats.
It is much harder to identify one’s own communicative mistakes and incorrect action, which often
results from hidden complex, low self-esteem, emotional chill, instrumental attitude to other family
members, longing for domination or lack of understanding, as well as lack of feeling of authority or
helplessness as a parent.
It is worth mentioning that both categories of threats permeate each other, and remain interde-
pendent within the space of family life. The focus is on the gradation of their significance from the
point of view of destructive influence on the nature and quality of coexistence of family members. It is
eventually up to them what kind of family they create. The awareness of external and internal threats
can make the family members create such reality of community life that will fulfil a protective and
integrative role. However, it is not enough to be aware of potential threats. For instance, the media
provides the participants of social discourse with the analyses of all potential family problems as well
as the advice on preventive and rough-and-ready methods of coping with them (Walotek-Ściańska,
2010, pp. 91-105; Fichnová, Spálová, 2006). However, the scale of family problems does not seem to
decrease. Paradoxically, high incidence of domestic violence, divorces, neglecting children or abandon-
ing newborn babies is accompanied by the more and more common phenomenon of young people’s
fear of making the decision to start a family as well as delaying this decision until later stages in their
lives. This fear is manifested in the tendency to enter informal partner relationships or living a single
life, which epitomizes the recently popularized single culture.
The conviction that it is not enough to be aware of real threats in order to avoid them leads to the
conclusion that a real challenge for a family is working out such forms of communication and coopera-
tion that will enable its members to become really close together (See: Kozłowska, 2000, pp. 49-56).
Only then is it possible to participate fully and mutually in joyful and sad moments, supporting other
family members and sharing one’s own experience. Experiencing the mutual presence and closeness
by family members strengthens the feeling of being understood and supported within the community,
as well as trust and responsibility for others (Leśniak, Dobrzyńska-Mesterhazy, 1996, pp. 89-90).
Although such idyllic image of family seems unattainable in practice, it follows from the obser-
vation of some families that it is worth looking for community based forms of communication and
cooperation in order to create conditions for the realization of such model. When claiming that such
closeness of family members is in fact feasible, it is good to consider the way to come close to such
“idyllic” family life.
In this context, one can witness first of all the existence of the generation barrier that makes it
difficult for parents and children to find a common language and consequently a common level of
mutual understanding and accompanying in everyday life both in momentous and minor events (See:
Adler, Rosenfeld, Procotr II, 2010). The underlying cause of this barrier is most of all in the process
of shaping of the information society that transforms social relationships according to the criterion of
prefigurativeness (Mabry, Giarusso, Bengtson, 2007, 98-110).

