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Influence of Purdah (Veil) on Education and Employment of Women in Rural

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European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 11, Number 2 (2009)

Influence of Purdah (Veil) on Education and Employment of

Women in Rural Communities

A.M. Sultana
Department of Malaysian Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities
Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI)
35900 Tanjong Malim, Perak, Malaysia
E-mail: sultana@fssk.upsi.edu.my
Tel.: +605 4505138; Fax: +605 4598606

Jayum A. Jawan
Department of Social & Development Science
Faculty of Human Ecology, Universiti Putra Malaysia
43400 UPM Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia
E-mail: jayum@putra.upm.edu.my

Ibrahim Hashim
Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities
Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris (UPSI)
35900 Tanjong Malim, Perak, Malaysia
E-mail: brahim@fssk.upsi.edu.my

Abstract
This research was designed to explore the relationship between the use of “purdah”, access
to education and employment of rural women. The study used both qualitative and
quantitative methods. With respect to the former, in-depth interviews and focus group
discussion were used. In most past literature, it has been argued that in Bangladesh, the use
of ‘purdah’ has had effect on women’s access to education and employment because the
former is seen to impede on women’s freedom and mobility. Some authors have argued
that “purdah” is not merely a religious symbol tied to a belief system, but it is also a
symbol of purity and honor particularly among richer families who are more conscious of
their high social status. With regard to this religious custom, most rich families simply do
not permit their women to go outside their home. Due to the practice of “purdah”, women
are generally prohibited from going into the public and they are mostly restricted to the
home. Contrary to the above religious observation of women, this study went to show that
the use of “purdah’ do not in any influence on women’s access to education as well as
employment outside their homes. The study’s findings also showed that although majority
of rural women chose to wear “purdah”, they nevertheless follow non-traditional (a more
liberal) view concerning the practice of using “purdah”.

Keywords: Purdah (Veil), Women Employment, Women Education, Rural Women

Introduction
The main aim of this study is to examine the influence/ role of the use of ‘purdah” (viel) on women’s
education as well as employment. In Bangladesh although the use of “purdah” is often taken to be a
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display of Islamic practice and institution, the actual origin of this practice continues to be quite vague
and discussion on the matter persists. It has been argued that the use of “purdah” is not only an Islamic
institution, but it also commonly associated with the seclusion of women. The use of “purdah” has
directly been related to women’s socio-economic status because Hindu women also practice it. In
Bangladesh, the use of “purdah” has been viewed as female seclusion that is normally followed by a
strict division of spaces for men and women (Rahman, 1994; Zaman, 1995; Rozario, 1992). The use of
“purdah” is devoutly followed by a minority of mainly wealthy women in Bangladesh. In his study,
Dube (1998) noted that in Bangladesh the ideas of seclusion, segregation, protection and control over
women were reflected in restriction for women and these usually came in the form of dress, manner,
norms regarding interaction and movement that would come under close security from society. The
practice of “purdah” or veiling in Islam has been discussed by. Rozario (1992). The allocation of space
between the sexes and men’s unequal power over women is strongly associated with Islamic views
about the potentially destructive power of (particularly women’s) sexuality.
However, in few studies such as of Rozario (1992), Gruenbaum (1991), Hoodfar (1991) and
Papanek (1982), the concept and practice of “purdah” also involves female seclusion. By extension,
this was also taken to mean the separation of men’s and women’s tasks in society as well as restrictions
on women’s participation in extra-domestic sphere. For Engels (1989), for example, he defined
“purdah” as a set of social practices most commonly associated with the seclusion of women that were
often criticized by western observers of Indian social conditions as the cause of poor health and
thwarting intellectual development amongst women. He saw female seclusion that was rigidly
practiced by a minority of women, as the dominant social custom regulating the relations between men
and women because it fitted in with the late-Victorian sex roles that restricted women into the private
sphere of the household.
In India, Muslim women who practiced “purdah” also follow a system of arranged marriages
very closely and these are usually carried out among cousins. Similarly in Pakistan, “purdah” is used a
mismatch of the established way of service delivery with the tradition of female seclusion, “purdah”,
with its restrictions on women’s appearance and movement in public, was repeatedly identified as an
important reason in Pakistan. “Purdah” consists of a set of rules ensuring the segregation of sexes
outside well defined categories like extended family and next kinship Papanek (1982).

