Sikßa TMBN Ga Siu Gaekñy - : KRMG GTSBT Erciseris

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DEFINITIONS OF NATIONALISM AND IDENTITY IN THE WORLD AND ASIA:

LECTURES BY BENEDICT ANDERSON
Rbv†þénclna•vtþn_KMnitCa†niymsakl£
GtSbTen¼dkRsgécjBI. ½ ázkfarbsélaksa®sþaÏarü ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun enA m¿x¿s¿ naéf¶TI 19

ExFñÚ ÌñaM 2008
rkßasiT§i K¿s¿ 2008edaymCÄmNÐlexmrsikßa. .>
Historical Development of Universal Nationalism:
Illustrated from: Lecture by Professor Benedict Anderson, Center for Khmer Studies, December 19, 2008
Copyright © 1967 by Center for Khmer Studies.
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GtSbTen¼dkRsgécjBI. ½ ázkfarbsélaksa®sþaÏarü ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun enA m¿x¿s¿ naéf¶TI 20

ExFñÚ ÌñaM 2008
Nationalism in Asia:
Illustrated from: Lecture by Professor Benedict Anderson, Center for Khmer Studies, December 20, 2008
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Trying to Locate Southeast Asia from Navel:
Illustrated from: Siksacakr Vol 6 of Center for Khmer Studies
rkßasiT§ikñúgîarbkERbnigecjpßayCaÔasaExμr © K¿s¿ 2009 edaymCÄmN lexmrsikßa.. >

Copyright © 2009 Center for Khmer Studies for the Khmer translation.
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hu‘yEb‘rþ# edhVÚesßhß_ (rkßasiT§i) K¿s¿ 2009 Copyright © 2009 Hubert DÉFOSSEZ.
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The publication of this book was supported by the Rockefeller Foundation (New York).
lsxG 13..½ 978-99950-51-15-0 ISBN-13: 978-99950-51-15-0

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Printed in Cambodia by Ponleu Khmer Printing & Publishing House.
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kfamux ... 5
Preface 7
Rbv†þénclna•vtþn_KMnitCa†niymsakl 9
ázkfarbsélaksa®sþaÏarü ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun enA m¿x¿s¿ naéf¶TI 19 ExFñÚ ÌñaM 2008
sMNYr – cemøIy. 18
Ca†niymenATVIbGasuI 25
ázkfarbsélaksa®sþaÏarü ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun enA m¿x¿s¿ naéf¶TI 20 ExFñÚ ÌñaM 2008
sMNYr – cemøIy. 34
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esckIþsniñdæan. .59
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF UNIVERSAL NATIONALISM
Lecture by Professor Benedict Anderson, Center for Khmer Studies, December 19, 2008 63
Questions and Answers 71
NATIONALISM IN ASIA
Lecture by Professor Benedict Anderson, Center for Khmer Studies, December 20, 2008 79
Questions and Answers 87
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PREFACE
Since 2004, the Center for Khmer Studies (CKS) has been conducting the Junior Faculty
Training Program (JFTP). As the title of the program suggests, it is aimed at young aspiring
Cambodian university faculty who wish to expand their knowledge of research and teach-
ing training in the Humanities and Social Sciences. The program is generously funded by the
Rockefeller Foundation.
It is structured around semester long research and training sessions led by suitably qual-
ified scholars and instructors. Each session focuses on a particular aspect of contemporary
Cambodian society. The themes and topics are defined in coordination with representatives
of Cambodian universities to attract participants from multi-disciplinary backgrounds. The
sessions adopt a comparative perspective where Cambodia is studied alongside its neighbors
Thailand and Vietnam. The sessions include a combination of taught classes, interactive sem-
inars, field visits to the two nearby countries, and an individual research project followed by
an international conference to discuss the theme and issues covered during session. Further-
more, a selection of key reading texts used during the session is chosen by the lead scholar
for translation from English into Khmer by the Cambodian participants. The translated texts
are then put together and published as a volume to be used as a reader in Cambodian uni-
versities. The aim of this exercise is to increase the extremely limited corpus of academic
reading materials available in Khmer.
CKS has now produced six of these readers. This sixth volume represents the session: His-
tory of Modern Nationalism in Southeast Asia led by the distinguished Thai historian Professor
Charnvit Kasetsiri from Thammasat University, Bangkok. It consists of three readings. At
the invitation of Prof. Charnvit the session participants were honored and privileged to have
the eminent Professor Benedict Anderson deliver two lectures: Historical Development of Uni-
versal Nationalism and Nationalism in Asia. Prof. Anderson addressed themes and issues from
his hugely influential book: Imagined Communities, Reflection on the Origins of Nationalism.
This was Prof. Anderson’s first visit to Cambodia since 1963. To mark the occasion, and as a
tribute to the importance of this work, CKS transcribed and translated the lectures into
Khmer and reproduced them here in this reader.
The lectures were particularly poignant for the Cambodian participants as they helped to
shed light on recent tensions between Thailand and Cambodia. These tensions are embed-
8
ded in ideas about nationalism and historical conflict manifested in the dispute between the
two countries over the Khmer Preah Vihear temple and related border issues. Another influ-
ential article in this volume is Thongchai Vinicharkul’s “Trying to locate Southeast Asia from
its navel: ocating Southeast Asia: Where is Southeast Asian Studies in Thailand?” This arti-
cle was originally published in the CKS journal Siksücakr. It has been reproduced here in an
effort to reach a wider Cambodian audience. The article explains the historical development
of Southeast Asia studies in Thailand which attempted to follow the academic standard of
Western curriculum.
In keeping with the pedagogical objectives of the JFTP, we sincerely hope that these trans-
lated texts will be of use to both professors and students in the fields of History, Sociology,
Economics, Anthropology, Political Science, International Relations, and other fields. We also
hope that they will encourage readers to critically investigate the relevant issues and themes
using a comparative and interdisciplinary approach.
I would like to finish here by extending my utmost appreciation and thanks to

Prof. Charnvit Kasetsiri for his contribution to this volume. His professional and personal ex-
periences were invaluable in providing an intellectual framework that enabled the young
Cambodian scholars to critically examine processes of nation-state building in the countries
of the region. Prof. Charnvit is actively engaged in promoting mutual understanding be-
tween Thais and Cambodians. The continuing tension between the two countries thus made
his presence in Cambodia all the more meaningful.
Finally, the publication of this volume would not have been possible without the diligence
and dedication of the translation and publishing team. Thol Dina and Touch Soputhy took
on the bulk of the translation work. Despite their busy work schedules, Prof. Michel Rethy
Antelme and Chhom Kunthea, took the time to meticulously review the final version of the
text. Yem Yoeun, the CKS Communications and Publishing Coordinator ensured it was pub-
lished in an accessible and timely manner. Special thanks go to all involved in what was once
again a truly collaborative undertaking.
Chean Rithy Men

Project Director.
9
Rbv†þénclna•vtþn_KMnitCa†niymsakl
ázkfarbsélaksaRsþaÏarü ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun

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nig h;l
& ø (¦ehA Evls_ k¾ánEdr).> rdæeGorLg´xageCIg eGkUsß nigh;l
& ø mansÔaCatinigrdæaPiálpÞal´xøn
Ü erog.@ xøn
Ü buE¨ nþ
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nwgîarr¼eLIgrbs´BYkhVasus I huEI tørenAGaLWmg¨ .´ nigcRkPBeyaÎaniymenACb¨nu . .> rbbTaMgBIrKWCarbb
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evotNam nigcin EdlBYkbulsWvikÏas´minEdlnwknadl´. .>
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GVmü¨
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nigBYkGuIÈalIÔaKxageCIg. .>
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nigCaGñkesrIny i m eh;lNWr (Gelner)/ Rbvtþvi Ti GPi
U rkßmFüm sμFúI (Smith)/ nigRbvtþvi Ti sþU anM y
i m ekDUrI
(Kedourie). .> elak ekDUrI ekItenAGurI a¨ k´ elak hubes,am ekItenAeGhßúb I elak eh;lNWr ekItenA
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«sßahUbnIykmμeLIy. .> elak eh;lNWr Kitfa CatiniymeRbóbdUcCaeRbgsaMg EdlCYy[rfynþ
TMenIbkmμmanclnaán.. > büEnþ KMniten¼Biáknwg[mnusßTTYlykNas´. .> Gñkxø¼niyayfa clna
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ena¼eT. eBalKW eyIgRtÚvEtsikßaelIBiPBelakTaMgmUl. .> xJúMk¾ánsnñidæanfa RTwsþIEdlmanCaeRcIn
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CaRTwsþIsg:mniym GnaFibetyüniym GPirkßniym esrIniym >l> EdlRTwsþITaMgGsén¼vagay
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lan´mat´fa ²..GHÚ+.! RbeTskm<úCa.³. .> GñkemIlrUbÔaBRásaTGg:rvtþ ehIylan´mat´fa ²..GHÚ+.! RbeTs
km<úCa.³. .> büEnþ GñkminGacemIleXIjkm<úCaBitena¼eT.. >
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yl´BICatiÈamrebobdUcËñaen¼pgEdr.. > RbsinebIGñkminGacRsémBICatieTena¼ CatiminmaneT.. > en¼

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minEmnCaîarBitena¼eT.. > enAkñúgÔasaGgéKøs eyIgeRbIBaküepßg.@. ½ ².îarRsemIRsém.³ (imagi-
nary) sRmab´GVmü¨
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sMNYr-cemøIy
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GarmμN_mnusßáneRcInem¨ø¼. ?
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7 büEnþ GñkminEdlánCYbRTgéT ehIyGñkk¾mindwgfa RTg´mankm<s´RtwmNaena¼eT.. > eyIgmindwg
fa etIRTgćUlcitesayþ GV.I ? RTg´sBVRB¼raChŒTy & nwgbTceRmógRbePTNa..? niyayrYmeTA eyIgmin
ándwgBIesþcExμrenAsm&yburaNTalÉtesa¼.. > eyIgminGacmanTMnak´TMngpÞalĆamYynwgBYkRB¼Gg:
eT.. > eyIgminGacniyayCamYyBYkRTgéLIy. .> eyIgminGacrayîarN_BITsßn£rbs´BYkRTgéLIy bËu nþ
eyIgeCOc,as´fa BYkRTg´mansar£sMxanŃasénAkñúgRbvtþisa®sþkm<úCa.. > eyIgRtÚvEtrkemIlerOgräv
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KWCaerOgBit enAkñúgRbvtþisa®sþmnusßCatiTaMgGs´. .>
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mnsiîar...> xJnwúM gelIk«TahrN_d¾KYr[Ïab´GarmμN_ nigsamBaØmYy. .> manRB¼viharsasnaRKisd¾þ l,I
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I KYr
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Ca†niymenATVIbGasuI
ázkfarbsélaksa®sþaÏarü ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun

mCÄmNlexmrsikßa éf¶TI 20 ExFñÚ ÌñaM 2008
RbÎanbTéf¶en¼ KWCasMNrY fa etICatiny i menAGasuI manGVBiI essEdr¦eT..? GVEdlI xJcg´Mú niyayCa

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CatiniymenATVIbGasuI 27
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(dUcCa ÔasaeqkU hugRKI eGorLg´ rUma¨ nI nigEs‘rb‘)Í RbesIrdUcÔasarbs´GñkEdr ehIyvak¾CaÔasaBit
rbs´mnusßsamBaØpgEdr.. > eyIgcgńiyay nigsresredayeRbIÔasarbs´BYkeyIg eyIgcgéá¼Bum<
esoveÔACaÔasaeyIg nigbeg;tI t®nþCaI ÔasaeyIg. .>.³ enArvagÌñaM 1830-1920 t®nþRbCaRbi
I ymansar£
sMxanŃas´. .> GñkniBn§áneRbIceRmógnigráMRbéBNI edIm,Ibeg;tI t®nþCati I nyi mCalkçN£t®nþbuI raN.. >
niyayCarYmmk eXIjfa vaminEmnCaîaregOgq¶léna¼eT Edlfa bBaGñk EdlRtÜsRÈay
Catiniym edayEpðkelICatiBn§ú-ÔasaviTüa manlkçN£xusËñaeRcInBIGñkCatiniymenAGDÆeËalxag
lic...> bBamnusßTaMgena¼mandUcCa BYkGaÏarüRKisþsasnaniîayRbÚetsþg´ (EdlánbkERbKm<Ir
b‘bÍ CaÔasahVnúI r& ¦k¾ÔasaeqkUCaedIm) kvInBi n§ GñkniBn§Rbelamelak kUnsisß GñkniBn§bTePøg Gñk
erobcMvcnanuRkm nigBaNiC¢krvC£kBal...> BYkeKeRbIÔasakñúgtMbn´ niyayeTAîan´RbCaCn
samBaØCaeRcIn EdlGacGan nigsresrán.. > ÔaBxusEbøkBIGDÆeËalxaglicepßgeTot KWfa ÔaK
eRcInénGñkRtÜsRÈayCatiny i mGWrbu¨ KWCaGñkniyayÔasaBIr xusËñaBIBYkenAGaemrik EdlniyayÔasa
EtmYybëu NÑa¼.. > BYkeKminRtwmEtec¼Ôasakñgú tMbn´bëu NÑa¼eT EtEfmTaMgGacniyayÔasarbs´RB¼raCa
EdlRKb´RKgBYkeKeTotpg.. > «TahrN_ BYkeKec¼TaMgÔasaeqkU nigÔasaGaLWmg¨ ´ ebIeTa¼bICaeRîay
mk BYkeKáneá¼bgéÏalÔasaGaLWm¨g´k¾eday. .>
crnþTI 3 énCatiniym ekIteLIgmYyCMnanéRîaymk ehIyEdlmanátuPUtedImBIGWrüb. .> xJúMehAva