Dialogue and Cooperation in the Context of the Family Community

Starting with the concept of Margaret Mead (Mead, 2000), one must indicate that the reflection on
creating favorable conditions for the dialogue between family members cannot be disconnected from
social and cultural reality because it is more and more marked with prefigurativeness. On one hand it is
impossible to escape or ignore this reality if one is to attempt to create dialogue within a family. On the
other hand, parents, who want to adapt to qualitative changes triggered by the shaping of prefigurative
cultures, realize the dilemma manifested in the insecurity, how to strengthen the authority in relation-
ship with the children, how to shape interpersonal relationships within a family or how to educate?
An interesting suggestion of constructively solving the dilemma is a model of family communication
identified by Kazimierz Jankowski as the art of the community (Jankowski, 1983).
Key categories in the model described in the previous paragraph are the notions of personal space
and territory (Jankowski, 1983, pp. 72-77). The difference between the two notions is that personal
space is like “an invisible ‘bubble’ which surrounds us, moves with us and constitutes the expansion
of our physical existence, while territory does not change its location” (Adler, Rosenfeld, Proctor II,
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2010). Personal space is susceptible to change and is associated with individual space that symbolises
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current mental states of a human being manifested in the physical distance spontaneously regulated
with respect to others during interactions. Territory, on the other hand, corresponds to relatively stable
divisions of “geophysical” area, a flat (house) inhabited by family members. It therefore symbolises
social stratification of the community manifested in the way of dividing the space of social life under-
stood as the family area of dialogue and cooperation.
Personal space and territory define the character and quality of interpersonal relationships between
family members. It is illustrated by the correlation between distance and happiness in marriage, which
shows on the basis of empirical research that statistical distance during everyday interaction declared
by married couples describing their relationship as happy is 25% smaller than in the case of couples
who describe their relationship as failing; The authors of Interpersonal relationships give the following
statistics: approximately 28,9 cm – happily married couples and 37 cm – failing married couples. (See:
Adler, Rosenfeld, Proctor II, 2010). The size of the distance in interpersonal relationship defines the
meaning and intensity of emotional relationship between family members. The larger the distance the
greater emotional chill and the smaller trust between them. Greater distance in this context expresses
the reluctance to share personal and intimate issues (such that are usually hidden from others) with the
other person (Hall, 1969). The division of specific rooms within the flat/house into territories belonging
to particular family members reflects relatively stable stratification of the community. The distinguished
position of a family member is unequivocally connected with occupying the largest space in the house
or such rooms that are considered the most prestigious. What is more, an attempt to occupy the territory
by other people is treated as “territorial invasion” aimed at degrading the significance of an individual
in the relationship with other family members (Jankowski, 1983, p. 164).
Referring this information to the previously mentioned model one has to emphasize that each
family member tries to establish the borders of one’s own territory, at the same time keeping his or her
own personal space. Apart from this task, there is still the necessity to define common areas – such
places in the house that do not belong to any one member of the family. Such division can therefore be
in accordance with demarcation lines defined with the criteria of interest and domination.
For instance, a small workshop in the garage of in the basement can be the father’s territory,
which he shares with the younger son, the kitchen might be considered the mother’s territory some-
times shared with elder sister, children’s rooms belong to the siblings, while the bathroom and hall are
special places because they belong to all family members. In the category of one’s territory we can
also take into consideration particular pieces of furniture, objects such as remote control, books, CDs,
pictures, toys or clothes. This is why territorial divisions can also appear in the following borders:
computer and home video can stand for the territory „gained” together by the sister and brother, arm-
chair in the living room and remote control are regarded as exclusively belonging to the father, while
for example another armchair and dining table belong to the mother. It is easy to notice that territories
used together with other family members might become a potential source of conflict. The reason for
this is the awareness of defining the conditions for using the space and objects that go with it according
to the wish of the person who “rules” this territory. It usually corresponds to the possibility “(…) to
decide and take responsibility for everything that takes place within the territory. Each family witnesses
various ‘battles’ and has its own ‘imperialists’, ‘lieges’ and goes through rebellions, coups d’etat and
uprisings” (Jankowski, 1983, p. 74).
The nature and progress of interaction within a family are influenced by the actions of the family
members caused by the awareness of existing divisions. According to the classification suggested by
K. Jankowski, one distinguishes the following groups of behavior (Jankowski, 1982, p. 77-79):
•• autonomous - aimed at satisfying basic physiological needs connected only with the ter-
ritories of particular family members; this includes all activities realized individually that
satisfy the needs such as sleep, eating, taking care of health, cleanness, dressing adequately
to weather conditions, etc.
•• destructive - connected with behavior that is conducive to the intrusion on someone else’s
territory and according to the family requires a direct ban, e.g. verbal or physical aggres-
sion towards other family members or wrong handling of the objects meant for common
use, as a result of which they are destroyed;
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•• negotiative - also connected with behavior that intrudes on other people’s territories, but
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does not require an explicit ban, but is treated as conditionally accepted; this includes the
instances of temporary intrusion on someone else’s territory with the consent of other
family members, e.g. an adolescent child holding a party for peers at home without the
presence of parents, or a parent using for professional purpose a room normally occupied
by other family members;
•• potentially destructive - it is the behavior that requires a ban from the family, it does not