Influence of Purdah on Women’s Education and Employment

The paper focuses on the influence of “purdah”-related norms on women’s education and employment.
For scholars such as Rozario (1998), Hoodfar (1991) and Papanek (1982), the poor educational and
employment achievements of women were attributed to the prevalent of “purdah” use found in many
countries. Rozario (1998) linked the use of “purdah” to the ability of families to keep their women at
home because their socio-economic status was not directly dependent on the women to bring in the
extra incomes. Therefore the status of a family is linked to its ability to protect its women (wives as
well as daughters) through the strict use of the “purdah”. According to Rozario (1998), the practice of
“purdah” among their women also has an important impact on them since that would inevitably meant
that they were to be the sole bread winner for their families.
In Pakistan, women generally are less educated than their men (Khan, 1993; Shah, 1986;
Chaudhary & Chaudhary, 1989; and Behrman & Schnieder (1993). There are several possible
explanations for this distinct gender gap in education. The use of “purdah” may well constitute one
among many possible reasons. Due to the custom of women seclusion through the use of “purdah”,
parents might have a strongly negative impact on women’s education. Durrant and Sathar (2000) who
had examined women’s status and demographic behavior in Pakistan had argued that the use of
“purdah” has had an influence on the lower status of women. Their study further elaborated that
women from conservative households were generally expected to have lower status than those from
more modern households. In India, Muslim women tend to be less empowered than their Hindu

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counterparts, even though both groups of women may often live in the same geographic clusters of
villages. In some aspects of empowerment, the Muslim-Hindu differences were particularly
pronounced in Tamil Nadu where Hindu women do not, as a rule, practice “purdah” while Muslim
women do (Mason et al., 1997; and Mason & smith, 2003).
Similarly, Noland (1983) who studied the problems of female secondary education in rural Iran
had found out that some cultural and economic factors were responsible for the women’s lack of access
and success in education in comparison to the men. The author noted that the use of “purdah” was the
main reason for the low enrollment of female students in secondary education in rural areas. In
Malaysia, Chinese women have strikingly greater empowerment than most of their Malay or Indian
counterparts, especially when it comes to mobility. In the Philippines, women in the two Muslim
communities have far lower mobility than women of other communities. Thus, religion and ethnicity
are often important factors affecting women’s mobility (Jejeebhoy & Zeba, 2001). This is consistent
with the idea that gender norms play an important role in determining women’s empowerment (Mason
& Smith, 2003).
A study on the use of “purdah” among Bangladeshi women was conducted by Begum in 1998.
She found that the use of “purdah” impeded on women’s mobility and this in turn had an affect on
women access to education as well as empowerment. The restrictiveness as a result of the emphasis on
the use of “purdah” was also observed by Rahman (1994) and Zaman (1995) who claimed that the use
of “purdah” depicts a system of isolating women from the ‘public sphere’ in order to enable men to
dominate their women by exercising control over property, income and their labor. In Bangladesh, the
use and enforcement of “purdah” had prevented women from becoming self reliant. The practice of
“purdah” reduces women’s mobility and their participation in various aspects of life, whether in
education or employment. Hence, it enhances dependence as well as women’s lack of empowerment
(Bakr, 1994). Hashemi and Schuler (1996) had argued that as a result of “purdah’ practice, Bangladesh
women are traditionally isolated at home with little social contact outside of their own kin groups. In
Bangladesh, the central components defining appropriate practice of “purdah” and social behavior are
purity, honor, religious and social cultural practices. However, the precise ways in which these operate
traditionally vary in relation to the women’s class and background. For example, Hindu women in
predominantly Muslim Bangladesh also use “purdah”, although to a somewhat lesser extent than would
Muslim women (Rozario, 1992 & 1998).
In a study by Bakr (1994), found that the practice of “purdah” had been used deliberately as an
instrument to enable men to dominate the family structure and divide labor by gender, leaving women
extremely dependent upon their husbands. Furthermore, Bakr argued that the subordination of the
majority of women is propagated by attitudes derived from men. He also noted that in Bangladesh, the
practice of “purdah” is socially and culturally determined. However, in Bangladesh, the institution that
governs the behavior pattern and roles of women is related to the use “purdah” that defines the
principle of segregation of sexes. After attaining puberty, women are put in seclusion and their
movement is consequently limited within the confines of their homes. Any contact with the outside
world is to be avoided and contact with males, especially non-kin in particular, is considered to a
disgrace and immoral (Papanek, 1973; Begum, 1989).
Based on the above discussion, it can be said that most scholars such as Begum (1998),
Rahman (1994) and Zaman (1995) claimed that the practice of “purdah” has an influence on women’s
lack of education as well as their lack of empowerment. Most authors had claimed that the use of
“purdah” limits women’s mobility that affects their lack of access to education as well as
empowerment. These authors had observed the use of “purdah” in a patriarchal family structure of
rural areas in Bangladesh. They had also maintained that in rural Bangladesh the women’s movement
is severely limited to their homes through the strict enforcement of “purdah”.