fa Catiny i mEbbpøvÚ îar (Official Nationalism). .> enABak´kBalstvtßr_TI 19 enAeBlEdlclna
CatiniymtUc.@ EdlsSitenAeRîamrbbraCaniymFM.@ îanÉtmankmøaMgxøaMgeLIg BYkemdwknaM nigBYk
GPiCnmanîarármÖîanÉtxøaMgeLIg...> BYkeKÏabépþImdwgfa BYkeKGacQaneTArkîareÏaTRbîan´BI
sMNak´GñkCatiny i mv&yekμgfa CaCnk,tĆati. .> bBaHaEbben¼KWîanÉtGaRkkéLIgenAkEnøgNa Edl
emdwknaMmanedImkMeNItCaCnbreTs dUcCaenARkikCaedIm...> dUecñ¼ BYkvC£dwknaMBüayamTTYlyk
¦k¾eFVxøI nÜ [îøayCaGñkCatiny i m.. > «TahrN_d¾l,Il,ajmYy KWkrNIRbeTsrusßú.I .> enArvagTsvtßr_
ÌñaM 1880 BYkemdwknaMrusßúI QbéRbIRás´ÔasaáraMg nigÏabépþImeRbIRás´ÔasarusßúI ehIyBüayam
bgç[M RbB&nGb´ § rMenAkñgú cRkPBTaMgmUl eRbIRásÉtÔasarusßúmYI yKt´. .> mnusßenAkñgú cRkPBd¾FM niyay
ÔasarusßúenA I kñgú sala. .> bËu nþ vamanlT§plEdlnwksμanmindl´mYy KWRkúmCatiBn§-ú ÔasaviTüaCaeRcIn
Rkúm cg´[manîarGb´rMCaÔasapÞal´rbs´BYkeK nigmanîarxwgsm,aCamYynwgeËalneyaáyfμIrbs´
salaeron.. > enAÌñaM 1905 manbdivtþn_yägFMenAkñúgcRkPBrusßúI manRkúmCatiBn§ú-ÔasaviTüaCaeRcIn
áncUlrYmedIm,ITamTarÉkraCü...> erOgdUcËñaen¼Edr ánekIteLIgenAGURTIs-hugRKI nigcRkPB
GUtUm¨g´.....> erOgEdlKYr[Ïab´GarmμN_ena¼ KWfa CatiniymEbbpøÚvîaren¼ minEmnekItecjBIclna
rbs´RbCara®sþena¼eT büEnþekItecjBIGavuFneyaáyénÔaBP&yRBÜy EdlsSitenAkñúgédrbs´BYk
GPiCn nigRB¼raCaBisdi æ EdlánrIksayÔayyägrh&seTAîan´TVbI Gasu.I .> «TahrN_d¾l,Il,aj KW
krNIRbeTsCb¨nu . .> enAkñgú Tsvtßr_Ìañ M 1870 nig 1880 BYkGPiCnmuCI i EdlcgéFVTMI enIbkmμRbeTs
Cbün nigeFVI[RbeTsen¼îøayCardæmhaGMNac«sßahkmμnigeyaÎa Èamry£îarbBa¢ÚntMNagnigKij
[eFVIdMeNIreTAîan´GWrüb edIm,IEsVgrkyuT§sa®sþfa etIRtÚveFVIGVIxø¼ edIm,IGacRbkYtRbECgCamYy
mhaGMNacGWrbu¨ FM.@ TaMgena¼.. > BYkeKánsikßaCaeRcInBIcRkPBGaLWmg¨ .´ .> CalT§pl Catiny i mEbb
pøvÚ îarenACb¨nu RtÚvánelIkkm<seLI ´ g edaymanRB¼eÏAGFiraC.. > CafμmþI geTot vaKWCaeËalneyaáy
EdleKerobcM edIm,IrkßaBYkGPiCn[îan´GMNac.. > crnþen¼KWxusËñaÌ¶ayBIcrnþCatiny i m EdlsuTEt
§
ecjBIRbCaCn dUceyIgánelIkniyayBIxagedIm ehIyectnarbs´va KWGPirkßniymminEmnCaîar
rMeda¼eLIy. .> Gñkk¾GaceXIjerOgdUcËñaen¼EdrenAkñgú RbeTséf EdlTnéxßayCagRbeTsCb¨nu ehIy
CaRbeTsEdlTTYlrgîarKMramkMEhgBIm©as´GaNaniKmáraMgnigGgéKøs...> enAkñúgrC¢îalesþcRB¼
ramTI 6 (esayraCüBIÌñaM 1910-1926) rbbraCaFibetyüánÏat´TukxøÜnÉgfa CaGñkCatiniym Elg
enAkñgú n&ysasna (eTvraC) dUcmuneTotehIy. .> RB¼eÏARB¼ramTI 6 ánbeg;tI ávcnamYyEbbGPirkß
KW Cati sasna RB¼mhakßRt EdlenAEteRbIrhUtdl´sBVéf¶en¼.. > GñkGacniyayánfa RTg´Qb´
eFVICaesþcelIRbCaCnéfeTotehIy büEnþRTg´KWCaRB¼mhakßRtCatiéfmYyGg:vij. .>
crnþTI 4 ekItenAstvtßr_TI 20.. > vaKWCacrnþCatiny i mRbÌaMgnwgGaNaniKm nigcRkBtþni y i m (Anti-
Colonial Nationalism Against Imperialism). .> GñkRtÜsRÈay KWCasisß nisßit GñksarB&t’man Gñk
erobcMshKmn_BaNiC¢kmμ nigGñkneyaáyCMnaj...> BYkeKÔaKeRcInáneronBITRmgĆatiniymedIm
BiesscrnþCatiny i mTI 2.. > «TahrN_d¾l,Il,aj KWkrNIRbeTsevotNam EdlbBaØvnþseRmccitþ

TTYleRbIGkßrrUm¨ au gM eFVCaI ÔasaevotNam edIm,Ibg;ÔaBgayRsÜldl´ksikr GñkERscm;ar nigmnusß
samBaØ GacGanyägelOnnigmanÔaBgayRsÜl. .> BYkeKeá¼bg´tYGkßrcinTaMgGs´ EdlBYkeKÎøab´
áneRbIGsĆaeRcInstvtßr_mkehIy. .>
bËu nþ GñknwgeXIjfa ExßbnÞat´RBMEdnEdlerobcMedaycRkBtþGWi rbu¨ EtgEtmanîarrMelaPbMBan nig
minsmRsbCamYynigtMbnĆaeRcInénRkúmCatiBn§ú-ÔasaviTüaepßg.@. .> }NÚensuI nigmäeLsuI niyay
ÔasadUcËña ebIeTa¼CamanîarsresrxusËñak¾eday ehIyBYkeKGacyl´Ëñaányäggay.. > bËu nþ eday
sarEtRbeTsmYysSitenAeRîamîarRKb´RKgrbsćRkPBhULg´ ehIyRbeTsmYyeTotsSitenAeRîam
îarRKb´RKgrbs´GgéKøs RbeTsTaMgBIrminmanclnaCatinyi mdUcËñaeLIy eBalKWmanclnaCatinyi m
BIr...> dUecñ¼ GñkCatiniymGWrüb EdlTamTar[RbeTsmYymanÔasapÞal´xøÜnmYyena¼ KWminGaceFVIeTA
rYcena¼eT.. > krNIRbeTséf nigRbeTslav k¾manlkçN£RsedogËñaen¼Edr.. > BYkeKniyayÔasa
RsedogËñaxøaMgNas´ büEnþedaysarEtRbeTsmYysSitenAeRîamGaNaniKmniymáraMg RbeTsmYy
eTotmanÉkraCü emøä¼ehIy CatiniymenARbeTsTaMgBIren¼ manTRmgépßgËña. .>
GñkeFVIclnaTaMgen¼ cgélIkkm<s´ÔasapÞal´xøÜnrbs´BYkeK.. > BYkeKGaceFVIdUecñ¼ánenAkñúgsm&y
sklÔavUbnIykmμ nigeRîayîarbeg;tI sm<n& RbCaCati§ . .> dUecñ¼ BYkeKRtÚvTTYls:al´fa Ôasakñgú tMbn´
rbs´BYkeK ÔaKeRcInminmaneRbIenAeBlTak´TgCamYymnusßmkBItMbn´déTenAkñgú sklelakeLIy. .>
«TahrN_ GñkCatiniymPUma RbEhlCaRsLaj´ nigeîatsresIrÔasaPUma buËnþ BYkeKk¾dwgfa ebI
BYkeKniyayÔasaPUmaenAeRîARbeTsPUma ËμanGñkNamñakýl´BYkeKeLIy. .> dUecñ¼ crnþCatiny i mTI. 4
en¼ k¾manlkçN£dUccrnþCatiny i mTI. 2 Edr KWîareRbIÔasaBIr. .> sBVéf¶en¼ RbsinebIGñksmøgw emIl
BiPBelakCuvM ji manRbeTsCaeRcIn (enAGasupg I Edr) eRbIÔasaBIrCamUldæan.. > ÔasaTImYy KWCarbs´
xønÜ pÞal´ dUcCaÔasaExμr ehIyÔasamYyeTot minEmnCaÔasarbs´xønÜ eT.. > vaGacCaÔasacin Garäb´
GgéKøs B&rTuyh;al´ nigáraMg. .> cMNcu ena¼KWfa vaKYrEtCaÔasaEdlbBaRbeTsepßg.@ eRbIEdr.. >
BitNas´ sBVéf¶en¼ manÔasaEbben¼RbEhlCa 5 ¦k¾ 6 EtbüeNÑa¼.. >
bnÞab´BITTYlánÉkraCü emdwknaMclnaÉkraCüCaeRcIn ÏabépþmI x©KMI rCaU eRcInBIcrnþCatiniymTI. 3. .>
BYkeKÏabépþImeRbIRásĆatiniymCa«bkrN_rkßaGMNac nigTTYlánîarËaMRTBIRbCaCn...> CaFmμÈa
meFüaáyEdleKeRbI man TUrTsßn_rdæ BiFIbuNüsaÎarN£ nigesoveÔABum<sþg´darenAÈam
salaeron.. > CaerOy.@ ÔasamYyRtÚváneKbgç[M RkúmmnusßtUc.@ eRbI TaMgBYkeKmineBjcit.þ .> Rbsin
ebIGñkBinitüemIlCatiniymRbePTen¼enAcug s¿v¿ TI 20 nig s¿v¿ TI 21 vij GñkGacemIleXIjfa va
áneronyägeRcInBITRmg´mun.@. .>
TRmgĆatiny i mcugeRîay EdlelIkeLIgyägxøen¼ I KWeTIbEtekItmanEtbëu NÑa¼.. > xJehA
Mú Catinyi m
Ebben¼fa Catiny i mBInaysmuRT (Long Distance Nationalism). .> vaekIteLIgBIîarpøas´TIlMenAyäg
eRcInBaseBjsklelak îalBI 50 ÌñamuM n RBmCamYynwgbdivtþnenA _ kñgú visy
& TUrKmnaKmn_nakMlgu
Tsvtßr_Ìañ M 1990.. >GñkGacRbT¼eXIjCatiny i mRbePTen¼kñgú cMeNamRbCaCn EdlmanCMenOCakýäg

xøagM fa xønÜ ÉgCaCnCaticin Exμr éf ¦k¾nIehßrIya¨ bËu nþBYkeKáneFVdMI eNIreTAÈaMgTIlMenAenAtMbn´xø¼
énTVbI GWrbu¨ GU®sþalI GaemrikxageCIg nigxagt,Úg nigtMbn´déTeTot.. > CaerOy.@ BYkeKmanlixti qøg
EdnBIr. .> BYkeKsSti enAkñgú sSanÔaBcEmøk BIeRBa¼KMnti Catiny i mTaMgmUl KWfa mnusßRKb´rUbKYrEtman
RbeTsCatipÞal´xøÜnrbséK ehIyBYkeKRtÚvrsénAkñúgRbeTsena¼.. > RbCaCnkm<úCaKYrEtmanRbeTs
km<úCa edIm,IrsénA CnCati}QensIuKYrEtmanRbeTs}QensuIsRmab´rsénA .>l> minmankrNI
Ebben¼eToteT BiessRbsinebICnGenþaRbevsn_km<úCa ¦k¾CnGenþaRbevsn_}QensuI ánîøayCa
BlrdæîaNada...> dUecñ¼ BYkeKbeg;ItCatiniymExμr ¦k¾}QensuI enAkEnøgEdlmancm¶ayrab´Ban´
KILÚEm¨RtBIRbeTskm<úCa nigRbeTs}QensuI...> en¼beg;It[manRbePTCatiniymBiessmYy Edl
ÔaKeRcInmanenAelITMBr& GunI eFIreNt.. > «TahrN_ enAîaNada mnusßGg:y ú BImuxkMBu üÚTr& yYrédrbs´
BYkeK enAeBlyb´ ehIysresrsarmandUcCa ².}NaminRtÚvbeBay[rbUttMbn´ksμIr (îaesμór)
eLIy.³ ².cni dIeËakRtÚvEtkemÞcétvän´.³ ².braC&y«tþmesnIyenA _ PUma.!.³ . >l> BYkeKBitCamanÔaB
esμa¼Rtg´ bËu nþebIBinti üemIl[EmnETneTA BYkeKîøayeTACaGñkCatinyi mcg´RCúleTAvij mUlehtuRbEhl
mkBIfa BYkeKmanGarmμNmi_ nsuxRsÜl eBlÏakecjBIRbeTskMeNItrbs´xønÜ ehIyTTYlyksBa¢ati
breTs.. > xJmiMú nKitfa Catiny i mRbePTen¼ vaGaRkkéna¼eT.. > bËu nþ vaGacmanlT§pld¾KYr[eRËa¼fñak´
pgEdr...> mnusßEdlrsénAeRîARbeTs Gs´ry£eBlyUr hak´bIdUcCaát´bg´TMnak´TMngCatfÔaB
CamYyRbeTskMeNIt ehIyrsénACamYykþsuI bni BI ².RsukkMeNIt.³. .> BYkeKrsénAedaysuvtSÔi aB nig
pasukÔaB enAkñúgRbeTsGgéKøs ¦k¾áraMg ¦k¾Gaemrik ehIyBYkeKGaceRbIRás´RTBüsm,tþirbs´
BYkeK edayepJICafviîa meFüaáysRmabýuT§naîarpßBVpßay nigEfmTaMgGacbBa¢ÚnGavuFeTA[Rkúm
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RtÚv kñgú namCaBlrdæpgEdr eBalKW BYkeKminánRBmeTAeá¼eÌñatenARbeTskMeNItesa¼ (ËμannrNa
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rIkray...> GñkGacrkeXIjmnusßRbePTen¼kñúgcMeNamBYkGenþaRbevsn_lav hμúg evotNam PUma
TmiL G‘uyh:Ür nigRkúmCnCaticinCaeRcInRbePT.. >
}LÚven¼ xJsUMú mRtLb´mkniyayBITVbI GasuviI j edIm,IbgHaj[GñkeXIjfa eyIgGacRbT¼eXIjRbePT
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büEnþxJMúfa vamanenAétvän´...> étvän´ îalBIedImeLIy manmnusßmanrUbragRsedogBYkhVúIlIBIn nig
mLayU rsénA...> büEnþ enA s¿v¿ TI..17 manmnusßmYycMnYnmkBIÔaKGaeKñy_énRbeTscin ánÏab´
epþmI mkrsénAétvän´ edayrujRÏanCnCatiedIm [eTArsénAtMbn´PñM ehIyBYkcMNlU fμrs´ I enAÈamtMbn´
eqñr...> dMbUgeLIy rdæaPiálcRkPB (cin) minánykcitþTukdakćMeBa¼BYken¼eT.. > büEnþ eRîaymk
BYkeKÏabépþmI bBa¢nÚ m®nþ[I eTAdwknaMenATIena¼.. > vaRsedognwgGVEdl
I ánekIteLIgenAGaemrikxageCIg
nigxagt,Úg. .> eRîaymkeTot BYkniKmCnTaMgen¼ÏabépþmI eFV[I étvän´îøayCaRbeTsepßgmYy. .> BYk
Cb¨nu ándak´GaNaniKmelIBYkeKGs´ 50 ÌñaM (K¿s¿ 1895-1945). .> enAeBlEdlelak eCog éxeqk