intrude on other family members’ territories; this includes the lack of consent for such
behavior that is considered threatening for the health or life of other family members or
threatening the integrity of the family, e.g.: drug taking, a child drinking alcohol, a parent
abusing alcohol, premature sexual initiation of children, sexual promiscuity of the parents
or addiction to computer or Internet;
•• learnt - such behavior that is connected with socially accepted intrusion on someone else’s
territory and is a result of education, upbringing or socialization in the community, aimed
at socially important goals connected with the desired way of fulfilling roles specific for
a given age (senior, parent, child), position in the family (husband, wife, father, mother,
son, daughter), gender (boy, girl, man, woman), social relationships with the environment
(neighbor, friend, colleague).
Perceiving a family from the point of view of actions aimed at defining one’s own territory as well
as respecting the territories of others facilitates the ordering of issues and problems that arise every day
in the space of family life. Thinking in the category of territories of family members allows us to refer
accurately to the process of particular interactions, which in turn forms the basis for a differentiated
and adequate interpreting and solving conflicts. One can therefore distinguish basic levels of interac-
tion within a family, which correspond to separate, as far as territory is concerned, groups of problems
(Jankowski, 1983 pp. 79-82):
•• intrapersonal, identified only with the family members’ individual territories,
•• interpersonal, connected with territories shared by two people (parent and a child, child
and another child, or between spouses),
•• group, extending onto the whole community, i.e. taking place in the territory common for
the whole family.
Correct interpretation and solving conflict situations depends on the „territorial” sensitivity of fam-
ily members, which is translated onto the relationships between them. It is, however, worth mentioning
that „territorial” sensitivity can be shaped in the family members only through internalizing values that
empower them and introduce harmony into the space of community life (Chałas, 2003, pp. 56-57).
Among these values we have to list reciprocity, partnership and openness (Chałas, 2003, pp. 83).
Reciprocity defined on one hand the accepted division of duties within the family, which if clear
and „fair” – which means it is connected with proportional share of duties and tasks among family
members – then from pedagogical point of view constitutes an important factor in shaping correct mod-
els of family functioning (Ryś, 1999, pp. 28-32). On the other hand, reciprocity is identified as flexible
family relationships, characterized by the rotation of roles and tasks that is adequate to circumstances.
That is to say that despite fixed competence division, which becomes the source of habit formation in
everyday life, family members are at the same time ready for unconventional action that correct any
difficulties in satisfying conscious needs. Flexibility in the field of temporary role switching caused
by unplanned events, such as Bad state of health of one family member, sickness, work trip, New tasks
resulting from increasing the family or change in professional roles, organizing an important family
event etc strengthens the feeling of support and stability among family members (Mastalski, 2007, p.
494). Interchangeability of roles and tasks in this context leads to creating mechanisms that introduce
harmony into family relationships by maintaining balance in the share of duties of particular family
members according to their age, health and capability. Reciprocity is thus based on the dialogue within
the family since the interchangeability of roles and tasks is only possible in the situation of mutual
understanding and expressed will to this form of coexistence. At the same time this kind of dialogue
is strengthened because each experience of this sort brings the family members closer together and
induces other people, who temporarily take on their duties, to understand them even better.
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The partnership involves the recognition of the rights and privileges of particular family mem-
89
bers as well as their duties and responsibilities within the community. It is therefore connected with
subjective and equal treatment of each family member. Each person, since childhood, is made aware
of the rights bestowed by the community and the duties one has to perform for other family members
(Kozłowska, 2000, pp. 57-60). Partnership refers symbolically to the personal space of each family
member. It strengthens both the awareness of borders set by the subject in relationship with others, and
the expectation of self-limiting expansive behavior, i.e. understanding and respecting the borders set by
a subject. Partner relationships in a family are thus based on the community dialogue that makes family
members sensitive to the care for mutual limitation of the tendency to shrink personal space referring
to each family member regardless of their age at the same time inducing everybody to establish the
privileges and responsibilities continually and together. It is worth emphasizing that in such common
defining all members of the family have to participate, at the same time learning to discuss important
events and issues in the atmosphere of willingness to understand and respect others, which in turn
leads to agreement. The partnership is therefore identified as the space of mutual dialogue where both
children and parents acquire and master the competences of mature participation in family life (Ryś,
1999, pp. 24-27).
Openness depends on the quality of reciprocity and partnership in a family. It is connected with
the process of democratic participation of all family members in establishing, defining and redefining
the rules and norms on which the community is based. In openness one pays particular attention to two
aspects of organizing a community in the axionormative dimension. What matters is both the content
that forms the basis for community functioning and who defines this content and how. If the community
accepts openness in its relationships, the space of family dialogue is then used for recognizing particu-
lar norms together, and for deciding what is good and what is bad for the family, what is worthy and
what is unworthy of a family member, what is beautiful and what is foul and punishable. Only after
recognizing the meaning of these can one reasonably follow them in everyday life and redefine them
accordingly or complete with new standards. Openness of family life prepares its members for mature
participation in the community. It is not only a challenge for the children, who are yet to acquire the
image of axionormative framework of social existence, but also for the parents, who learn how to treat
their children subjectively. This is when they experience the significance of reciprocity and partnership,
on the basis of equal participation of all community members in the process.