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Research Objectives
The general objective of the study is to identify the role of the practice of “purdah” and its related
norms had on rural women’s education as well as their employment. Some specific objectives of this
study are as follows: (1) to examine rural women’s general understanding of “purdah” and its related
practices; (2) to identify the role of the practice of “purdah” and its related norms upon rural women’s
education as well as their employment; and (3) to discuss and portray the overall assessment on
“purdah” awareness among rural women of Bangladesh.

Methodology
The study is based on two main types of data. Firstly, previous literatures were reviewed to provide a
general picture and the state of literature on the issue of the use of “purdah” in Bangladesh and other
Muslim states. Secondly, the study also provided a case study based on primary data collected in
selected study areas in Bangladesh. Thirdly, participation observation was also employed during the
data collection period. This is supplemented by personal experience and as a member of the
community of one of the researcher.
The case study was conducted in one of the district Dinajpur in Bangladesh. Three villages
namely Mashimpur, Mohiskotha and Jagibari situated under the Union of Auliapur at Sadar thana (sub-
district) were chosen. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed during the fieldworks.
In order to achieve the research objectives, a multi-method approach was employed in this study.
Besides collected responses from 340 rural women, data collection also included conducting in-depth-
interviews with 16 of the women respondents. With respect to the 340 respondents, a set of
questionnaires were constructed based on the research objectives of the study.

Data Analysis
Quantitative Data Analysis
Quantitative data-i.e. responses in the questionnaires—were analyzed using the Statistical Package for
the Social Science (SPSS) program. The responses were coded before being transferred into the SPSS-
based format. As the study is meant to be descriptive, frequencies, means, percentages, minimum and
maximum values were the main readings sought to explain the phenomenon regarding the practice on
the use of “purdah” among Bangladeshi women. A likert scale that has been used in other studies
(Levinson and Huffman, 1995 and Linder et, al. 1995) was employed also in this study. The
respondent’s ideologies on the practice of “purdah” were measured using 8 items on a four-point Likert
format. In this format, the responses were strongly agree, agree disagree and strongly disagree are
presented with the values of 1, 2, 3and 4 respectively. In response to each of the items, respondents
were asked to choose the value that best represents their feeling and perception regarding the use of
“purdah”. In turn, the respondent’s attitudes were then classified into either ‘traditional or ‘non-
traditional”. For this latter classification, the study adopted the concept used by Lindner et al. (1995)
and Mathews & Beaujot (1997). A total of 8 statements were analyzed in the section dealing with the
respondents’ ideology relating to “purdah”.

Qualitative Data Analysis

Qualitative data such as interview transcripts from in-depth Interviews and field notes were transcribed
and analyzed for patterns. The transcribed interviews and field notes were examined and classified into
various themes. Common themes that emerged from interviews and field notes were in the final
analysis.

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Findings and Discussions

Respondent’s general understanding regarding the use of Purdah
To determine respondent’s general understanding regarding the use of purdah, respondents were asked
to define “purdah”. The majority (91.2 percent) of women defined “purdah” as ‘religious belief’. This
may be due to the fact that Bangladesh is a predominantly Muslim country, having about 86 percent of
its population Muslim and another 12% Hindu. The peoples are rather religious and cultural aloft.
“purdah” is commonly viewed as a standard practice among Muslim women. Non-Muslims also use
“purdah”. This lends supports to previous findings by Keddie (1992) who had reported that that early
Muslims had adopted veiling from conquered peoples and that both non-Muslims in Muslim societies
and Mediterranean women in Christian societies were subjected to the same forms of control and
isolation from men. Mediterranean societies, whether Muslim or Christian, also had the same idea of
the centrality of a man’s honor that lay chiefly in the purity of their women. However, although the
majority of respondents defined “purdah” as a religious belief, this practice is also widely observed
among non Muslim women too.
Furthermore, some women (53.8%) defined “purdah” as a social cultural norm. As mentioned
earlier, the people of Bangladesh are not only spiritually but also culturally dominated. The findings
suggest that in Bangladesh, the central components defining appropriate female “purdah” and behavior
in Bangladesh society are as purity, honor, religious and social cultural practice, although the precise
way in which they operated traditionally varied in relation to the women’s class background. Hindu
women in predominantly Muslim Bangladesh practice “purdah” although to a lesser extent than
Muslim women. This discussion reveal that in Bangladesh, “purdah” is also a social cultural norm and
both Muslim and Hindu women practice it.
About 9.4 percent of the respondents associated the use or wearing of “purdah” with ‘female
seclusion’. This is consistent with the findings of previous scholars such as Papanek (1982), Engles
(1989), Sharif (2002), Rahman (1994) and Zaman (1995). Papanek (1982) observed that that in India,
Muslim women who use “purdah” follow also a system of arranged marriages that usually occur
among cousins. The same can also be seen for women who used “purdah” in Pakistan. The use of
“purdah” consists of observing a set of rules relating to segregation of the sexes outside well defined
categories like the extended family and next kinship. This is achieved either by seclusion of women at
home or by the use of the “purdah”.