rtéKcBITahanrbsélakRbÎanemÄ eTAîanéîa¼étvän´ eCog éxeqk ánbeg;tI rbbpþac´îareXareXA
nigánsmøabĆnCatiétvän´GsĆaeRcIn. .> dUecñ¼ CabeBIr.@ étvän´ánbdiesFeÏalKMnitEdlelIk
eLIgfa étvän´KWCacin ehIyemIleXIjxønÜ Égfa CaRbCaCatirgeRËa¼ edaysarîarËabsg;t´ dUcBYk
eRkGUleGs,äjenAcRkPBmuci suci naedIm s¿v¿ TI. 19.. > }LÚven¼étvän´KWCaRbeTsCatiny i md¾xøagM îøa
mYy. .> BYkeKeFVdUI cBYkGU®sþalI EdlniyayÔasaGgéKøs bËu nþminÏat´TukxønÜ Égfa CaCnCatiGgéKøs
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Catiny i mEdlEpðkelICatiBn§-ú ÔasaviTüa hak´bIdUcCasamBaØ. .> GñkGacRbT¼eXIjTRmg´ÏasénAkUer¨
enAkñgú Rbvtþs i a®sþedImrbs´km<Cú asm&yTMenIb enAkñgú RbeTsRsIlg;amuns®g:amelakelIkTIBIr Edl
îalena¼ manclnaÔasasIhL£.. > sBVéf¶en¼ Gñkk¾GaceXIjclnaCatiny i mEbben¼enAkñgú tMbn´mYy
cMnYnkñúgRbeTs}Na TIebt_ nigsuInekogpgEdr...> vaCaerOgFmμÈaeT EdlRkúmCatiBn§ú-ÔasaviTüa
ármÖxøacát´Ôasa nigvb,Fm’RbéBNIrbs´xøÜn. .>
dUcxJúMánelIkeLIgBIxagedImehIyfa CatiniymEbbpøÚvîaránmkdl´GasuIenA s¿v¿ TI. 19 Biess
enACbün nigeRîaymk enARbeTséf...> büEnþ }LÚven¼ eyIgGacemIleXIjyägc,asénARbeTs
cin. .> KNbkßkumyúμ nisîal þ BI 50 ÌñamuM n ánpþlÜ rMlsnþ
M tvi gßQIg ehIybþrÚ rbbRKb´RKgCasg:mniym
vij Et}LÚven¼ EbrCaxMxñ¼Exñgcg´îan´îab´TIebt_ nigGasukBal I EdlÎøabĆaTwkdIrbs´snþtvi gßen¼
eTAvij...> KNbkßkumμúynisþeFVIskmμÔaBeBareBjeTAedayCatiniymeBjTI BIeRBa¼xøÜnáneá¼bg´
eÏalrbbsg:mniym.. >
kñgú krNICatinyi mRbÌaMgnwgGaNaniKmniym xJKiMú tfa xJmiMú nÏaMácńiyayGVeRcI
I nena¼eT BIeRBa¼GñkTaMg
Gs´Ëñaándwg|RKb´ËñaehIy. .> vamanskmμÔaBxøagM enAkEnøgmYycMnnY CagkEnøgdéTeTot bËu nþvamanenA
RKb´TIkEnøgTaMgGs´. .> Catinyi mBInaysmuRT k¾eXIjmanpgEdr RbsinebIGñkemIlskmμÔaBneyaáy
enAÈambBashKmn_cineRîARbeTs enAîaNada Gaemrik GWrbu¨ nigkEnøgdéTeTot.. > enAkñgú krNIxø¼
BYkeKBitCaskmμCagrdæaPiálcineTAeTot.. > BYkeKlYgelamRkúgeb¨îaMg ku[M sRmbsRmÜlCamYyétvän´. .>
bËu nþ îarlYgelamen¼ËμantémøGVeLII y BIeRBa¼EtBYkeKminEmnrsénAkñgú RbeTsétvän´ ¦k¾RbeTscin
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neyaáy}Na nigÂäKIsSan EdleBlxø¼ KWCaerOgGyutþiFm’BnéBk nigbg;[manGMeBIhigßa.. >
sRmab´tMbn´GasuGaeKñ
I y_ «TahrN_c,aséna¼ KWRbEhlCakrNIRbeTsevotNam bËu nþ k¾manRkúm
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eyaÎaniymenAPUma.. > k¾manCnGenþaRbevsn_lavmYycMnnY EdlármÖBIsSanÔaBRbeTsLav ehIyk¾
manskmμCnCatihVúIlIBIneRîARbeTsmYycMnYn BüayameFVI[man}T§iBlelIîarGPivDÆneyaáyenA
hVúIlIBInpgEdr.. >
cugeRîay xJKYMú rEtelIkykerOgmYy EdleFV[I GñkÏab´GarmμN_ KWerOgsBa¢atiBIr. .> etIGñkGacTay

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ehIymanEtkmμvFi enA I Fmμsa®sþbëu NÑa¼eT (edaymanelak CajviTü pÞal´ CaGñkerobcM) EdltRmÚv[
nisßiteronÔasa mYykñgú cMeNamÔasaGasIGaeKñ u y_ eRîABIÔasaesom.. > en¼CaCMhand¾FMmYy eÌ<a¼eTA
rkîarCYyeRCamERCgelIîarsikßaGMBIRbeTsdéTénGasIuGaeKñy_. .>
kñgú eBlfI.μ @ en¼ ²sMNak´îarkgTunTMnku bRmúgîarvicy& ³ KW mUlniFTMi nku bRmúgîarRsavRCavénRbeTs
éf (m¿s¿f¿) EdlCasSab&nBak´kBalÉkCn Bak´kBalsaÎarN£ edIm,ICYyeRCamERCgîarRsavRCav
enARbeTséf ánÏabépImþ eFIKeRmag V îarmYy EdlmanTwkRák´mYyrylanáT (100¿000¿000 áT).. >
KeRmagen¼ maneQμa¼fa ² RxÚgîanGaNabriev¨nswukßahaPUmipak oqrgkarGaNaxrievNSwk$a 5 BUmiBaq
[eRËagîarGaNabrievNsikßa 5 PUmiÔaK] ³ edIm,I[manskmμÔaBeLIg nigerobcMmUldæansRmab´
²PUmÔi aKsikßa³ enARbeTséf.. > eyageTAÈamîarRbîaspßayKeRmagîaren¼ RbCaCatiéfÏaMác´RtÚv

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esdækic© (KW esdækic©dwknaMelak) suT§CaátuPUtEdlkMBugRKbdBb´BiPBelakTaMgmUl...> enAkñúg
cMeNamPUmiÔaKTaMg 5 KW GasIuGaeKñy_ 1 mCÄimbUB’aRbeTs 1 Ga®hiVúk 1 GaemrikLaTIn 1 nigGasIu
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nigRKw¼ EdlmanRsab´ edIm,IGac[QaneTAÏabýknUvcMeN¼dwgepßgeTot GMBEdn I dIdéTeTotenAkñgú
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(3)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ ÔasaesomehAfa ² GaNaxrievNSwk$a GaNabrievNsikßa ³ ÔasaGgéKøsehAfa “Area Stud-
ies”..>
îarxMrkeXIjGasuIGaeKñy_BIxagkñúg..½ etIîarsikßaGMBIGasuIeKñy_enARbeTséf enAÉNa.? 45
elak k¾enAmanîarxV¼xatEdr eTa¼CaTMnak´TMngrvagrdækIþ TMnak´TMngrvagRbCaCnkIþ îarbþÚrepþa¼Epñk

vb,Fm’ nigbBaØakIþ shRbtibtiîþ arkI.þ .> dUecñ¼ eRËagîaren¼ sMedAeTAelIîarGPivDÆGñkRáCJnigFnÎan
kñúgRsúk (KWmann&yfa cg´bU¼bBalGñkÉkeTsenARbeTséf lðCagbBa¢ÚneTAeronenAGaemrik).. >
eRËagîaren¼ k¾sMedAeTAelIîarBRgIkcMeN¼dwgrbs´mhaCnGMBIEdndIÉeTotenAkñúgBiPBelakeyIg
Edr.¬4¦. .>
etIRbeTséfxV¼cMeN¼dwgGMBIGasIuGaeKñy_ Emn¦eT ?
kñúgÌñaM 1988 edIm,ICacMENkmYy kñúgîarerobcM ² eRËagîarGaNabrievNsikßa 5 PUmiÔaK ³ en¼
mUlniFiTMnukbRmúgîarRsavRCavénRbeTséf (m¿s¿f¿) án«btSmÖîarsikßaRsavRCavEpñkbCanuRkm
(KnSnei TÞs) GMBGtS
I bTniBn§TaMgGs´ EdlsresrCaÔasaesom sIBIþ PUmÔi aKGasIGaeKñu y_ nigsIBIþ RbeTs
nImYy.@ kñúgPUmiÔaKen¼.. > bCanuRkmEdleKáneFIV ehIyEdlmanelak CajviTü CaGñkBinitüepÞóg
pÞat´ manbBaI¢EdlmanÉkelxna.¬5¦ eá¼Bum<pßay 400 k,al niekçbbTfñak´GnubNit ¦ fñak´bNit
150 k,al ehIynigGtSbTsikßa ¦ GtSbTsarB&t’manRbEhl 1700 GtSbT.¬6¦. .> cMnYnTaMgen¼ Bit
CaGs©arüEmn cu¼ehtuGIVánCaeKniyayfa RbeTséfxV¼cMeN¼dwgGMBIGasIuGaeKñy_ ?
elak CajviTü ánBnül´mUlehtuénKuNvibtirbs´ þ îarniBn§CaÔasaesomGMBRbeTs I Citxag.. > mun
dMbgU îarniBn§TaMgen¼ manlkçN£lemðógCa ²éfniym³ eBk eBalKW swgEtykcitTuþ kdakýägxøagM
eTAelIRbÎanbT EdlTak´TgnwgRbeTséf/ Kitdl´plRbeyaCn_éf nigeyaKyl´Tsßn£éf.. > eK
kRmeXIjNasńUvîarsikßamFü&tGMBRbeTsI Citxag EdlminKitdl´TMnak´TMngCamYynwgRbeTséf.. >
müägeTot Tsßn£éfniymen¼ EpðkelITsßn£bc©bú ,nñrbs´RbeTsCatiTMenIb edayxV¼nUvcMeN¼dwgyäg
eRCARC¼xagRbvtiþsa®sþ...> eTa¼CaenAeBlCECkBIerOgRbvtiþsa®sþk¾eday eKk¾Gacsm:alýägCak´
c,as´fa enAmanîarxV¼xatxagîarsikßa GMBsm&I yEdlRbeTsCitxag CaRbeTsGaNaniKm ehIyéf
k¾mancitRBegI
þ ykenIy þ cMeBa¼nKrtUcÈacmuneBlekIteLIgénRbeTsCatiTaMgLaykñgú bc©bú ,nñ. .> srub
eTA îarniBn§éfenAkñgú bCanuRkmen¼ suTsw§ gCaîarsikßaEdlsIGMþ BTMI nak´TMngfñak´GnþrCatirbs´RbeTs
éf...> müägeTot enARbeTséf eKÏab´GarmμN_eTAelIEtrgVg´RbÎanbTd¾cegðótmYyKt´ KW sniþsux
îarTUt ehIynigTMnak´TMngesdækic©nigFurkic©...> kñúgsm&ys®g:amRtCak´ eKánsresrGMBI}Qcin
yägeRcInelIslb´. .> elak CajviTü ánniyayedayBakücMGkfa GñkniBn§TaMgen¼ sresrdUcCa
———————————————————————
(4)..oqrgkarGaNaxrievNSwk$a 5 BUmiBaq [eRËagîarGaNabrievNsikßa 5 PUmiÔaK] kUnesoveÔAen¼ pßBVpßayCaÔasa
esomnigGgéKøs ÈamîarRbîasrbs´mUlniFiTMnukbRmúgîarRsavRCavénRbeTséf enA K¿s¿ 2000..>
(5)..Ékelxna KWCaîarsikßaGMBIRbîar ¦ cMNucmYyyägliðtlðn´..>
(6)..îardwgnUvÔaBxusEbøkËñarvagGtSbTsarB&t’mannigGtSbTsikßa mingaybünµaneT..> enAkñúgbCanuRkm eKmináneFIVîar
EbgEck ehIyenAkñúgcMnYn 1700 GtSbT manGtSbTTaMg 2 RbePT..>
TukxønÜ fa CaemdwknaMRbeTs EdlTTYlxusRtÚvxagsnis þ xu nigkicî© arxagpøvÚ TUt.¬7¦. .> elak CajviTü