Family Community as a Space for Partnership in Dialogue

The model of family communication defines the levels of community dialogue, for which the
basis is common ground, the ability to talk, readiness to reach solutions together, participation in events
important for family members, spending free time together and performing tasks for the community
(see: Jarrott, 2007). Realizing such model involves “being together”, in the wide context, and gives all
family members the sense of important contribution they make (Newman & Larkin, 2006).
Referring to the analyses of intergenerational barriers to communication and social existence
(Ito, 2008) one has to notice that the model breaks depending divisions in the consciousness of parents
and children (Carr, 2010). What in prefigurative cultures was perceived as a challenge exceeding their
educational capability and manifested as helplessness in relationship with a child, is now different in
the reality of a community functioning on the basis of reciprocity, partnership and openness. Parents
who adopt these values do not treat New challenges in the context of losing control over children and
gradual increase of distance, but they see them as a chance to create a new level of relationship with a
child. Paradoxically, the process of strengthening the authority of the younger generation in prefigurative
cultures corresponds to the Basic assumptions of the model of family communication. Young people
want to participate actively and equally in public space and contribute to it. They do it consistently and
without any complexity. The real stronghold of the young generation are now network media, which
open up the possibility of participation in social debate and through which young people can effectively
modify the content and process of this debate (Lovink, 2011, p. 29).
What can be the answer of the adults (parents) in this situation? Definitely any attempts to reduce
the role of the younger generation in the public space ruled by the media will be less and less effective.
Transforming this experience on to the level of education and upbringing within a family, one has to
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conclude that the strategy of exclusion is pedagogically incorrect because it triggers the tendency for
90
antagonism on both sides and it does not favor the development of new forms of dialogue and coop-
eration. On the other hand, adopting the strategy open for dialogue creates the possibility for the child
to be able to participate together with them in the public space ruled by the media (Szyszka, 2013).
Parents who open up for the child’s suggestions on different forms of social existence in the network
not only learn about the child’s world from another perspective, but stand a chance to direct his/her
way of thinking and acting.
Adopting the open strategy is not connected with the risk of rejecting the authority of parents.
Only through dialogue and cooperation can parents create a convenient opportunity to eliminate the
fears connected with upbringing. The parent has the opportunity to learn what the child is think-
ing, how he/she interprets situations, what he/she longs for and expects in connection with his/her
activity also in the space of network media. The child, on the other hand, can show the parents his/
her competence and knowledge on information technology, which is the domain where the parents
will probably always be less proficient than children. What is more, this strategy is connected with
projecting a New area of issues, which are now seen as opportunities for common ground that directs
both parents and children towards constructive updating of one’s potential within cooperation that
is characterized by partnership and openness. This is when the parents feel that the need for control
is decreased, as far as orders and bans are concerned, because the parents simply know more about
the child’s actions and plans and what follows, they are aware of greater influence they can have
on the direction and nature of the child’s activity also in the net. The child, for his part, is aware
of greater freedom of action and trust of the parents, and because of this he/she can independently
decide whether he/she wants to follow what has been decided together with the parents or to reject
this option. One has to think that a child free from coercion and treated as a partner – as has already
been stipulated – will try to become a responsible person who sticks to what they have defined to-
gether with the parents. A child treated seriously and with respect will feel induced to make a deep
insight into the meaning of moral obligation to respect all decisions made beforehand. Remaining in
agreement with his/her own reflections and free will, and not constrained by the fear of punishment,
the child wants to stand by the decisions.

Conclusions

The value of the model of open communication within the family is developing the rules and
principles of the dialogue together, by all family members. Equal participation in establishing the
basis for community communication makes it more likely for the family members to identify with
such rules and to start social control mechanisms spontaneously in order to respect these predefined
rules and principles. This model stipulates a systematic creation of the family’s own lexicon and
communication rules, which reflect the specific relationships and arrangements in a particular family
(Bell, Healey, 1992; Baxter, 1992). It favours authentic openness of family members to one another
(Vito, 1999), provided they dare to formulate their findings, expectations and feelings openly, without
the fear that overtness and openness in their communication will change into a dysfunctional conflict
(Canarry, Messman, 2000). It creates a space where negotiating current arrangements concerning
minor and major issues is each variant of interpersonal relationship and within the community be-
comes an integral part of daily interactions. Therefore, it leads to breaking the previous communica-
tion barriers perceived both in the intergenerational dimension (parent-child) and within the same
generation (sibling-sibling).
Open family communication understood in this way integrates family members making the
family a community of people who are truly together, consciously and willingly. A community of
people for whom the experience of closeness and authentic presence is – regardless of the age and
position – the source of power to undertake developmental tasks. Members of such family support
and protect each other, both in the individual and community aspect, against external threats gener-
ated by social phenomena and processes which change the reality modern people live in.
Arkadiusz WĄSIŃSKI, Michał SZYSZKA. Modern Civilization Threats and the Quality of Dialogue in Family Relationships ISSN 2029-8587
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Acknowledgement 91
The article has been written as part of the VEGA Project: 1/0195/11 Stereotyped genderization
of media space.

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Advised by Irena Gailienė,


SMC “Scientia Educologica”, Lithuania

Received: November 30, 2013 Accepted: December 16, 2013

Arkadiusz Wąsiński PhD., Lecturer, Higher School of Administration in Bielsko-Biała, 12 A. Frycza


Modrzewskiego Street, 43-300 Bielsko-Biała, Poland.
E-mail: arkadiusz.wasinski@gmail.com

Michał Szyszka PhD., Lecturer, Higher School of Administration in Bielsko-Biała, 12 A. Frycza


Modrzewskiego Street, 43-300 Bielsko-Biała, Poland.
E-mail: szyszkathome@gmail.com
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93

IMPACT OF PERSONAL ORIENTATIONS


ON ATTITUDES TO DIVERSITY AND
CIVIC SOCIAL-POLITICAL ACTIVENESS

Yolanda Zografova
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgaria
E-mail: zografova@abv.bg

Abstract

The dynamically ongoing processes of integration are among the crucial premises for the development of con-
temporary interpersonal, intergroup and cross-cultural relations, attitudes, conflicts and more. The research
problem here directs to an analysis, based on ESS data collected in 8 countries, rounds 2006 and 2008, on the
extent to which Europeans’ personal orientations significantly influence the attitudes towards ethno-national
diversity, in this case, towards two social groups: immigrants coming from poorer countries outside Europe and
people with different sexual orientation. Furthermore, the influence of the same factors on the civic activeness
and involvement in the social-political processes has been followed. Through regressive analysis the important
effect of the co-otherness orientation (a concept developed by Sicakkan, 2003), the orientation to success and
traditionalism on all included dependent variables has been proved. The expectations for predicting effects of
the three personal orientations have been confirmed regarding the civic involvement and tolerance to diversity.
Simultaneously the necessity of working EU politics to deal with the risks of emerging negative attitudes has
been pointed out in relation to the broad immigrant and refugee wave to European countries.
Key words: attitudes towards immigrants, civic activeness, co-otherness.