Figure 1: Understanding about the “purdah”

As family s tatus
Understanding about

As female s eclus ion

the purdah

As s ocial cultural norms

As relig ious belief

0 20 40 60 80 100
As relig ious As s ocial cultural As female
As family s tatus
belief norms s eclus ion
Purdah (% ) 9 1 .2 5 3 .8 9 .4 4 .4
Fre quency (pe rce nt)

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 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 11, Number 2 (2009)

In Bangladesh, Rahman (1994) and Zaman (1995) noted that the use of “purdah” is not only the
ideology of Islam but the institutionalized manifestation of women's seclusion. This observation is
despite the fact that only a small number of women (respondents) themselves had closely defined
“purdah” with female seclusion. On the other hand, only a few (4.4 percent) of the respondents viewed
the use of “purdah” as indication of some socio-economic status of the family. This result repudiates
another study by Rozario (1992 & 1998) who noted that the use of “purdah” was in some way directly
related to socio-economic status of its wearer and her families. The author further argued that as a
socioeconomic status, “purdah” was therefore practiced by a minority of mainly wealthy women in
Bangladesh. Overall it can be said that in Bangladesh “purdah” is viewed not only religious belief but
also as “social cultural norms” and “female seclusion”. There were also a few respondents who defined
or associated “purdah” with “socio-economic status”.
Furthermore, the respondents were asked on their preference of “purdah” i. e. on type. The
results (Figure 2) show that majority of the respondents said that they prefer to wear the “purdah” in
comparison to about 5.6 percent who would choose not to wear it. To further understand their choices,
they were asked as to the type of “purdah” that they would choose to wear. About 76.8 percent of the
respondents said that they would choose to use “purdah” that would cover their hair only’. This was
followed by about 13.2 percent who would chose to cover their face only. Only about 4.4 percent said
that they preferred to cover the whole boy. The results clearly indicate that a large number of
respondents chose to wear “purdah”. The majority considered it as a mean to cover their hair only.
From small group discussion, the majority of the informants said that they would choose to wear
“purdah” and that would be to cover their hair only.

Figure 2: Choice of wearing “purdah”

1 00
Choice to wear purdah

80

60

40

20

0
Yes No
All of the above 0
Cover ing whole body 4 .4
Cover ing face only 1 3 .2
Cover ing hair only 7 6 .8
No 5 .6
Fre que ncy (pe rce nt)

Determinants Respondent’s Purdah Ideology

The main focus of the study was to examine the effect of “purdah” practice on their educational
opportunities as well as their empowerment. In order to arrive at this understanding, the role of
“purdah” was measured in two ways; as restrictive on the one hand and non-restrictive on the other.
“Restrictive” was defined to be confirming to the “traditional norm and values”, whereas “non-

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restrictive” was defined as reflecting “non-traditional norm and values”. The measurement was
distributed over a four-point scale based on the Likert format: e.g. ‘strongly agree’, ‘agree’, disagree
and ‘strongly disagree’. Traditional norm and values would be measured by values closer to 1 and 2,
while non-traditional norm and values was measured by values closer to 3 and 4. In this respect,
respondents who had responded ‘strongly agree’ and ‘agree’ were classified as ‘conservative’ or
‘traditional’ while those who had indicated ‘disagree’ and ‘strongly disagreed’ were identified as non-
conservative (liberal) or ‘non-traditional’. There were eight statements used to measure their
perception, five statements relating to their education and three relating to employment.
The results presented in Table 1 reveals that the majority of the respondents can be seen as
holding to the ‘non-traditional’ as well as ‘non-conservative’ attitude towards the practice of “purdah”.
They believed that “purdah’ use should not impede one’s going to school, college and universities.
With respect to the statement “women should not go to school, college and universities because they
have to open their hair in the presence of me. The results of this statement reveal that a few
respondents believed that women should not continue their studies because they have to uncover hair
in the presence of men, the majority opposed with this statement and these responses were perceived as
‘non-conservative’ as well as ‘non-traditional’. Similarly, with the statement, “women should not go to
school, colleges and universities because they have to talk directly to the men”, a large number of
respondents do not think that women should not study because they need to talk directly to men. Only
a few (16.2 percent) respondents had the