án[eyabl´fa sñaédniBn§TaMgen¼ minmanlkçN£RKb´RËan´ sRmab´sikßaGMBIGasIuGaeKñy_eLIy. .>
k¾bËu nþ eyIgGaceÏaTsYrfa.½ etIsñaédniBn§TaMgen¼ BMGac
u manlkçN£lμmRKb´RËan´ edIm,ITukCacMENk
mYyéncMeN¼dwgGMBGasI I GaeKñ
u yenA _ RbeTséf áneT¦? etIsñaédniBn§TaMgen¼ minGacCYyksagîar
sikßaGMBGasI I GaeKñ
u y_ [îøayCamUldæanéncMeN¼viCa¢ enAkñgú RbeTséfeT¦? ¦mYy mann&yfa sñaéd
niBn§TaMgen¼ minsmnwgKMrrbs´ U elak CajviTü nigrbséyIg Edlmaneyabl´rYcRsabéhIyeTAelIîar
sikßa EdlsIGMþ BGasI I GaeKñ
u yena¼?
_ RbEhlCaÔaKeRcInénsñaédniBn§TaMgen¼ minmansuRkwtÔaB cMeBa¼
kRmitRbRktIrbséyIg EdlCaGñkRsavRCavEbbviTüasa®sþkñgú ²PUmÔi aKsikßa³ eT.. > îarniBn§TaMgen¼
eFIÈam
V RbéBNITMenomTmøab´énplitkmμcMeN¼ dUcCaráyîarN_îariyaFibetyü KWÈamrebobÏat´îarrdæ
>l> sUm,IEteyabl´rbsélak CajviTü RtwmRtÚvk¾eday k¾eyablén¼enAEtmindacéRsc edaysar
kñúgvis&ysikßa elak CajviTü nigeyIg s:alć,as´ nigmanbTBiesaFn_ GMBIPUmiÔaKsikßaÈamEbb
GaemriîaMg. .> cMeN¼dwgGMBGasI I GaeKñ
u yTaM_ gLay EdlmanenARbeTséf hak´dUcCaticpg RTúDeRTam
pg edayehtufa eyIgányklkçNvinic&äyBIbreTs eFIVîarvaytémøeTAelIbTniBn§TaMgen¼.. >
visy & cMeN¼dwgmYyNa BwgEpðkeTAelIRbB&nesdæ § kci ni© gneyaáyedayELkkñgú visy & sikßa KWeTA
ÈamlkçN£sg:ménplitkmμ lkçN£sg:ménîarp:t´p:gńigtRmÚvîar îarEckpßaynigBaNiC¢kmμ...>
«TahrN_ cMeN¼dwgGMBGasI I nau sm&yGaNaniKmniym man}TiB§ lmkBIîarsikßaGMBbUI Ba’ RbeTs Edl
Îøab´manenAelakxaglic Edlpþl´sar£sMxanéTAelIvis&yGkßrsa®sþ dUcCa nirutiþviTüa Ôasa nig
buraNviTüa CaedIm. .> rIÉvisy& PUmÔi aKsikßa rebobGaemriîaMg EdlánekIteLIgenAsm&ys®g:amRtCak´
Ïab´GarmμNCa_ BiesseTAelIviTüasa®sþsg:m. .> emäø ¼ehIy reboberoberogrbs´GñkRáCJnigviCa¢ epßg.@
k¾xusËñaeTAÈamlkçN£en¼Edr.¬8¦...> cMeN¼dwgénRbCaCatiéf GMBIPUmiÔaKGasIuGaeKñy_ k¾manTMenom
TmøabédayELk EdlEbøkBIKMrUPUmiÔaKsikßa EdleKs:alénAGaemrik . .>
ebIdUecñ¼ etIEbbbT ¦ TMenomTmøab´éncMeN¼dwgGMBGasI I GaeKñ u yenA _ RbeTséf manlkçN£yägdUc
emþc .? etIÉksarEdlánBIîarsikßaGMBbCanu I Rkm bgHajnUvGI.V @ elIîarsikßarebobéfGMBGasI I GaeKñ
u y_
¦eT.? GtSbTrbs´xMáT úJ en¼ G¼Gag fa fId,i
V tEtbBaØtGMþi BPUI mÔi aKGasIGaeKñ
u y_ CaKMnti fIEdl μ BMman
u ¬s
Kl´kñúgîarKitrbs´éfk¾eday k¾cMeN¼dwgGMBIRbeTsnImYy.@ enAkñúgPUmiÔaKen¼ sm,ÚrNasÉdr...>
îarN_en¼ eFIV[eKnwkeXIjnUvîareyaKyl´mYyFMCageKGMBIRbeTsCitxag EdlmanenAkñúgviC¢aéf
bc©bú ,nñ dUcEdlîarsikßaGMBbCanu I RkmánbgHaj.. > îareyaKylén¼ EpðkeTAelIEbbbTnigTmøab´
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(7)..Gm<r [îarsikßaGMBIGasIuxagekIteqogxagt,Úg ½ yWteBlehIy¦enA ?] K¿s¿ 2000 esckIþepIþm (ËµanelxTMB&r)..>
(8)..sUmemIl ebn Gan´dWrsun (Ben Anderson) “The Changing Ecology of Southeast Asian Studies in the United
States, 1950-1990” ² [bridæanviC¢ad¾ERbRbÜlénîarsikßaGMBIGasIuGaeKñy_enAshrdæGaemrik ÌñaM 1950–1990] ³ (CaÔasa
GgéKøs) kñg
ú Southeast Asian Studies in the Balance: reflections from America [îarsikßaGMBIGasIGaeKñ
u ykñ
_ g
ú îarRbfuy ½ îar
BiÏarNamkBIGaemrik] Ìalß hIru sµan (Charles Hirschman)/ Ìalß Gih¿V éxs_ (Charles F. Keyes) nig xal hwtrþw r&
(Karl Hutterer) CabNÑaFiîar RkúgGanGarb‘&r smaKmîarsikßaGMBIGasIu K¿s¿.1992 T¿ 25–40..>
éncMeN¼dwg 1 yäg EdlÎøab´manCayUrGEgVgmkehIyenARbeTsesom ena¼KWîareyaKylÉbb

cRkBtinþ y i mrbs´süamrdæ eBalKWcMeN¼dwgxagRbvtis þ a®sþ CaBiesscMeN¼dwg EdlántMNagnig
pßaymenaKmviC¢aEbbcRkBtiþniymen¼.. > ÈamTsßn£en¼ éfkRmÏat´TukRbeTsCitxagrbséKfa Ca
mitþNas´ EtpÞúyeTAvij eKeRcInTukfaCasRtÚv ¦ RsúkcMNu¼rbsésom ...> k¾büEnþ TnwÞmnwgTsßn£
cRkBtinþ yi men¼ manEbbbT ¦ Tmøabépßg.@ eTot EdleKBMsU u vTTYls:al´b¨nu aμ neT dUcCacMeN¼dwg
enAfñak´tMbn´ EdlmanTIÈaMgenAépÞeRîA (brimNl) énsüamrdæ...> TaMgcMeN¼dwgEbbcRkBtiþniym
TaMgcMeN¼dwgrbs´GññkRsúk ¦ kñúgbrimNl suT§EtxusBIcMeN¼dwg EdlekItmkBIrebobPUmiÔaKsikßa
k¾büEnþ kmμviFIsikßaGMBIGasIuGaeKñy_TaMgLay EdlnwgeFIVeTAkñúgGnaKt nwgBMuGaceCosputBIcMeN¼dwg
EbbcRkBtiþniymnigbrimNláneLIy. .>
BYksRtÚv nig BYkkenÞótTabtUc (BYkbrivar)
Baküfa ²GasIu ³ nig ²GasIGaeKñ
u y_ ³ en¼ CabBaØtbreTs
þi EdlminsUvÏas´b¨nu aμ neT.¬9¦. .> enAkñgú PUmÔi aK
GasIuGaeKñy_ eKBMuÎøab´Ïat´Tukvb,Fm’kñúgRsúkTaMgLay CacMENkrbs´GasIu nigGasIuGaeKñy_eLIy...>
GtþsBaØaNkmμEpñkPUmÔi aK EdleyIgs:aléRcInCageKenAGasIGaeKñ u ydI_ eËaK KW ²suvCPUmi ³ (dImas)
ehIynamen¼ KWGñkeRîA EdlmkBIGasITkßi u N nigGasIbsi u m© EdlniymeRbI. .> nam suvCPUmi en¼
minsm:aléTAelI ²PUmÔi aK³ mYy Cakć,as´b¨nu aμ nena¼eT EtsMedAeTAelIkEnøgmYyeTotenAkñgú PUmÔi aK
Edlsm,Úrsb,ay (ehIyRbEhlCaeyIgRtÚvyl´fa sm,Úrkñgú visy & sasna BMEmn u sm,Úrxagesdækci ©
eTdwg ?)...> îarbkRsayfa ²suvCPUmi³ Ca ²eRCay³ ánekIteLIgenAsm&yeRîay.@ kñúgTsßn£
²PUmÔi aK³.¬10¦. .>
müägeTot enAkñúgGtItîal Îøab´manGaNacRkeRcIn EdlmanesþcRKb´RKgena¼ Ca ² RB¼
raCaNacRk³/ ²cRkPB³ ¦ ²raCmNl³.¬11¦ enAkñgú tMbnÉdlCaGasIGaeKñ u ydI_ eËaksBVéf¶. .> eRîA
BIkrNImYycMnYntUc esþcTaMgGséna¼ RbkYtËña c,aMgËña ehIyb®g;abËña eTAvijeTAmk edIm,IdeBIm
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(9)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ EdlExµrehAfa ² GasIGaeKñ
u y_ ³ ÔasaesomehAán 3 yäg..> raCbNitsSanéfánbegIt
; bBaØtþi
CaBakükñúgÔasaesomfa ² eGejIytAv&nGGkeCIyg%t( eGeQot£vän´GkeqogÈay ³ KW ² GasIuxagekIteqogxagt,Úg ³ Etkñúg
îaEstnigkñúgrgVg´sil,£nigvb,Fm’ eKEbrCaehAfa ² Gu$aqenyà «ÃaeKñy_ ³ EdlCasmasnameFIVedayBaküfa ² «sa ³
(sM®sw;t ² «Ãa ³ (Ã KWBüBa¢n£sM®sw;tmYy EdlExµrCMnan´mun.@ ehAfa ² s–b ³) mann&yfa ² BnWøbMRBagCitRBwk ³) nig
Baküfa ² GaeKñy_ ³ ehIymanGñkxø¼ehA ² eGejIyGaqenyà eGeQoGaeKñy_ ³ vij KW ² GasIuGaeKñy_ ³..>
(10)..Ìalß GihV¿ éxs_ (Charles F. Keyes) The Golden Peninsula: Culture and Adaptation in Mainland Southeast Asia
[ eRCay mas ½ vb,Fm’ ni g îar su a M enA GasI u GaeKñ y _ dI eËak ] (Ca Ôasa Gg´ e Kø s ) Rk ú g hU N U l U l U RKw ¼ sS a n eá¼ Bu m < pßay én
saklviTüal&yhaév¨ K¿s¿ 1995..>
(11)..GU¿ dab´bwlyU¿ vül&Þrß (O.W. Wolters) History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives [Rbv†þsa®sþ
vbßFm’ nigPUmÔ
i aK kñg
ú Tsßn•s&yGasIGaeKñ
u y]_ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) îareá¼BumEk ú GIf
< ERb Rkg u aîa îareá¼Bumrbs´
< kmµvF
i I
GasIuGaeKñy_ saklviTüal&yX&rEnlø K¿s¿ 1999 T¿ 27–40 nig 126–154..> ehrmänñ Kul;# (Hermann Kulke)
“The Early and Imperial Kingdoms in Southeast Asian History” ² [GaNacRkedImnigcRkBtiþkñúgRbvtiþsa®sþ.→
yk«tþmÔaB ehIymansgÇwmfa ánbrmanuÔaBelIesþctUcÈac ¦ esþcsamnþraC eTAÈamlMdab´skiþ