Introduction

The processes of integration in contemporary Europe are a powerful factor that determines a
high extent the development of new forms of intergroup behaviour and intergroup relationships.
There are undergoing changes on a collective, as well as on a personal level. Individuals face op-
portunities of mobility and diverse contacts, interaction with persons, groups, organizations. Thus,
a path uncovers to transfer behaviour models, social values, European values forming similar social
representations among Europeans. Processes of identification are being dynamized by the increasing
multiple and diverse social groups that individuals affiliate to; memberships, therefore, be it overlap-
ping or independent, are a characteristic feature of contemporary individuals. There are processes of
identification of the personality with new social groups, communities and nations. They also premise
the acceptance of trans-European values and behavior models. On the other hand, the phenomena of
inter-groups relations, perceptions and stereotypes are dependent both on the history of these rela-
tions and on the specific features of the corresponding communities, nations, ethnic groups. Person
does not only affiliate with and commits to particular social groups, but personal behaviour and
specific perceptions of the external groups are influenced to a great extent by the imaginable or real
membership in the groups (Tajfel, 1981; Turner, 1984).
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Based on the social-cognitive approach, it can be stated that the more the categories into which
94
we represent other persons or groups broaden, the more we liberalize our attitudes towards other
people, the easier we perceive other persons’ attitudes towards us, as well as other persons, groups,
communities, and nations as co-others. The particular expression of such enlargement is the recep-
tion of immigrants from various states, having different characteristics as equal representatives and
participants in the same public spheres. Regardless of the opening of international boundaries and the
increased mobility, however, national identity remains a persistent connecting commune phenomenon.
“Modern history is construed first and foremost as an aggregate of national histories” (Calhoun,
2003, p.231) However, again Calhoun suggests that “even if the positive, monolithic identity is a
form of violation against the otherness, the absolute diversity is also a form of violation against inter-
subjectiveness and especially against human will a bridge to be construed above the abyss among
people, traditions, cultures” (ibid, p.137). Indeed, absolutizing the distinction between otherness and
identity or between supra-nationality and nation would result in amorphousness of the “image” of
the contemporary civic society, just as absolutizing the opposite would lead to development and even
ethnocentrism at certain points. It turns out that the process of collective identity formation shall be
completed successfully, so that a European community is developed by those European Union citizens
who support common values, norms, rules, which will enhance the European public sphere; on the
other hand, a ground to develop a collective European identity barely exists and multiple difficulties
and barriers to form one, are being indicated. “The mass basis is weak as is the collective identity”
(Eriksen, 2005, p. 350). A ground path to building common values and identity passes through the
common space for discussion where every person shall have the right to express her thoughts in the
“pan-European discourse” – in one single European sphere – but it seems that the important point
here is that everyone to have the freedom and the willingness to involve in the important issues of
the Euro-integration processes. The relation between the civic active involvement in the political
processes of integration and the collective European identity is accepted as regular and requiring a
profound analysis and representative research (Immerfall, Boehnke, Baier, 2010). According to the
approach suggested by Brewer, the concept social identity complexity allows us to pose the issue
of identity of the European citizens of today from the viewpoint of affluence of identifications they
commit to and internalize (Brewer&Pierce, 2005). This concept creates the possibility to include
the idea of co-otherness as a main factor or a variable amidst the significant orientations of values to
establish ways to broaden intergroup, intercultural tolerant images and relations. “The “co-other” is
not a physical reality. It is a state of mind that enables individuals to see themselves as “just another
other”, i.e., as a third person who is different both from the self and from the concrete others surround-
ing the self” (Sicakkan, 2008, p. 8). Co-otherness also involves another individual characteristic - a
mental mobility between different references of identification – e.g., between one’s own and other
people’s ethnic, religious, gender, territorial, sexual etc. belongings (Ibid).
Partial intersection /overlapping of different identities and the extent to which individuals suc-
ceed to perceive their affiliations is not limited to one category or in-group. ”When an individual
acknowledges, and accepts, the non-overlapping memberships of her multiple in-groups, her sub-
jective identity structure is both more inclusive and more complex.”(Brewer&Pierce, 2005, p. 429)
Intercultural representations, openness toward others would develop and widen on such a basis. The
research question and the goal being set this paper is to scrutinize how personal orientations, including
the religiousness of the respondents from European countries, influence the acceptance of diversity,
expressed in attitudes towards immigrants, towards people with a different sexual orientation and how
these orientations influence the sociopolitical activeness and Eurointegration of citizens in Europe.