Table 1: Awareness of Purdah Related Factors

Attitude on Purdah
Strongly Strongly Total
Variables agree Disagree
Agree disagree
N (%) N (%) N (%) N (%) N (%)
1. I do not like to go out of the
house when I wear the 42 12.4 13 3.8 213 62.6 72 21.2 340 100
“Purdah”
2. I do not like to go to school,
colleges and universities as I
45 13.2 10 2.9 222 65.3 63 18.5 340 100
am allowed to practice the
“Purdah”.
3. I do not like to go to school,
colleges and universities
because I have to uncover my 44 12.9 11 3.2 218 64.1 67 19.7 340 100
hair cover in the presence of
men.
4. I do not like to go to school,
colleges and universities
40 11.8 15 4.4 210 61.8 75 22.1 340 100
because I have to talk directly
to the men.
5. I do not like to go to school,
colleges, and universities
43 12.6 12 3.5 222 65.3 63 18.5 340 100
because of the co-educational
system
6. Women should not to join a
job if they are allowed to 17 5.0 12 3.5 262 77.1 49 14.4 340 100
wear “Purdah”
7. Women should not continue
to their job they need to talk 37 10.9 9 2.6 162 47.6 132 38.8 340 100
directly to the men.
8. Women should not continue
job because they have to 23 6.8 12 3.5 181 53.2 124 36.5 340 100
uncover their hair & face

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 European Journal of Social Sciences – Volume 11, Number 2 (2009)

positive opinion about the above statement. In addition, to the statement, ‘women should not go to
schools, colleges and universities due to co-educational system’ a large number of women were
perceived as non-conservative as well as non-traditional ideology’.
From the above five statements relating to the influence of purdah on women education it was
found that the majority of the respondents ‘disagreed’ with the statements that women should not go to
schools, colleges and universities if they are allowed “purdah”, followed by ‘to uncover their face’,
‘have to uncover their hair’, ‘have to talk directly to the men’ and ‘co-educational system’.
The article also focused on the role of “purdah” in relation to views on respondent’s
employment. Three statements were employed to measure the role of “purdah” regarding employment.
The results shows that a large number of respondents tended to be ‘non-conservative’ and have a ‘non-
traditional ideology’ regarding employment. They do not believe that women should not do the job if
she is allowed to wear “purdah”. The majority of respondents do not agree to the statement that women
should not talk directly to the men if she is allowed to wear “purdah”. The results also indicate that the
majority of respondents (53.2) did not support to the statement that women should not continue job as
she has to uncover her face and hair in the presence of men. They argued that women can continue
their join by wearing (covering face and hair) “purdah.” From the three statements, it is observed that
most of women performed ‘non-conservative’ as well as ‘non-traditional’ ideology.

Respondent’s overall Assessment on Purdah Awareness

In order to give a clearer idea of the awareness of “purdah” and its effect on women’s education as well
as employment, a total of eight variables were constructed in which five variables related were to
education while three were employment related. Scores of 1 and 2 were assigned if the respondent
made responded ‘strongly agree’ and ‘agree’ while 3 and 4 were assigned if the responses were
‘disagree’ and ‘strongly disagree’ respectively. The overall awareness of the “purdah” was created
summing all the values of the eight variables for each respondent. The minimum total score was
counted into the 8 (8 variables x score 1) if the respondent showed ‘agree’ for all variables. The
maximum total score was calculated to the 32 (8 variables x score 4) if the respondent indicated
‘strongly disagree’ for all variables. “purdah” awareness was classified as ‘low’, ‘moderate’ and ‘high’
on the basis of the total number of responses (score from 8 to 32) given by the respondents for all
variables. The score limit 8-16 was considered as ‘low’, 17-24 was ‘medium’ and 25-32 was ‘high’
“purdah” awareness. On base of this calculation the overall awareness of “purdah” for respondents is
shown in the Table 2.