rbsésþc. .> esþccRkBtiþ EdlminGacb®g;abËña k¾îøayeTACa ².KRbECg
U FM.³ nwgËña eTa¼CaRB¼Gg:RTg´
man«tþmÔaBelIesþccMNu¼dUcËñakIþ ¦ eTa¼CamanCMenOsasnadUcËñakIþ dUcCaesþcesom nigesþcPUma
Edlîan´RB¼BuT§sasnaefrvaTdUcËña...> en¼ KWCaesþc ² GaÈμaniym ³ EdlmanKMnit ² GjCaFM ³ KW
Kitfa RB¼Gg:ÉgCakMBUlkñúgelak CaraCaFiraC KWCaRB¼raCaEdlFMCagesþcÉeTot.. >
esomKitGMBIRbeTsCitxag nigGMBITMnak´TMngCamYyRbeTsTaMgen¼ edayEpðkeTAelITsßn£esþc
GaÈμaniymen¼...> edayehtufa CacmcRkBtiþ (esþccRkBtiþkMBUl) CaeRcInstvtßr_mkehIyena¼
GaNacRkesomTaMgLay KWÏab´BIGaNacRkRsIGyuFüa dl´GaNacRkeTBburI (ágkk) siStenAkñúg
sSanÔaBEdlÏat´TukRbeTsCitxag CaKURbkYt nigKURbECgxagbrmanuÔaB ¦mYyTukfa CasamnþraC/
RsúkcMN¼u ¦ GaNacRktUcÈac.. > eRîABIGaNacRkEdlsitS enAGasIGaeKñ
u ydI_ eËak ehIyEdlesom
manTMnak´TMngpÞal´ GaNacRkÔaKeRcInÉeTot EdlenAkñgú RbCMeîa¼
u énGasIGaeKñ
u y_ minsUvsitS kñgú rgVg´
énîarÏab´GarmμN_rbsésombünμaneT.. >
RbeTsCitxagkñúgRbvtiþsa®sþéf
Tsßn£GaÈμaniymrbs´éf GMBIRbeTsnImYy.@ enAGasIuGaeKñy_dIeËak ánsEmþgecjc,asŃas´kñúg
savÈaresom...> enARtgén¼ xMJúáTsUmykRbvtiþsa®sþesommkCatMNagrbsćMeN¼dwgesomGMBI
RbeTsCitxag.. > Rbvtiþsa®sþbgHaj[dwgnUvbTBiesaFn_rbs´éfkñúgbc©úb,nñ CamYyRbeTsCitxag.. >
TnwÞmnwgen¼ Rbvtiþsa®sþk¾man}Ti§BleTAelIbTBiesaFn_rbs´éfkñúgbc©úb,nñ nigk¾GacpþlńUvxøwmsar
dl´bTBiesaFn_TaMgen¼.. > enARtgén¼ Baküfa ²Rbvtisþ a®sþ ³ sMedACaBiesscMeBa¼îarrayrab´ Edl
Ïak´¬seTAkñúgîaryléXIjGMBIRbeTsCitxag Èamry£Tsßn£rbsésþccRkBtiþ rYcehIyÏab´BIedIm
stvtßr_TI 20 k¾ánerobcMkñgú stism,CBaØ£TMenIbxagRbvtisþ a®sþ edaymanîarRbyuTrvag § áraMgEss
nigesom kñgú ÌñaM 1893 EdleFI[V esommanîarQWcity¨þ agxøagM .¬12¦. .> Rbvtis
þ a®sþen¼ manB&Nn’ aGMBI
RbeTsekßmkßanþmYy KWRbeTsesomen¼Ég EdlRtÚvBYksRtÚvbreTsmkebotebonCaerOy.@ Et
eTa¼CayägNak¾eday RbeTsesomk¾ánrYcBIsøab´ EfmTaMgánîarBarÉkraCÔaB ehIyáncRmúg
ceRmIneBjTMhgw eTotpg.. > kity þi sánmaneTAdlémdwknaMesomFM.@ CaBiessRB¼eÏAesom Edl
eKehAfa esþcTsBiFraCFm’ kñúgtMNraCvgßcRkI EdlenAEtesayraCüsBVéf¶en¼.. > bTBiesaFn_
FM.@ CamYyRbeTsCitxag EdlmanEcgkñgú RB¼raCBgßavÈar eKánbkRsaynigyléTAÈamrebobray
———————————————————————
↵ GasIuGaeKñy_] ³ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) kñúg Southeast Asia in the 9th to the 14th Centuries [GasIuGaeKñy_BIstvtßr_TI 9 dl´
14] (CaÔasaGgéKøs) daviD mäRr (David Marr) nig Ga¿es¿ milrñ& (A.C. Milner) CabNÑaFiîar sigb
H ru I viTüasSan
sikßaGasIGaeKñ
u y_ K¿s¿ 1986 T¿ 1–22..>
(12)..xMáT
úJ ánGPiRáyEvkEjkGMBdM
I eNIrîaren¼ kñg
ú Siam Mapped: a history of the geo-body of a nation [îarKUrEpnTIRbeTs
esom ½ Rbv†þmYyGMBrU i a®sþrbs´RbeTsCa¥mYy] (CaÔasaGgéKøs) hUNl
I bPUms U l
U U RKw¼sSaneá¼Bumpßay
< énsaklviTüal&y
haév¨ CMBUkTI 8..>
rabén¼ EdlekIteLIgenA s¿v¿ TI 20 en¼.. > müägeTot bTBiesaFn_en¼ îøayCa ²niymn&yeËal³

rbs´Tsßn£Edléfyl´BIRbeTsCitxag eBalKWKMnti GtSbdirbU (eRbóbeFob) EdlbegIt; n&ynigîaryl´
EdlTak´TgnwgRbeTsCitxag îalNaRbeTséfmanTMnak´TMngnwgRbeTsCitxagsBVéf¶en¼ ¦ kñgú eBl
eRîay...> eyIgk¾GacniyayánEdrfa manehtuîarN_xø¼.@ kñúgRbvtiþsa®sþéf ÈamîarbkRsaykñúg
sm&yen¼ bgHaj[dwgnUvrebobEdléfsagsg´îaryléXIjrbs´xøÜn GMBIRbeTsCitxag.. >
Èamniymn&yeËalen¼ PUmaCaxμagM sRtÚvd¾man¬Tipg § d¾îacsahavpg Edlánc,aMg QøanBanyk
RbeTsesomBIrdg.. > fId,iV tEtesománÉkraCüeLIgvijTaMgBIrdgena¼k¾eday k¾braC&yáneFI[V citþ
KMnitrbsésommansñamrbYs EdlminGacrlubáneT CaBiessbraC&yenAÌñaM 1767 FMCagbraC&y
enAÌñaM 1569...> elak suenRt ánbMPWøfa îarvaybMpøajTIRkúgRsIGyuFüa naÌñaM 1767 mundMbUgeK
yl´fa Caîarcu¼Gab´{n nigîarÎøakću¼rbsńKrRbkbedayKuNFm’mYy kñgú édrbs´kgkmøagM îacsahav
EdlRbkbeday¬T§anuÔaB ehIyEdleKáneRbóbdUcRkúgmarkñgú BuTsasna. § . > Tsßn£xagsasnaen¼
eKánelIkykmkplitCabBaØtmþþi gvijeTot enAkñgú îarsikßaRbvtis þ a®sþTMenIb KWrvagcug s¿v¿ TI 19
nigedIm s¿v¿ TI 20 edayÏat´TukPUmaCasRtÚvd¾eXareXArbsĆatiesom.¬13¦. .> GMBIbraC&yelIkdMbUg
enAÌñaM 1569 sUm,IEtGñkEdlEtgsavÈarGMBIsm&yRkúgRsIGyuFüa naedIm s¿v¿ TI 19 k¾ányl´fa
CaC&yCMn¼rbsésþccRkBtiþPUma RB¼nam áyieCag.¬14¦ elIesþcRkúgRsIGyuFüa EdlËμansIlFm’
ehIyEdlElgCaesþcTsBiFraCFm’.¬15¦...> EtîarbkRsayTMenIb RbkbedayCatiniymen¼ án
yléTAvijfa Cas®g:ammYyeTot rvagCatiTaMg 2.. > îarerobrab´GMBbraC& I yTaMgBIredaysarBYkPUma
en¼ EdleKTukCaerOgsYBUC kñgú s®g:amRbÌaMgnwgxμagM sRtÚv CaRKw¼énîarerobrab´TMenIb kñgú Rbvtis
þ a®sþ
éfenAedIm s¿v¿ TI 20.¬16¦. .>
———————————————————————
(13)..suenRt Cutin§rannÞ “The Image of the Burmese Enemy in Thai Perceptions and Historical Writings” ² [rUb
eRbóbrbs´sRtÚvPUmakñúgTsßnvis&yesom nigkñúgGtSbTRbvtiþsa®sþ] ³ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) kñúg Journal of the Siam
Society varsar syam smaqm *¨ a r£san s£y¨ a m s£m¨ a xM u [ TsßnavdIþsüamsmaKm] elx 80 ÔaK TI 1 (K¿s¿ 1992)
T¿.89–103..>
(14)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ kñúgÔasaPUma sresrfa ² Purgýenagý ³ Ganfa áyieNÑag mann&yfa esþcerom CaRB¼brm-
namrbs´RB¼raCaPUmamYyGg: EdlánesayraCüBI K¿s¿ 1551 dl´ K¿s¿ 1581 ehIyánc,aMgQñ¼bBaGaNacRkéfFM
TaMgLay/ GaNacRkeQogéhµ nigRbeTsesom..> esþcen¼ manRB¼namfa ² buergng ³ kñúgBgßavÈaresom..>
(15)..sUmemIl TgĆ&y vinic©kUl “A Villain in Thai History Who Was Framed by the Plot of Historians” [mnusß
GaRkk´mYynak´ EdlRtÚvdak´s‘MuedaysarîarXubXitrbs´RbvtiþviTUTaMgLay] ³ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) kñúg ùdyqzISwk$a éfx£DI
swukßa [éfK†sikßa] îaBa©nI lðgRsI (kaYcnI lAGGgSrI îaBa©nI L£GgsIu) nigGñkdéT CabCaFiîar (K¿s¿.1990)
T¿.173–196..>
(16)..sUmemIlîarGÈSaFib,aykñúgviÏarNkfarbs´semþceÏAhVaRkúmRB¼yä tRmg´ raCanuÔaB GMBI brArajbgSavzarbrA
rajh&tTelKa [RB¼raCBgßavÈarcßab´RB¼raChtSelxa] (CaÔasaesom) EdlánniBn§kñgú ÌñaM 1914 ehIynigsunrÞ kfarbs´RB¼
Gg: ² EszgxrryaybgSavzarsyam [sEmþgbriyayBgßavÈarsüam] ³ CaÔasaesom EdlánEføgkñg ú ÌñaM 1926 enAsakl-
viTüal&ycuLalg;rN_..>
ÈamTsßn£éf îarN_EdlRbeTsPUmaÎøakćUleTAkñgú kBab´édBYkGgéKøs CaPsþÈú agbBa¢ak´fa PUma

eÏalemßót CaBYkekgRbv&Ba© EdlÎøak´kñgú kBab´édBYkekgRbv&Ba©mYyBYkeTot EdlxøagM Cag edaysar
erOgeRBgkmμ. .> pÞyú eTAvij en¼CaîarN_s[eXIjfa esománrYcBIkBab´édrbs´BYkGaNaniKmniym
edaysarRB¼eÏAesomd¾Ìøatvagév EdlykRB¼T&yTukdakélICatiCaeËalFMbMput. .> eKánniTanGMBI
citþxilxUcrbs´PUma CaEbbepßg.@ EdlcUlkñúgîarGÈSaFib,ayCatiniymeRcInEbbyäg enAkñúgGMLúg
s¿v¿ TI 20.. > CaerOy.@ esománykPUmaCatMNagsRtÚvrbs´xøÜn sUm,IEtenAkñúgeBlxø¼ sRtÚvBit
Rákd KWmkBIRbeTsmYyeTot BMuEmnCaRbeTsPUmak¾eday...> «TahrN_ erOgelçanCatiniymÔaK
eRcInkñgú GMLgú s®g:amelakelIkTI 2 nigkñgú GMLgú s®g:amRtCak´ CaerOgelçanniyayGMBesom
I c,aMgnwg
PUma.. > eyageTAÈamniymn&yeËal PUmaCasRtÚvsYBUC EdlmhaCnéfRtÚvdwg nigyl´fa bBaHaepßg.@
EdlRbeTséfmanCamYynwgRbeTsPUma enAkñgú Tsvtßr_TaMgb¨nu aμ nenAcug s¿v¿ TI 20 knøgmken¼ Ca
erOgEdlekIteLIgCaerOy.@ KWsSanÔaBÈantwgnigRbyuT§CamYynwgKURbkYtsYCati. .>
PsþÈú agEdlbBa¢ak´[eXIjfa PUmaxilxUc ena¼ maneRcInNasénAkñgú bc©bú ,nñîal dUcCa«b,tieþ htu
EdlekIteLIgCajwkjab´rvagTahanéfnigTahanPUmaÈamRBMEdn/ RBwtîþi arN_ÏabćMNab´xμagM enARbeTs
éf naÌñaM 1999–2000 KWfa kñúgRBwtþîarN_mYy mkBIBYk«TÞamPUmaRbÌaMgnwgrdæaPiálPUma ehIykñúg
RBwtiþîarN_mYyeTot KWmkBIsmaCikénCnCatiÔaKticenAPUma (EdlRbÌaMgnwgrbbrdæÎanIyägKug)...>
«TahrN_mYyeTot îaryléXIjrbs´mhaCnéf KWfa rbbPUmaenAyägKugen¼Ég EdlenAeRîay
EpnîarxilxUcénplitkmμem¨teM hVÈamIn nigîarykeTAEckÏayenARbeTséf edIm,IeFI[V Gnþraydl´
RbeTséf.. > enAman«TahrN_mYyeTotEdr KWîarCECktvä EdlekIteLIgenAÌñaM 2001 GMBem I eron
kñúgesoveÔAsikßaenARbeTsPUma Edlmak´gayCatiesom ehIynigri¼Kn´RB¼eÏAesomTaMgLay...>
edaymUlehtuTaMgGsén¼ yUr.@ mþg manbnÞú¼CatiniyméfRbÌaMgnwgPUma nigCamUlehtuEdlmhaCn
éfmincUlcitþBYk«TÞamPUmanigCnGenþaRbevsn_PUma.. >
kñgú KMnti rbs´xønÜ esomTuklavdUcCabðnÚ Gn´bMptu CaRbeTsenAkñgú citbuþ Nünigîar«btSmrbs´
Ö esom
Etminec¼dwgKuNesomEdlmancitlðþ . .> Èamîalsm&yRbvtis þ a®sþTaMgGs´ nigÈamTsßn£rbsésom
GaNacRklavTaMgLay CaRsúkcMN¼u EdlÎøab´manTMnak´TMnglð.@ CamYysüamrdæ. .> EtenA K¿s¿ 1826
dl´ 1829 man«b,tieþ htucEmøkmYy EdlánekIteLIg ehIyEdlditCab´kñgú pñtKM´ nti nigGarmμNrbs´ _
esom GMBîar I yléXIjelIlav.. > «b,tiþehtuen¼ KWeîalahlEdl ²eÏAGnu ³ (KW RB¼áT Gnuvgß)
rbsńKrevogc&nnÞ _ ánbegIt; eLIg. .> ÈamîarsikßaGMBBgßavÈar
I esom edayEpðkelIRB¼raCBgßavÈar
RkúgeTBburI RB¼áT Gnuvgß rbsńKrlanCag KgénARkúgevogc&nÞn_ RTg´Îøab´manPkIþÔaBd¾lðcMeBa¼
RB¼eÏAesoménraCvgßcRkI enARkúgFnburI nigRkúgeTBbur.I ¬17¦. .> k¾bËu nþ éf¶mYy RB¼áT Gnuvgß ekIt
———————————————————————
(17)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ ú en¼eQµa¼RkúgFnburRsI
KW ágkk..> îalBImun TIRkg I GyuFüa ehIyánpøaséQµa¼enA K¿s¿ 1782
Ca RkúgeTBburIRsIGyuFüa vij EdlsBVéf¶ éfehAfa RkúgeTB ExµrehAfa Rkúgágkk..>
erOgCMTasĆamYynwgRB¼eÏARB¼ram TI 3 (RB¼NaMgîøav) d,itRB¼ram TI 3 RTg´minánTTYlyksMNUm