Methodology of Research

A part of a broad comparative analysis*1 of ESS data in 2006 and 2008 rounds for 8 countries
is presented here (see Zografova, 2011 for details).

* This analysis is a part of research, conducted within an Integrative project “Eurosphere”,


funded by the 6FP of the EC, coordinated by prof. Hakan Sicakkan, University of Bergen.
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The selected countries are Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, Norway, Estonia, Germany, Spain
95
and Great Britain, total number of respondents for 2006 - 15156; for 2008 - 15592 respondents.
The attitudes towards immigrants, towards people with different sexual orientation, the citizens’
participation in the public sphere, explored in the dynamics of phenomena, are measured during
the selected two ESS rounds. Even though the period is too short to expect significant alterations
in the influence of the included attitudes, it can be stated that even if there are no fundamental
modifications, the tendencies are quite important because of the shorter terms of crucial changes,
happening in EU. But due to the fact that stereotypes, value orientations and other psychic features
are the slowest changed phenomena, significant dynamics could not be expected, especially within
a period of two or three years.
As predicting factors regarding the attitudes toward others and the involvement of citizens in
political processes, through the current work the outlined personal orientations in three factors based
on ESS data have been referred to. These factors have been outlined in previous analyses of ESS data
(Sicakkan and Zografova, 2009) Three factors were outlined and they received the following working
titles: Co-other Orientation /comprising items from Universalism and Benevolence/, Traditionalism/
Community- centred Orientation /comprising items from Tradition, Security and Conformity/ and
Orientation toward success/Self-centred Orientation /comprising items from Self-Direction, Stimula-
tion, Hedonism, Achievement and Power/ (see Schwartz, 2012). The factor decision correlates with
the few items corresponding to the values, in view of the prefered short and partly modified version
of Schwartz’s PVQ in the ESS. This leads to a combination of adjacent values (ibid.) and the work-
ing titles reflect the common patterns of types of values orientations.
Other important dependent variables are: trust in the European Parliament, measured with the
question “How much you personally trust the European Parliament?”; and the attitude to go further
with the integration in Europe with the question: “Now thinking about the European Union, some
say European unification should go further. Others say it has already gone too far...what number on
the scale best describes your position? The person answer using a scale from “1 -Unification has
already gone too far” to “10 - Unification should go further”.

Influence of the Personal Orientations on Attitudes towards Diverse Groups,


as Well as on Civic Activeness and Involvement in European Integration
Processes

Regression analysis has been conducted on the influence of co-otherness, traditionalism, orien-
tation towards the success, level of religiousness on attitudes towards immigrants, towards people
with different sexual orientation, towards the EU integration, the trust in the European Parliament,
and activeness and participation in different political activities. The data analysis shows that the co-
otherness orientation is outlined as an important predictor and with the most significant role compared
to all included dependent variables, namely - a continuing Euro-integration, the immigrants coming
from poorer countries, people with different sexual orientation. Co-otherness also exerts a positive
influence on the attitude of trust towards the European Parliament, as well as on the socio-political
activeness of the European citizens /see Table 1, Table 2, Table 3/.

Table 1. Influence of personal orientations on the attitudes towards the


Eurointegration and on the acceptance of immigrants.

ESS
Standardized B t Sig. Standardized B t Sig.
round

3 (Constant) 15,25 0.000 29,441 0.000


Traditionalism -,099 -10,48 0.000 -,243 -26,804 0.000
Orientation
towards the ,078 8,83 0.000 ,044 5,181 0.000
success
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96 ESS
Standardized B t Sig. Standardized B t Sig.
round

Co-other
,113 11,791 0.000 ,217 23,496 0.000
orientation
4 (Constant) 18,508 0.000 31,995 0.000
Traditionalism -,088 -9,724 0.000 -,262 -30,281 0.000
Orientation
towards the ,053 6,241 0.000 ,046 5,731 0.000
success
Co-other
,108 11,727 0.000 ,232 26,543 0.000
orientation

Dependent Variable: European Union: European unification go Dependent Variable: Allow many/few immigrants
further or gone too far from poorer countries outside Europe

Weighted Least Squares Regression - Weighted by d weight * p weight

Table 2. Influence of personal orientations on the citizens’ activeness.