Table 2: Overall Assessment on Purdah Awareness

Purdah awareness Frequency Percent

Low 46 13.5
Medium 87 25.6

high 207 60.9

Total 340 100.0

The results presented in Table 2 shows that only 13.5 percent of the respondents were in the
‘low awareness’ category whereas 25.6 percent of the respondents are in the ‘medium awareness’
category. On the other hand, 60.9 percent of the respondents were in the ‘high awareness’ category.
These results indicate that the majority of the respondents fell under the ‘high awareness’ category.
In the previous section, it was also observed that most respondents tended to follow the ‘non-
conservatives’ as well as the ‘non-traditional’ ideology regarding education and employment. This
indicates that most of the respondents have a high awareness of “purdah”. Similarly, in the overall
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assessment on the of “purdah” awareness, it was found that a high number of respondents have the
awareness of “purdah” norms whereas only a few respondents are under the ‘low’ category. Overall, it
can be said that although women in Bangladesh are more religious and cultural-dominated, they have a
high awareness of the practice of the “purdah”.

Respondent’s Purdah ideology: Qualitative Findings

From the quantitative findings, it was found that “purdah” has a slight affect but no significant affect
on women’s education as well as their employment. Most of the respondents performed ‘non-
conservatives’ or ‘non-traditional’ ideology about the practice of “purdah”. In the overall assessment, it
was also found that the majority of the respondents were conscious of “purdah”. The in-depth
interview it was found that almost every woman liked to wear “purdah”. It is important to mention that
although most of the respondents liked to wear “purdah”, they explained different reasons for wearing
the “purdah”. The quantitative results revealed that the majority of the respondents practiced “purdah”
for religious beliefs. In the in-depth interview, two respondents namely Jakia Begum and Rashida
Khatun expressed their ideology from the religious perspective.
These statements are presented below:
“Obviously, I like to wear “purdah” for Islamic religion, as a Muslim woman, I think I
should to follow the Islamic rules and regulation. Allah gave us the direction to keep
“purdah” and to contact with the outside world should be avoided particularly with
males, apart from the son, father, uncle, and son-in-law. I considered only to whom I
can not marry. I do not like to study or employment I want to avoid the contact of the
male (In depth interview with Jakia Begum, she had perceived the secondary level of
education).
“As a Muslim woman, I like to wear “purdah” to put out of the side of my beauty.
Because apart of my husband, I do not like that any body discover me as a beautiful
women. Particularly for such reason I like to wear “purdah”. But I do not think, I
should not continue the study. Though I strictly practice “purdah” in every aspect of my
life, I have completed my graduation.” (Depth interview with Rasidah Khatun, she was
graduated)
From the above statements, Jakia and Rashida both like the practice of “purdah” from the
religious beliefs but they performed different ideologies. Jakia performed ‘conservative ideology’. For
this ideology, she believed that she should not to study or be employed in order to avoid the contact of
the male. Based on Jakia’s statements, it can be said that “purdah” might be an affecting factor in rural
women’s education as well as their employment. On the other hand, Rashida also practiced “purdah”
from a religious belief but she tended to follow the ‘non-conservative’ as well as ‘non-traditional’
ideology. She practiced “purdah” only to keep her beauty secret inside from the Islamic point of view.
It can be said that “purdah” has no negative effect for Rashida’s education because she had completed
her graduation though she practiced it from her religious beliefs. However, these results suggest that
sometimes religious belief is dominated by cultural ideology and this might affect on women’s
education as well as their employment.
As mentioned earlier, in Bangladesh, women not only practice the “purdah” as a religious belief
but also they practice it as a symbol of the family status and its strictest adherents are confined to their
homes. When they leave, they are veiled from head to toe. This ‘protects’ the women’s modesty, while
also protecting her husband’s family’s izzat (respectability). This is reflected in the following
respondent’s statement:
“I wear “purdah”. My grand mother tells me to practice it since we are a richer family.
My neighbor, Aklima does not practice it because she lives in a poor family. She
(Aklima) goes to the bazaar and work in the field. I never do it because we are from a
richer family background. We have a family status.” (Interview with Shahinur
Chouddury)
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“Actually I talk about my family background; it is a Hindu family background. I