Brrbs´RB¼áT Gnuvgß EdlsUm[CnCatilav Edlesománekor[eTAÈaMgTIlMenAenARbeTsrbs´
xøÜnkñúgeBlekIts®g:ammun.@ GacRtLbéTARbeTseKvij. .> RB¼áT Gnuvgß RTg´Gn´RB¼T&yBnéBk
dl´kRmitRTg´RB¼cinþaratt,atPUmiÔaK»sanénRbeTsesom EdlCaPUmiÔaKmYymanRbCaCnCatilav
Edr...> eÏAGnuk¾ánc,aMgdeBImyknKr (TIRkúg) FM.@ enAkñúgPUmiÔaK»san munnwgesomvaytb...>
eÏAGnu k¾RtÚvfyecj ehIyenATIbBa©b´ k¾ePosRB¼Gg:eTAKgénARbeTsyYn kñgú eBlEdlT&Besom
cUldl´Rkúgevogc&nÞn_ nigbMpøajRkúgen¼.. > swks®g:am k¾enAEtmanteTAeTot dl´ K¿s¿ 1829 Ca
ÌñaEdl
M RB¼áT Gnuvgß RtÚvbraC&yeBlRB¼Gg:sakl,gc,aMgdeBImRkúgevogc&nnÞ vi_ j ehIyk¾RtÚvesom
Ïab´RB¼Gg:...> RB¼Gg:RtÚveKbBa¢ÚneTARkúgeTBburI ehIyRtÚveKBiXatyägeXareXAenAcMeBa¼mux
mhaCn.¬18¦...> eRîaymk erOgen¼ k¾l,IrnWÞenAkñúgRbvtiþsa®sþéf BIeRBa¼manvIrnarI 1 rUb Edlman
eQμa¼fa surnarI ánecjmuxecjmaténAkñgú cm,aMgen¼ bnÞab´mkeKányknageFICa V sMNakEdlRtÚv
eËarBbUCaTUTaMgRbeTs eRBa¼nagánse®g:a¼RbeTsCati ehIysBVéf¶en¼ nagCayayETBrkßaTIRkúg
eËaraC.¬19¦ (nKrraCsIma).¬20¦. .> büEnþ ËμanGIVKYr[egOgq¶léna¼eT kñúgîarxusEbøkËñaRsL¼rvagRbvtiþ
swks®g:amxagelIen¼ nigRbvtis þ a®sþCapøvÚ îarrbs´lav RBmTaMgerOgtMNal (erOgbrm,ra) kñgú Rsúk
EdlRbCaCnÈamdgTenøemKg: räyräb´t.@ Ëña. .> eyageTAÈamRbPBTaMgen¼ BYknamWunesomEtgeFIV
ábbBara®sþlavEdlrsénAkñgú PUmÔi aKena¼.. > eKánbgMra®sþ ç lav[sak´xønÜ CasBaØafa CaTasaTasI
EdleKEkneTAedIm,IeFIVîarF¶n´.@. .> eÏAGnu k¾RTg´bwþgdl´RkúgeTBburI CaeRcInelIkeRcInsa Eteday
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(18)..manRbPBnigráyîarN_CaeRcInsresrCaÔasaesomGMBI ² îarb¼eárrbséÏAGnu ³ ehIyenAkñg
ú en¼ manîarrayîarN_
CapøÚvîar kñúgRB¼raCBgßavÈarraCüRB¼ram TI 3 EdleÏARB¼yä TiBakrvgß ánEtg brArajbgSavzarkrugrtnoksindrà
r&jkaldI§ 3 [RB¼raCBgßavÈarRkúgrtneîasi®nÞ rC¢îalTI 3] (CaÔasaesom) k,alTI 1 ágkk îareá¼Bumrbs´
< Kurs
u Ôa
K¿s¿.1961..> sUmemIlTMB&rTI 45–48 GMBIcm,aMgenAeËaraC ehIynig T¿.90–93 GMBIîarrayîarN_liðtlðn´sIþBIîardak´
TNkmµenAmuxsaÎarNCn..>
(19)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ extþnKrraCsIma nigTIrYmextþ maneQµa¼samBaØkñúgÔasaExµrsurinÞ fa eËaraC..> kñúgÔasaesom
k¾ehAdUecñ¼Edr EtbeBa©jsemøgÈamÔasaeKfa xUrät..> ExµrRsúkExµr edayBMus:aléQµa¼EdlGñkRsúkdak´ k¾ehARcLMfa
kUrät Èamry£GtSbTCaÔasaáraMgEssnigGgéKøs..>
(20)..GñkRsI sayBiN EkvgämRbesIdæ ánBnül´fa BMman
u EcgGMBvII rnarIen¼enAkñg
ú kMNt´RÈaenAîalsm&yena¼eLIy Et
ekr#eQµ
þ ú CMnanéRîay.@ KWenAkñg
a¼rbsńagCavIrnarICatiena¼ ánelc|kñg ú Tsvtßr_ÌñaM 1920 ¦ 1930 ehIyeKánÏat´Tuknag
ú kñg
CayayETBrkßaRsk ú eBlfI.µ @ en¼bëu NÑa¼eT..> sUmemIl sayBiN EkvgämRbesIdæ (saybiN Ek(vgamprAesri™) kar
emWGg%nGnusavrIyd(à avsurnarI [neyaáykñg
ú •manGnusßavrIyfav
_ surnarI] (CaÔasaesom) (ágkk îareá¼Bumrbs´
< mtiCn
K¿s¿ 1995)..> esoveÔAen¼ eFIV[ekIterOgCECkRbEkk eRBa¼GñkRsúkyl´fa CaîarRbmafemIlgayshKmn_nigCati..>
elak Ìalß éxs_ (Charles Keyes) ánGPiRáyBIîarCECkRbEkkGMBIîarcgÏaM kñúg “National Heroine or Local Spirit?
The Struggle over Memory in the Case of Thao Suranaree of Nakhon Rachasima” ² [vIrnarICati ¦ GñkdUnrkßaRsúk ?
îarRbyuT§GMBIîarcgÏaM kñúgkrNIfavsurnarIBInKrraCsIma] ³ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) kñúg Social Memory and Cultural Crisis:
modernity and identity in Thailand and Laos [îarcgÏaMénsg:m nig•b†þvb,Fm’ ½ ÔaBTMenIbnigGtþsBaØaNenARbeTséfnig
RbeTslav] RkúgLúgRd# rUtLidhß_ / xWrhßún K¿s¿ 2002 T¿ 113–136..>

ËμanlT§plGIesa¼
V RTg´RB¼cinaþ fa RtÚvEtmanRbtikmμ. .> ÈamRbvtis
þ a®sþpøvÚ îarrbs´lav RBmTaMgÈam
erOgtMNalkñúgRsúk cm,aMgEdlekIteLIgBIÌñaM 1826 dl´ 1829 eRbóbdUcCas®g:amRbÌaMgnwgGMeBI
eXareXArbsésom nigCaîarb¼eárRbÌaMgnwgGMeBICi¼Can´rbsésom eRcInCagîarrMelaPÉkraCÔaB
rbsésom xusBIîarBiB&N’naCapøÚvîarrbsésom.¬21¦. .>
Tak´TinnwgRbeTskm<úCa manRbeyaKîøayCaBaküesøakmYycMnYn EcgGMBIExμr manxøwmsarfa Exμr
CamnusßtUcÈacefakTab EdlRbCaCatiesomBMKb,I u manTMnku TukcitTal´
þ Etesa¼.. > enAkñgú Baküesøak
TaMgen¼ man ²xmdaMDin KGmzMazin [ExμrmuCdI] ³ nig ²x£em¨nERbpak´ eKmrEprb&ktrà [ExμrERbP&®kþ] ³
I raCaesom 1 RB¼Gg:enAsm&yRkúgsuexaT&y RB¼nam RB¼rYg.¬22¦
CaedIm. .> erOgTI 1 KWCaerOgl,ImYyGMBRB¼
EdlánRbÌaMgnwgGMNacrbsésþccRkBtiExμ þ rîalBIeRBgnay.. > RB¼raCaExμránbBa¢nÚ BjaeteCadaM
Din.¬23¦ edIm,IeTAXøaMemIlRB¼rYg. .> BjaeteCadaMDinec¼eFIVdMeNIrERCkdI ehIyánelcecjBIdIRtg´
TIEdlnayrYgkMBugeásdI enAkñúgvtþGaram 1.¬24¦. .> EtnayrYg EdlkMBugrg´ÏaMeteCadaMDinena¼ án
sURtmnþGaKm eFIV[BjaeteCadaMDinîøayCafμ.¬25¦. .>
rIÉerOg ² ExμrERbP&®kþ ³ eKÎøabéRbIcMeBa¼RBwtiþîarN_epßg.@ enAeBlEdlTMnak´TMngrvagRkúg
km<Cú aFibtInigRkúgRsIGyuFüa ÈantwgxøagM Ïab´ÈaMgBI s¿v¿ TI 14.. > Èammtirbs´Rbvtivþ Ti éf
U bc©bú ,nñ RB¼
mhakßRtExμrTaMgLayminesμa¼RtgćMeBa¼RB¼mhakßRtRkúgRsIGyuFüaEdlmancitbuþ Nü ehIyRB¼mha
kßRtExμr«sßah_rtéTAmçageTot ¦k¾vayRbeTsesom kñgú eBlEdlesommanbBaHa.¬26¦. .> erOgniTan
———————————————————————
(21)..sUmemIl myUrI nig pWypan´ gävsIuvät´ “Lao Historiography and Historians: case study of the war between
Bangkok and the Lao in 1827” ² [BgßavÈarviTüa nigRbvtivþ T
i lav
U ½ îarsikßakrNIs®g:amrvagRkúgeTBburni
I gRbeTslavkñg
ú
ÌñaM 1827] ³ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) kñg
ú Journal of Southeast Asian Studies [TsßnavdIsi
þ kßaGMBGasI
I y]_ (CaÔasaGgéKøs)
GaeKñ
u
elx 20¿1 (K¿s¿ 1989) T¿ 55–69 ehIynigesoveÔAmYyeTotrbs´GñkniBn§dEdl GMBRbÎanbT

I dEdl Paths to Confla-
gration [ pø Ú v sM e dA eTA mha GKi : P & y ] Rk ú g GI u f aîa îar eá¼ Bu m < rbs´ kmµ v i F I X& r Enlø GM B I GasI u GaeKñ y _ K¿s¿ 1998 T¿
163–222..>
(22)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ kñúgBgßavÈarExµrxø¼ ehARB¼Gg:fa Bjaerag..>.
(23)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ kñg
ú GtSbTExµrxø¼ sresrfa eteCadMDn
i ...> daMDin CaBaküesom daM mann&yfa ².eá¼BYy/ muC.³
ehIynig Din mann&yfa ².dI.³..>
(24)..kMNt´GñkbkERb ½ ÈamBgßavÈarExµr îalena¼ RB¼rYgminTanéLIgRKgraCsm,tiþ elakCaenn ¦ elaksgÇ..> man
BgßavÈarExµrmYycMnYnehAelakfa nayrYg mYycMnYneTot ehAelakfa nayerag.>
(25)..sUmemIl eÏAhVa (RB¼Gg:m©as´) vCiravuF (RB¼ram TI 6) xdlAqrbUz erW§GgbrAr’vg [bTelçanniyay erOgRB¼rYg]
(CaÔasaesom) ágkk bCkic© K¿s¿ 1977 T¿ 7..>
(26)..sUmemIl viny
& BgßRsIeBor “Ayotchapura-Sriyasothon” ² [GeyaCÄbur£–RsIyesaFr] ³ (CaÔasaGgéKøs) kñg
ú
qvamyGky(GnKGgprAv&tiSastràùdy [esckIþsμúKsμajénRbv†þsa®sþesom] (CaÔasaesom) vin&y BgßRsIeBor (vin&y
bgSàSrIebIyr viéN pugsIuepon) CabCaFiîar îarEtgesckIþedIm,IbgHajîareËarBRsLajćMeBa¼semþceÏAhVaRkúmRB¼yä
su P & R Tti s ti s ku l kñ ú g {îas bu N ü xY b kM e NI t 72 vsßa (ágkk KN£ kmµ î ar Rbvti þ s a®sþ sM N ak´ nayk rdæ m ®nI þ
K¿s¿.1996)..> enAkñúgGtSbTen¼ elak vin&y ánsresrfa RBwtiþîarN_Rbvtiþsa®sþkñúg s¿v¿ TI 14 nig 15 EdlCa.→
l,ImYy GMBIExμrEdlminesμa¼Rtgéna¼ ehIyEdldkRsg´BIRB¼raCBgßavÈarRkúgRsIGyuFüa ánerob