ESS
Standardized B t Sig. Standardized B t Sig.
round

3 (Constant) 72,263 0.000 18,687 0.000

Traditionalism -,251 -27,914 0.000 ,038 3,181 0.001

Orientation towards
,004 ,448 0.654 -,114 -10,221 0.000
the success;

Co-other orientation ,240 26,245 0.000 ,058 4,805 0.000


4 (Constant) 80,017 0.000 16,695 0.000

Traditionalism; -,309 -36,658 0.000 ,062 5,222 0.000

Orientation towards
,004 ,571 0.568 -,079 -7,179 0.000
the success

Co-other orientation ,259 30,322 0.000 ,051 4,290 0.000


Dependent Variable: passive political
Dependent Variable: actual social-political activeness
interest
Weighted Least Squares Regression - Weighted by d weight * p weight

In both rounds the orientation to success is also a predictor in a positive direction for the same
dependent variables, with the exception of its insignificant influence on the actual social-political
activeness /see Table1, Table2, Table3/. Furthermore it reveals a significantly negative relation with
the passive political interest. Obviously the influence of a personality characteristic such as the ori-
entation to success, self-realization, is directed more towards an individual realization and to a less
extent to involvement in political activities; which, however, not only does not hinder but it also
stimulates the openness and a positive attitude to diverse social/ethnic groups coming from poorer
countries, trust in the European Parliament, positive reception of people with a different sexual
orientation etc.
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Table 3. Influence of the personal orientations on the attitude towards people


with a different sexual orientation; influence of the orientations on the
97
trust in the European Parliament.

ESS
Standardized B t Sig. Standardized B t Sig.
round

3 (Constant) 38,204 0.000 17,983 0.000


Tradiitionalism -,283 -31,956 0.000 -,014 -1,430 0.153

Orientation towards
,070 8,415 0.000 ,074 8,084 0.000
the success

Co-other orientation ,282 31,310 0.000 ,022 2,176 0.030


4 (Constant) 41,568 0.000 15,735 0.000
Traditionalism -,282 -33,161 0.000 -,009 -1,019 0.308

Orientation towards
,097 12,322 0.000 ,069 8,038 0.000
the success

Co-other orientation ,265 30,726 0.000 ,062 6,580 0.000


Dependent Variable: Trust in the European
Dependent Variable: Gays and lesbians free to live life as they whish Parliament

Weighted Least Squares Regression - Weighted by d weight * p weight

The third factor – of the “traditionalism” is found to be negatively influencing all dependent
variables /see Table1, Table2, Table3/, included in the regressive analysis for both rounds, except
its positive influence on the passive interest in politics and its insignificant effect on the trust in
the European Parliament /see Table1/. Apparently, despite the generally accepted positive place of
tradition, an excessive respect to the rules and the others’ expectations hinder the opening of the
personality to more complex identifications and leads to a certain indifference and distance to the
actual processes in contemporary Europe. In the regressive analysis the variable “how religious” is
the subject is found to be with a significantly positive predictor effect on some attitudes, including
the attitudes toward the development of Eurounification /only in 2008/, and in 2008 it’s influence
the acceptance of immigrants from poorer countries outside Europe is positive /Table4/; but with
a significantly negative effect on the attitude towards the freedom of people with different sexual
orientation in the both ESS rounds.

Table 4. Influence of religiousness on the acceptance of immigrants.

Standardized B t Sig.
Predictors
2006 2008 2006 2008 2006 2008

(Constant) 68.494 63.949 0.000

How religious
0.031 0.044 3.040 4.504 0.002 0.000
are you

a Dependent Variable: Allow many/few immigrants from poorer countries outside Europe

b Weighted Least Squares Regression - Weighted by d weight * p weight


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Table 5. Influence of religiousness on the attitudes to people with different


98 sexual orientation.

Predictors Standardized B t Sig.

2006 2008 2006 2008 2006 2008

(Constant) 270,197 289,870 0.000 0.000


How religious are you -,152 -,168 -18,608 -21,422 0.000 0.000
Dependent Variable: Gays and lesbians free to live life as they whish
Weighted Least Squares Regression - Weighted by d weight * p weight

In general the outcome related to the tolerance towards diversity, in this case towards people
with different sexual orientation (see Table 5) cannot be estimated as unexpected since the latter
is not acceptable according to religious views. Simultaneously significant and interesting are the
observations on a connection and a positive influence of religiousness on the European integration
in 2008 (see Table 6).

Table 6. Regression analysis of citizen’s religiousness degree in ESS rounds 2006


and 2008.

Predictors Standardized B t Sig.

2006 2008 2006 2008 2006 2008

(Constant) 123,698 130,942 0.000 0.000


How religious are you ,002 ,050 ,179 6,152 0.858 0.000
Dependent Variable: European Union: European unification go further or gone too far
Weighted Least Squares Regression - Weighted by d weight * p weight

Religiousness appears to be a significant predictor related to the attitudes of the Europeans to-
wards the influence of immigrants on the economy, the culture and the life in general in the countries
where they reside. It also exerts a positive influence on the passive political interest but its impact
on the active political activity of individuals is insignificant. In both rounds religiosity has a positive
predictor influence on trust in EP.
A conclusion can be outlined that following the rules and avoiding active involvement in political
processes exerts their influence in direction increase of social distances, as well as distance to EU
processes. It may seem a paradox at first sight that a factor like following accepted norms and rules
could influence in a negative manner the behaviour and involvement of citizens and their attitudes
toward immigrants. It can be assumed that only a certain type of norms and rules that conservatively
preserve the status quo have an actual effect and not norms and rules of behaviour in general. (There
could be a relation to the political orientation of citizens as well but it has not been examinated in the
recent work). In a way this demonstrates the closeness of conformity to established solid regulation
and the unwillingness to accept social changes or an ethnic/racial or other diversity in the EU.