practice “purdah”, since my mother, my elder sister; my aunty and my grand mother
practice it. I do not know why they do it. Only I am taught to practice as it is our family
status as well as traditional practice. I think it is a good practice. I will also insist to my
next generation to practice “purdah”. (Interview with Keya Masumder)
From the above statements, it is evident that “purdah” is also practiced as a symbol of the
family status. Both Hindu and Muslim women practice it as a symbol of the family status which was
found in the above statements. It should be noted although Shahinur and Keya defined family status as
the reason for the wearing of, “purdah” they have different religious backgrounds. In fact, “purdah”
takes on different forms based on cultural expectations as well as the economic needs of the household
that influence women’s work or participation in the public sphere. For this practice, most of these
families’ particularly richer families did not permit women to go outside home which had a negative
effect on women’s education as well as their employment. However, based on these discussions, it can
be said that in Bangladesh, both the Hindu and Muslim practice “purdah” from family status or
traditional perspective. Apart from the religious and cultural ideologies, some respondents mentioned
other reasons in wearing purdah.
One respondent Rimu Rahman stated:
“I like to practice “purdah” but it is not for any religion. According to me it is a useful
practice and for this practice, I can protect myself from a lot of problems and obstacles
in the society. I chose to wear “purdah” for safety. Also I think, it should be personal
choice. Practicing “purdah”, I am living a good life. I am not causing any harm to
society” (interview with Rimu Rahman).
From this statement, it can be said that in Bangladesh women not only practice “purdah” as a
religious belief but also use it as a safety factor. Sexual harassment for women is common in
Bangladesh and parents usually feel worried for their unmarried daughters. Because of such fears,
parents encourage their daughter under the seclusion of “purdah”. So “purdah” is not only viewed as a
religious belief but is also used for women’s security. However, in Bangladesh “purdah” is viewed as
purity, honor, religious and social cultural practice.
The researchers wanted to know the influence of “purdah” norms on women’s education as
well as their employment. Some respondents performed ‘conservative’ as well as the non-conservative
ideology about the practice of “purdah” which was found in the respondent’s ideology. This is
reflected in the following statements:
“In my opinion, I should not to go outside because I like to wear “purdah”, I want to
avoid any contact with the outside people. For this, I did my study at girl’s school and
college. Now I do not want to job. I have to talk with men directly. It is difficult for me
to do job by remaining Purdah. (Interview with Shamsad Laila)
“My parent is liberal about the practice of “purdah”. I completed my master degree
from the co-educational system and joined in a job as a banker. But after getting
married I had to leave my job. My husband and father-in-low were very conservative
about the practice of “purdah”. According to them my workplace is very crowded, and
it is entirely a men’s place. So I should not to continue this. Just I followed them”.
(Interview with Urbashi Rahman)
From the above statements, it can be said that a mixed ideology exits which indicates that
though education is considered, employment opportunities are restricted. In relation to the practice,
some people liked to follow the non-conservative ideology whereas some people follow a conservative
ideology such as found in Urbashi’s statement. As a result of her parent’s non-conservative ideology,
she had the opportunity to complete her higher studies but she lost the opportunity to continue in a
gainful job because of for her husband’s and father-in-law conservative ideology. On the other hand,
though Shamsad continued her education up to the higher secondary level, she was against the idea of
doing a job since the wanted to avoid male contact. However, from these findings, it can be said that in