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enAÌñaM 1569 RB¼raCaExμrKgénATIRkúglEgVk eqøót{îasedIm,IeTAvaybønńKrtUc.@ enAÈamRBMEdn
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↵ mUldæanénTsßn£CaKMren¼
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u ay (manic jumsay mänit QMsay)
u ² brAnerSvrElAkruglAEvk cakx&ndwkKGgjavFr&g§ eSs ElAx&ndwk
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nigîarsðbQñ ´ anIsËña EdlánekIteLIg rvagesþcyYnnigesþcesomkñgú sm&yeRîay.@ mk KWkñgú Bak´
kBalTI 1 én s¿v¿ TI 19 CaBiessedaysarbBaHaGFibetyüÔaBeTAelIRsúklavnigRsúkExμr. .> enA
TIbMptu manswks®g:amekIteLIgrvagRbeTsTaMgBIr edayîarTamTarnKrlavmYycMnnY CaRsúkcMN¼u . .>
s®g:amena¼ manry£eBl 14 ÌñaM (1833–1847) ehIyRtÚvbBa©bédayËμanlT§plCakÉsþg.¬31¦. .>
ÈamTsßn£éf esománCYyRbeTsyYn[Kg´vg´ EtenATIbMptu yYnmindwgKuNehIyîøayCaKURbECg
FM 1.. > müägeTot îarN_EdlyYnTamTarGFibetyüÔaBelIRbeTslavnigRbeTsExμr eRîay.@ mk
áraMgEssykCaels edIm,ITamTarbBaEdndIena¼ ehIyîarN_en¼bBal[ekItîarRbyuT§rvag
RbeTsesomnigRbeTsáraMgEss enAcugTsvtßr_ÌñaM 1880 dlédImTsvtßr_ÌñaM 1890 ehIybBal
[esom ² átÉdndIrbs´éfmYycMnYn ³ eTACarbs´áraMgEssvij...> ehtuen¼ehIyánCaéfyl´
eXIjfa RbeTsyYnCaGMNacQøanBannigvatTIniymmYy enAkñúgPUmiÔaKGasIuGaeKñy_. .> rUbÔaBen¼
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t,ÚgRbeTsesomeT.. > bBardæmLayUTaMgLay EdlenAEb¨kxageCIgéneRCaymLayU sitS enAeRîam
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büEnþ erOgGMNacrbs´RbeTsesomeTAelIbBanKrmLayU Èamry£nKrRsIFmμraC kñúgBgßavÈar BMu
sUvCakÉsþgb¨nu aμ neT.. > BgßavÈaresománkt´RÈa«b,tieþ htuEdlekIteLIgCamYynKrmLayUnana Et
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(30)..brArajbgSavzarkrugr&tnoksindrà Cx&xhGsmuzEh’gjati r&jkaldI§ 1 [RB¼raCBgßavÈarRkúgrtneîasi®nÞ c,ab´
bCal&yCa† rC¢îalTI 1] (CaÔasaesom) ágkk XøaMgviTüa K¿s¿ 1962..> ÈamRB¼raCBgßavÈar semþcRB¼mha

«braCesom manmat´TiBV eRBa¼RB¼Gg:ánEføgGMBIîarRBÜyármÖrbs´RB¼Gg: fa esþc egVón Gaj´ s:al´RkúgeTBburIyäg
c,as´lðeBk yYnCMnanéRîay.@ Gacbg;erOgdl´RbeTsesomán..>
(31)..eÏARB¼yä TiBakrvgß ánEtg brArajbgSavzarkrugr&tnoksindrà r&jkaldI§ 3 [RB¼raCBgßavÈarRkúgrtneîasi®nÞ
rC¢îalTI 3] (CaÔasaesom) k,alTI 1 nigTI 2 ágkk îareá¼Bum<rbs´KurusÔa K¿s¿ 1961..> sUmemIlxÞgémBaküBI
B¿s¿ 2376 dl´ B¿s¿ 2390..>
enAeBlNaEdlnKrRsIFmμraCRKb´RKgbBaHaElgán ehIyRtÚvîarGnþraKmn_BIsMNak´RbeTsesom.. >

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minRBmfVayp;amaseTARB¼eÏAenAágkk/ TI 3 îarRbÌaMgCacMhnwgesomkñgú TRmgépßg.@ eTot ehIy
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BIena¼ esomTukbBanKrmLayU CaRsúkcMN¼u EdlenAÌ¶ay ehIyEdlcUlcitruþ kkYn. .> enAÌñaM 1909
esomyl´RBm[Epñkxø¼.@ énnKrmLayUmYycMnnY EdlenAxageCIgeRCaymLayU eTABYkGgéKøs Ca
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cMeN¼dwgEbbcRkBtiþniymesomGMBIGasIuGaeKñy_ eTAÈamîalsm&y
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§ nyi mhVasIsu enA
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u gu¨ ) EdlCaemdwknaMneyaáyd¾l,IeQμa¼
kñúgTsvtßr_ÌñaM 1930–1940 ehIyEdlCaGñkmenaKmviC¢arbs´bdivtþn_ÌñaM 1932 ánTmøak´rbb
sm,ÚNa’ CJasiTr§i aCenARbeTsesom ehIyelakk¾CaemdwknaMénclnaGaf’kMágM RbÌaMgnwgBYkCb¨nu kñgú
s®g:amelakelIkTI 2 Edr...> viÔaKTanmYyrbsélak RbItI dl´shRbtibtiþîarPUmiÔaKsRmab´GasIu
GaeKñy_ KW îarËaMRTrbsélak dlćlnaCatiniymenA}Qcin ehIyenAkñúgena¼ manBYkeyokmij
———————————————————————
(35)..KMnitdMbUgGMBI ².suvCPUmiesdækic©.³ en¼ mkBIrdæaPiálrbsélak CatiCay CuHv&C (ÌatÌay Qunh£vän´) (ÌñaM
1988–1991)..> sUmemIl pasuk BgßéBciRt (Pasuk bgSàùbcitrà pas‘k
u pugépCit) nig RKIs ebK&r (Chris Baker)
Thailand: Economy and Politic [RbeTséf ½ esdækic©nigneyaáy] (CaÔasaGgéKøs) RKw¼sSaneá¼Bum<pßayénsakl-
viTüal&yGukßh‘Vd’ K¿s¿ 1995 T¿ 350–351..>
Edr.¬36¦. .> kñgú eBls®g:amelakelIkTI 2 elak RbItI k¾ánpliterOgÔaBynþmYy EdlBMsU u vmanGñk

Nas:al´ eRîamcMNgeCIgfa ² Rp£eÏAÌagepOk brAec(aj(agePWGk [RB¼eÏAdMrIs] ³...> enAkñúgerOgen¼
RB¼raCaesom Edlmanmuxmat´dUcesom nigsRtÚvrbs´RB¼Gg: Edlmanmuxmat´dUcPUma RBmeRBógCa
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EtxMJúáTsUmGPiRáyBIcMeN¼dwgmYyyägeTot GMBIPUmiÔaKnigCnCatiCitxag EdleyIgeRcInemIl
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cgńiyayfa CaRbeTséf pÞúyBI ²saklelak³ ¦ bsi©mRbeTseT.. > ²RsúkeTs³ sMedAeTAelI
shKmn_tUc.@TUTaMgRbeTséf pÞúyBIRbeTsCati ¦ extþ. .> RbCaCnánlayLMnigesBKb´Ëña Èam
RBMRbTl´rbs´RbeTsesomnigRbeTsCitxag ÈaMgBIrab´ryÌñaMmkehIy eRBa¼CasmaCikrbsĆnCati
ÔaKticepßg.@ ehIyeKánîøayCa ²Catiéf³ EtenAkñgú eBlfI.μ @ en¼bëu NÑa¼eT.. > manCnCatiCaeRcIn
EdlrsénAÈamRBMEdn dUcCamLayUenAÈamCayEdnxagt,Úg/ CnCatimn îaerog îaQin éfFM. .>l>
enAÈamRBMEdnéf–PUma/ CnCatilavenAeRtIyTaMgsgxagénTenøemKg:/ ehIynigCnCatiExμrenAkñgú tMbn´
xagt,Úgénx<grab ´ eËaraC.. > CnCatiTaMgGsén¼ ánTTYlcMeN¼kñgú Rsúk GMBI ²matuPmU i ³ xønÜ enATaMg
sgxagénRBMEdn ehIyGMBnKr I rbs´xønÜ kñgú GtItîal.. > CnCatiTaMgen¼ manerOgeRBg RbéBNI nig
cMeN¼dwgdUcEtËñanwgbgbðÚnrYmQamC&r EdlsBVéf¶en¼rsénARbeTsCitxagÈamRBMEdn.. > CaîarN_
Cakć,as´ EdlcMeN¼dwgRbéBNITaMgen¼ minánEbgEckBiPBelakCardænigtMbn´ EdlmanRBMRbTl´
KUselIEpnTI pÞúyBIîarniymrbs´ ²PUmiÔaKsikßa³ EbbEpnbsi©mRbeTs.. >
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manÉkÔaB.. > lu¼eBlEdlîarKMramkMEhgdl´sniþsuxCati áncu¼Gn´fykñúgGMLúgTsvtßr_ÌñaM 1980
eTIbrdæánTTYls:alćMeN¼dwgrbs´GñkRsúkfa CaRbéBNI ¦ cMeN¼dwgmYyyäg EdlmanKuNtémø. .>
ÈamBit eKánelIkkRmitcMeN¼dwgkñgú tMbn´xø¼.@ edIm,IbegIn; sîþanuÔaBrbs´shKmn_fñak´tMbn´ sRmab´
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———————————————————————
(36)..RKIsh
Úþ rV&‘ GW¿ h;s
Ú aH (Christopher E. Goscha) Thailand and the Southeast Asian networks of the Vietnamese revolution,
1885-1954 [RbeTséfnigbBajGasIuGaeKñy_TaMgLayrbs´bdivtþn_yYnÌñaM 1885–1954] (CaÔasaGgéKøs) Rkúgricmünþ
RKw¼sSaneá¼Bum<pßayxWrhßún K¿s¿ 1999..>
(37)..eKáneá¼Bum<pßayGtSbTniBn§rbsÉxßÔaBynþen¼ dUcteTA ½ RbItI PMñyg: The King of the White Elephant [RB¼raCa
éndMrIs] (CaÔasaGgéKøs) ágkk K¿s¿ 1940..>
îaredIm,IcUlkñgú îarGb´rMCapøvÚ îar.. > TnwmÞ nwgen¼ ÔaBsm,Úrsb,ayxagesdækci © ánpþl{îas´ [manîar

vinei yaKnigeTscrN_enAkñgú RbeTsCitxag ehIyánnaMmknUvîarcg´dwgcg´s:al´GMBRbeTs I Citxag.. >
kñgú kRmitxø¼ cMeN¼dwgrbs´GñkRsúkîøayCa ²TMnji ³ EdlsSab&nfñak´Rsúk ¦ fñakéxtþ Gacpþl´ [eRcIn
CagsSab&nFM.@ enAágkkGacpþlán. ´ . > cMeN¼dwgGMBtMI bnńanaEdlmkBIsSab&nfñak´tMbn´ ánlUtlas´
enAedImTsvtßr_ÌñaM 1980 kñúgTRmgéRËagîarsIþBIRbvtiþsa®sþkñúgRsúk/ îarbegI;tmCÄmNlfñak´tMbn´
fñakéxtþ ¦ fñak´PUmiÔaK. .>l>.¬38¦. .>
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cMNab´GarmμN_ edaymanTsßn£xusBImCÄmNl (KW Rkúgágkk).. > îarlUtlas´xagcMeN¼dwgfñak´
tMbn´ nigskmμÔaBesdækic©rbs´RbeTséf EdlmanTMnak´TMngCamYyRbeTsCitxag ehIyEdlec¼
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TaMgLayenARbeTslav.. > kñúgEb¨k»sanénRbeTséf KWenAkñúgextþxnEkn G‘ubun («b,lraCÎanI)
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I nigEbbbTcMeN¼
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———————————————————————
(38)..sUmemIl TgĆy
& vinc
i k
© l
U “The Changing Landscape of the Past: New Histories in Thailand Since 1973” ² [îar
ERbRbÜlrbséTsÔaBénGtItîal ½ Rbvtiþsa®sþfIµ.@ enARbeTséf ÈaMgBIÌñaM 1973 mk] ³ kñúg Journal of Southeast
Asian Studies [TsßnavdIþsikßaGMBIGasIuGaeKñy]_ elx 26/ 1 (K¿s¿ 1995) (CaÔasaGgéKøs) T¿ 110–118..>
BYkGaNaniKmniym dl´dMNak´îal ² PUmiÔaKsikßa ³ ÈamrebobGaemriîaMg (EtBitEmnehIy Edl