Discussion

There are no doubt that enlargement of the opportunities for mobility, contacts with represen-
tatives of various cultures and communities changes the stereotypes, enriches representations of
individuals of others, as well as of themselves as persons and members of various social groups,
communities, ethnic groups, nations. However, this is a slow process and the dependence of the cog-
nitive constructs and mechanisms is in no way simple linear dependency of the change of the daily
life of the individuals or social groups. Cognitive scheme’s development is not a per se process, it
leads to a new social regulation of the behaviour of interpersonal and inter-group level (Zografova,
2008). Maintaining multiple identifications with various social categories and/or groups makes
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individual excel the geographic, physical and psychic dimensions– attain psychic flexibility to ac-
99
cept the otherness, because he/she starts to represent symbiosis of various “others” by the means of
involvement in the various categories. Domination of the tolerance in perceiving the others within
the EU framework induces enlargement of the scope of tolerance and social representations also
towards communities out of the EU. This takes place on the basis of the psychic mechanisms of de-
velopment of cognitive images, models, accepting in general the others, and otherness – afterwards
representations transfer to neighbouring objects. To know and to accept the multiple identifications,
incl. the unrelated identities is a way social identity complexity to be attained. Brewer & Pierce
suggest that complexity correlates significantly positively with the tolerance to the external, foreign
group – “both cognitive and motivational factors lead us to predict that complex social identities
will be associated with reduced in-group favoritism and increased tolerance and positivity toward
outgroups in general (Brewer & Pierce, 2005, p. 431).
One decade ago, the research in the social-psychological field still used to reveal results in the
direction of support of Multiculturalism (Hornsey&Hogg, 2000) but the ESS results demonstrate that
throughout the years, positive attitudes towards diversity and expression of co-otherness phenomena,
have been more positively developed. As Gergen states, developing his ideas of relational existence:
“All that we take to be real, true, valuable or good finds its origin in coordinated action” (Gergen,
2009, p. 31).

Conclusions

It can be argued that the answers of the investigated scientific question are not final, but the
discussion on the ESS data definitely outlines an establishment of the social-psychical interrelations
of personal orientations and tolerance, the broader extent of the social-political involvement and the
reception of the European integration in a European collective, national and individual aspect. One
of the variables that approximate by its meaning the study of attitudes towards diversity is the toler-
ance to immigrants. It is important to understand to what extent the developed ability to think and
act as a co-other, as a co-European, regulates the manifestation of tolerance to “external” subjects,
others, foreigners, and to those who come from poorer countries outside Europe. The attitude and
value orientation to accept others, placing oneself in their position (co-otherness), as well as the af-
filiation to different communities, are determining the widening of the image of foreigners’ impact
on the social reality in the country.
A broader analysis of secondary ESS data, the presence of some distinctions among European
countries (those that were discussed in this paper) were proved, and the general trend to perceive
the immigrant as a factor with a positive influence on the culture, the economy and the life in gen-
eral in the EU countries was observed (See Zografova, 2011). This trend can be used by the social
researchers to build models of influence and interdependence between citizens’ attitudes and the real
practices and policies on a European level.
Other important conclusions have also emerged in relation to the fact that the development of
the contemporary social psychic’s specificities, in the form of co-otherness phenomena, together
with the fact of belonging to certain communities, tend to increase the interest in politics and higher
rates of participation both in the passive public sphere (keeping up with different media news and
events), and in the active public sphere (work in political parties, participation in political initiatives,
demonstrations, petitions and more) (ibid.). Certainly here one of the aspects of the complexity of
social contexts is being discussed, depending on the national specifics and the concrete situations, the
level of social-economical development and particular subgroup relations between the diverse groups
found in every separate country that differ by their own presence and interrelations. The contemporary
condition dynamically modulates correlations and even stable attitudes could be changed by extreme
events: for instance, the actual increasing immigrant flows towards Eastern and Western Europe, as
well as the refugees waves from Arab and African countries could cause negative development of
interethnic relations and to deepen the cohesion within groups before the threat, either imaginary or
perceived as real. (Sarrasin et al, 2012). It is precisely the time to understand and effectively imple-
ment the European politics and initiatives to affiliate the EU citizens with shared values and practices
so as to multiply the perspectives of tolerance and mutual acceptance.
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100
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workingpapers.htm

Advised by Irena Gailienė,


SMC “Scientia Educologica”, Lithuania

Received: September 22, 2013 Accepted: December 02, 2013

Yolanda Zografova PhD., Associate Professor, Institute for Population and Human Studies, Bulgarian
Academy of Sciences, “Acad. G. Bonchev.” Str. bl.6, fl.5, 1113 Sofia, Bulgaria.
E-mail: zografova@abv.bg
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