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Bangladesh, sometimes due to “purdah” norms women’s movement is limited within the confines of
the home. Any contact with the outside world is avoided, and contact with males, non-kin in particular,
was considered to be disgraceful and immoral.
It is important to note that although a few respondents had a conservative ideology towards the
practice of “purdah”, changing attitudes were observed in a majority of the respondent’s statements.
For example:
“My mother wanted me to keep these religious traditions like “purdah”. But in my
opinion I do not belong to such religion practice that I can not continue my study. From
the beginning of my life I wanted to be an activist in the movement. I tried to convince
them. I do believe to practice “purdah”. I continued my study while I practiced
“purdah” (interview with Shamima Hossain)
Shamima’s statement about “purdah” is quite liberal. She rejected religious practices as being a
medium of so-called patriarchal structures controlling women. According to her point of view, women
can continue their activities and the same time they can also practice the use of “purdah”. A similar
ideology was observed in another statement which was stated by Shirin Hossain:
“Once in our family, “purdah” was strictly practiced. My grandmother, my aunty and
my mother was not permitted to go to anywhere. For the emergency, they liked to use
the personal transportation. Even for the treatment, they liked to avoid the male doctor.
If a woman was not available then they tried for their treatments through written notes.
By the time being, we are changing. Now our movement is not limited although we still
we like to practice “purdah”. My one sister is working as a family planning officer. I
am working in the NGOs as a field officer. For this job, everyday I am visiting many
places. (Interview with Shirin Hossain received higher secondary level of education).
It is obvious that a changing trend is found in the above statement. But this does not mean that
women are not practicing “purdah”. An important matter is that they only have changed their ideology
which is perceived to be non-traditional ideology. Currently, Shirin and her sister are working, but
what is surprising is that their family was very conservative about the practice of “purdah”. However, a
similar changing attitude was observed in another respondent’s statement which is as follows:
“I was born in a conservative family. I am taught I should to wear “purdah”. After
completing the primary level of education, my parents stopped my study. Since there
was no girl’s school at the secondary level near to our villages. I cried out because I
want to continue my study. I was missing many friends there. Beside, my brother
continued his study up to at the tertiary level and now he is holding the honorable
position as a university lecturer. Presently, my younger sister is studying in the same
university because my brother helped in changing my parent’s attitude. (Interview with
Salma Aktar received primary education)
It is interesting to note that in the same family, differential treatment was observed between the
two women. In Salma’s case only primary education was considered whereas her sister had the
opportunity of higher education. However, it can be said that although in literature many authors
argued that “purdah” has a significant effect on women’s lack of education as well as their
employment, in the present situation is evident that a changing attitudes was perceived in many
respondents’ attitudes.
It is argued that once because of the influence of “purdah”, women are forced to hand over their
lives to their male relations. In the first part of her life they obey their fathers, after marriage they
depend on their husbands, and once the husband has died, the son takes over the duties of his father,
including the responsibility for his mother. So their whole life depends on the decisions of men. This
enables men to dominate women through their control over property, income, and their labor. This is
reflected in many respondents’ attitudes. As an example, one respondent’s experience is explained
below:

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“I was born and brought up in a middle-class family. For the restriction of the
“purdah” norms, my movement was limited. My parent never planned about my higher
education as well as for me to involve in any kind of job. Before 18 years old I got
married. My husband was liberal and continued my study up to the graduate level.
Though I was graduated, I was housewife and most of time I involved myself of taking
care of my children and household chores. Once, my husband had died. I backed in my
brother’s house because it was difficult to survive myself with my children. Likewise, my
parent my brother was conservative and was against the idea of women’s education and
employment. Since I was dependent on him, I felt that somehow I was dominant.
Presently, I am working as a school teacher. I am feeling better at least I am not
dependent on others. (Interview with Nahar Begum received graduate level of
education).
Nahar Begum continued her statement about her personal attitude regarding the practice of
“purdah”:
“In my personal point of view, “purdah” should not be seen as a conservative sense. A
woman can continue her study or job by remaining “purdah”. I like to wear “purdah”
as I practiced before. By practicing “purdah” I am continuing my job. I think “purdah”
has no significant effect on my employment.
In focus group discussions, it was also observed that all groups agreed with this statement that
“purdah” has no significant effect on their education and their employment. Although they liked to
wear “purdah”, they believed that women can continue their studies as well as their job. Most of the
respondents tended to have non-conservative ideology about the practice of “purdah” which was
observed in their discussions. In focus group discussions only few participants had conservative ideas
about the practice of “purdah”, and they strongly believed that women should not go to school, college
or university nor should they continue their job.
However, in recent times, women have been changing their attitudes through new influences,
and their participation is in the labor force. Nowadays there are a large number of lower, middle and
upper middle class women entering the labor market. Women’s roles, responsibility, and mobility are
changing due to these activities. This evidence suggests that norms, social cultural understandings, and
choices are not fixed. Women’s lives are not purely determined by social norms such as “purdah” (in
the conservative sense).

Conclusion
The focus of this article is to determine the influence of the role “purdah” in women’s education as
well as their employment. Overall the results show that there were little affect but no significant affect
of “purdah” norms on women’s education as well their employment, since a small number of
respondents believed that women should not continue to study and job if they were allowed to wear the
“purdah”. On other hand, the majority of the respondents believed that they could continue the study
and job although they liked to wear “purdah”. Overall, it can be concluded that a large number of
respondents liked to wear “purdah” but they tended to follow a non-traditional ideology in its practice
since the majority liked to cover only their hair. The findings also reveal that in the present situation
women are changing their attitudes and are entering in the labor market. Therefore, these findings
suggest that the “purdah” norms have no significant affects on the women’s education as well as their
employment in the current perspective in Bangladesh.

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