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———————————————————————
(39)..suvTi ü FIrsas&t
V (suvd
i yà DIrSaSv&t) prAv&tSi astràlav pï 1779-1975 [Rbv†þsa®sþlav ÌñaM 1779–1975]
(CaÔasaesom) ágkk mUlniFTM
i nk ú îarRsavRCavénRbeTséf nig saklviTüal&ycuLalg;rN_ K¿s¿ 2001..> kñg
u bRmg ú
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Ü elak suvT þi m’cMeBa¼ ² îarb¼eárrbs´RB¼eÏAGnuvgß ³ edayykPsþÈ
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63
Historical Development of
Universal Nationalism
Lecture by Professor Benedict Anderson,
Center for Khmer Studies, December 19, 2008.
I want to make this very informal. I am going to stand because I have been sitting all day and I need some
exercise. It is a pleasure to be back in Phnom Penh. The last time I was here was in 1961, when Phnom Penh
was a very small town. I took a bus from here to Siem Reap, where there were then no hotels. It was very nice
and peaceful. In the meantime, the situation in the country has changed a great deal. I have learned a lot from
Mr. Chean and others in this regard.
Let me say first that if you do not follow what I am saying please do not be shy to say “Wait a minute,
please explain that more fully.” I will also try to speak slowly.
I would like to try to show you a little of the strange history of nationalism, how people have fought furi-
ously about what has turned out to be a very difficult and complicated issue. In fact, even today you will not
find among scholars or philosophers any agreement on what nations and nationalism actually are. So if you are
confused about this topic, you can be sure that everybody is also confused.
Let’s start with nationalism. Today, I think most scholars think that this is something modern, or at least
something that does not date back much before the last quarter of the 18th century. Many people believe that
the 1776 American rebellion against the British Empire was the beginning of its birth process, the marker being
the Declaration of Independence of the 13 British colonies in the northern part of the Western hemisphere. This
idea is not wrong, but it needs to be qualified a bit. If, for example, we look at the actual words of the Decla-
ration, we find something quite interesting: it never mentions “Americans.” It is clear from the language that
the people supporting the rebellion still thought of themselves as English. It took about 10 years and a bloody
war for them to start thinking of themselves as Americans. This identity arose after their country was given the
name of the United States of America, which at the start was meant to separate it from British Canada, next door
in North America but still loyal to London. The name simply showed where the new country was located.
64 Benedict Anderson
Very soon after, uprisings broke out in Spanish America. By 1825, almost all of continental South America, ex-
cept Portuguese Brazil, had successfully rebelled against Spain. These people too regarded themselves as Amer-
icans, i.e. from the Western hemisphere (not citizens of the US). Meanwhile, in Europe the most important
stimulus to nationalism was what today we think of as the French Revolution of 1789. Again, the interesting
thing is that, in 1789 and after, people did not call it the French Revolution, but simply “the Revolution,” or la
Révolution. You may remember that in 1792 the revolutionaries decided to change the calendar, renaming 1792
Year One. This Year One was not something French, but was meant to indicate a new era in human or world
history. Everyone was invited to join the Revolution, and the call proved very popular in many places. The
name changed to the French Revolution only later after Napoleon seized power, called himself Emperor, was
defeated by the coalition of Britain, Prussia, Russia and Austria and was exiled for the rest of his life. The name
we recognize was thus the product of the great defeat of 1815.
For the rest of the century, Europe was governed mostly by monarchies. In Asia, the rule was made up of
big imperial monarchies centered in Istanbul, Peking, Edo-Tokyo and so on. (Only in the Western hemisphere
were republics and nations normal.) I think this helps to explain one great, interesting and strange thing about
nationalism, which is that throughout the 19th century most dictionaries did not have an entry for “national-
ism.” It was a late invention at the end of the century, although it spread quickly thereafter. In Asia, for exam-
ple, the Indonesians still call nationalism nasionalisme and the Filipinos call it nationalismo. The Thais call it
chartniyom (chheatniyum in Khmer). The Thai chartniyom is also a modern invention: you would not find it
in the old chronicles. So the puzzle is this: here was something which was politically very important, first in
Northern and Southern America, then more and more in Europe, later still in Asia. But why did it take a cen-
tury or more to be named? It is quite amazing when you realize that almost none of the many famous philoso-
phers and political thinkers of the 19th century had anything important to say about nationalism.
The only person who today is remembered for having said something interesting about nationalism is the
French philosopher and linguist Ernest Renan, who in 1881 wrote a quite short article titled “What is a Nation?”
He tried to ask this question in an abstract general form, but his answer was not very clear or precise. However,
he did say something that is really important and true about the nature of nationalism. What he said is this:
“Every national people or nation has to have many things in common, but they must also have forgotten
many things.” The first part of this sentence is easy: we Khmers together, we Thais together or we Spanish to-
gether, we have so many things in common. But the second half is hard. It means that it would be impossible
to be Cambodian, Indonesian or Portuguese without forgetting a lot of things. Renan gave his French readers
a nice example: “Where do the words France and français come from? Well, they come from the Franks, Ger-
man-speaking barbarians who conquered what we call today France in the 8th century and produced the great
king Charlemagne. But we have to forget this.” Renan continued: “Today, there is almost nobody in France who
is pure French.”
In the same way, today we see that the Vietnamese are very proud of their country, which they call Vietnam.
You might think the word Vietnam is very old, but it is not. It was invented in the 19th century, and not by a Viet-
Historical Development of Universal Nationalism 65
namese. It was invented by the Manchu Emperor in Beijing, because he was annoyed that when the Vietnamese
monarch sent tribute he called his kingdom Dai Nam, which means Southern Kingdom. The Manchu Emperor
wrote back and said: “The name of your country is Vietnam.” The Vietnamese rulers did not dare to argue with
him but privately inside the court of Hué this name was never used. Instead they invented Nam Viet.
To explain these strange circumstances, you have to remember that Viet and Vietnamese is the translation
or equivalent of the Chinese Yueh, which is a region in today’s China covering more or less the area of Guang-
dong, Guangxi and some parts of Yunnan. You will also remember that, for almost a thousand years, what is
today Northern Vietnam was part of the Chinese Empire. So, when the Manchu Emperor said: “Your country’s
name is Vietnam,” he meant “You are outside, south of Yueh. You are not in my empire. You are a small local
tributary.” The Vietnamese rulers did not like this so they turned around and said (quietly): “Our name is really
Nam Viet,” meaning “We are the people of Southern Yueh. We used to control Guangdong and Guangxi and
maybe, some day, we will get it again.” The strange thing is that everyone forgot what the Manchu Emperor
said. A hundred years later, the Vietnamese are all very proud of their “Vietnam.”
In the same way, you probably know that the Philippines get their name from the infant eldest son of Philip
II, the great Spanish ruler and imperialist of the 16th century. He said: “These islands my soldiers just conquered
will be called Filipinas,” but nobody in the Philippines today thinks about this and they are proud to be Filipinos.
Similarly, the name Indonesia was invented by a German scholar about 150 years ago. Nobody remembers his
name today, but right up to 1920, only 90 years ago, no one in Indonesia called himself or herself an Indone-
sian. However, today everybody does so, and doesn’t think about it. These examples show that Renan was
right. You cannot be a nationalist without a lot of forgetting.
Meantime, in Europe especially, the great empires were coming under increasing pressure from small na-
tionalisms in their midst. The UK was having trouble with the Irish, Russia with Finns, Ukrainians, Georgians,
etc, Prussia with its Poles, Austro-Hungary with its Czechs, Slovaks and Rumanians and the Ottomans with their
Greeks, Bulgarians and Arabs. All of these groups wanted to be free and to have their own national state. It was
in this situation that the moderate, democratic Austrian Marxist, Otto Bauer, produced, just before the outbreak
of World War I, the first theoretical and comparative historical study of nations and nationalisms. He wanted
to keep the form of the Austro-Hungarian Empire but democratize it, and give autonomy to the various Hun-
garians, Czechs and Slovaks, etc, inside it. In this way, a United States of Austro-Hungary would peacefully
emerge like the United States of America. Like Renan, Bauer was acutely aware of the capacity of nationalism
to adopt a mythical history and encourage hatred of foreigners. He was especially worried about the popular
hatred being expressed between Germany and France (which soon would be one cause of World War I). Fa-
mously, he wrote that contemporary French and Germans were very much alike, much more like each other than
either group was like their supposed ancient ancestors. He emphasized that the most important thing holding a
nation together is not a supposed past but a sense of common fate in the future.
I think that if Bauer were alive today he would say that today’s Khmers and Thais are much more like each
other than either group is like the people of early Ayutthaya or early Angkor. Bauer was the first thinker to link
nationalism to the future, not the past, and I think he was quite right. The nation asks for sacrifices for its fu-
ture. Just think about it for a moment. It says, for example, “Please let’s not cut down all our forests just be-
cause we want money; we should preserve them for our children’s and grandchildren’s pleasure, health and
handicrafts. We should try to keep all our art treasures and monuments, not for us alone because we will be dead
soon, but for our descendants. We should pay our taxes, so that this country will be developed for all Cambo-
dians 50 or 150 years from now. If we have to fight a war, we fight for the future of our country.” This explains
why the idea of the death of the nation is something horrible, and why the word “genocide,” murder of the na-
tion, was invented very recently. A nation is not supposed to die, and it is the job of all of us to make sure that
it does not.
This way of thinking was new. In the olden days, people knew that royal dynasties would come to an end
some day and kingdoms would disappear. Sure enough, just a year or two after Bauer’s book was published
many grand old kingdoms and dynasties disappeared. This first happened in China in 1911, then in Russia in
1917; eventually, in 1918-1919, the Ottoman Empire in Middle-East, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the
German Empire in Central Europe all collapsed. Out of this collapse came a large number of new smallish na-
tion-states: independent Bulgaria, independent Poland, independent Finland, independent Czechoslovakia,
Saudi Arabia and so forth.
The consequence was that, for the first time in human history, monarchy stopped being normal. The clear-
est sign of this was the appearance of the League of Nations soon after WWI’s end. From then on, everybody
was supposed to live in a good nation of his/her own, even though there were French, British, Japanese and
American empires still alive. But something had changed fundamentally.
We all like to think of our country as unique. Khmers say there are no countries like Cambodia. The Thais
think that there are no countries like Thailand and the Portuguese think that there are no countries like Portu-
gal. But the very existence of the League of Nations, and later the United Nations, indicates that nations have
so much in common that they can recognize each other as fellow members. Compare this with the unimagin-
able formation of a United Religions (of the world), unimaginable because all religions believe themselves in
some ways to be universal.
Meanwhile, the domains of religions coincide, unlike nations, each of which has its own local domain,
which other nations are to respect. Many people may not yet have noticed that, since World War II and the for-
mation of the UN, no country has gained substantial new territory. New countries have emerged, but only from
splits within existing countries, e.g. the USSR, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Pakistan. Israel has occupied
a lot of Palestine, but the UN steadfastly refuses to recognize any Israeli right to this occupied land. Indonesia
has tried to grab former Portuguese East Timor. These events show us that, as time passes, national territory has
become more and more sacred.
I can give a strange, funny example of this. In the 1980s, the US was in a lot of financial trouble and was
very worried about losing power to Japan, which then looked very successful. America also had a huge finan-
cial debt to Japan and other countries. There was a discussion in class and I said jokingly to my students: “This
is an easy problem to solve. Do you remember how you got Alaska from Russia?” They said: “Yes, we bought
it from Russia in 1867. It was quite cheap actually.” I replied: “Why don’t you sell Alaska to Japan? You will
make a huge profit and get rid of your debt.” The students were astonished and even angry: “How could we sell
part of our country?” Although they knew that the US had bought Alaska they wanted to forget this, because
Alaska had become sacred national land, not to be sold to anyone.
Nonetheless, there were two obvious anomalies on the list of “nations” in the League of Nations and the UN:
two members that did not sound like normal nations. The first was the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland. You cannot tell from this name what the people are called: Great Brito-Northern Irish? It is
impossible. The UK is a leftover of an ancient empire. The second was the Soviet Union, which contained
many nations but wasn’t a nation itself. When Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin seized power and, after a long and
bloody civil war created the Soviet Union, they did not think it had any permanent borders. Its foundation was
the beginning of a world revolution, which people from all parts of the world would join. The USSR, they
thought, was much more advanced than old-fashioned nation-states; indeed, it was above them. But probably
one reason the USSR broke down in the end was exactly because it wasn’t a nation, and the nations inside it
wanted independence.
The next important influence on ways of thinking about nationalism came in the 1930s, with the rise of
highly aggressive fascism in Hitler’s Germany and imperialist militarism in Japan. Both regimes were violently
nationalist and racist, and started conquering neighboring countries, leading to World War II. They did not last
long. Over his 12 years in power, Hitler murdered millions of Jews, Poles, Ukrainians, gypsies, Russians, etc.
At the same time, Japan was responsible for the deaths of millions of people in China and Southeast Asia. The
effect of these horrors (in Europe) was to discredit nationalism as “bad,” something that had not really happened
before. This was the reason why the European Union came into being, i.e. so that nationalism would be curbed
and pacified in a supranational bloc. In Asia and Africa, however, World War II and the collapse of Germany
and Japan greatly accelerated the rise of leftwing anti-colonial nationalism, which for a long time had high
prestige. The power of this leftwing nationalism was such that the USSR could no longer expand its borders
and Stalin and his successors had to accept the nationally independent communist states of China, North Korea,
Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, most of which eventually came to have their own seats in the UN. One major
reason for this stance was that these countries’ communist parties had fought tenaciously (with their own armies)
for their liberation. This development began to discredit Lenin’s idea that eventually supranational world com-
munism would surpass or overcome nationalism. In 1978-1979 came the triangular war between three commu-
nist-ruled countries – Cambodia, Vietnam and China – which the old Bolsheviks could not have imagined.
All these developments had a big effect on thinking about nationalism, which also had to take into account
the fact that it was a worldwide phenomenon. It was no longer possible to think in a naïve way that national-
ism was always good and progressive or that nationalism was something European or that international social-
ism would prevent wars between socialist states. An additional problem was that, in the 1970s and 1980s, to
almost everyone’s surprise, “old nations” like France, Belgium, Italy and the UK faced serious “nationalist”
movements driven by hitherto quiet ethnic minorities – Irish, Corsican, Breton, Flemish, Northern Italian.
The interesting thing is where the big debate on nations and nationalism took place in the period from about
1963-1983. You might have expected the debate to have happened in the US, with its thousands of universities
and colleges, or in France, usually regarded as the centre of European intellectual life. But this did not happen.
Amazingly, there were few courses taught on nationalism in the US in those years, and Americans usually did
not think of themselves as “nationalist,” but rather as the bearers of universal values that everyone in the world
should follow. France was preoccupied with its disastrous wars against Algeria and the Indochinese nations, and
struggling with the EU. So the debate really took place in the UK, which was not really a nation-state.
All the early participants were Jews, but they were very different: Hobsbawm, a famous historian and a
communist; Gellner, a sociologist and a liberal; Smith, a moderately conservative historian; and Kedourie, a
rightwing historian. Kedourie was born in Iraq, Hobsbawm in Egypt, Gellner in Czechoslovakia and Smith in
London. The most “theoretical” and influential was certainly Gellner, who argued that nationalism arose out of
the modern world transformation from agrarian societies to industrial ones, with monarchy and religion not ca-
pable of holding societies together under industrialization. Gellner thought that nationalism was like gasoline,
making it possible for the truck of modernity to start moving.
This idea, however, was difficult for many people to accept. Some people said that the first nationalist move-
ments broke out in the Western hemisphere between 1775 and 1825, when industrialization had not yet even
started there. Others, like Anthony Smith, denied that nationalism was really modern at all. A religious Jew
himself, he said that there was a Jewish nation thousands of years ago: nationalisms are not modern but based
on very old languages, cultures and religious beliefs, which merely undergo changes in the modern period. If
you take the example of Vietnamese nationalists who say the Vietnamese nation is 4,000 years old, Smith would
be sympathetic while Gellner would laugh. Most writers on the theory of nationalism take one side or the other
in this debate.
Now, for our discussion, I am going to mention briefly how I got involved in this public debate. By the end
of the 1970s I had already spent 20 years studying Southeast Asia, especially Indonesia, which were parts of
Asia that most Europeans and Americans knew very little about. It was clear to me that no theory of national-
ism based merely on Europe would be adequate: the whole world had to be considered. I also had concluded
that existing theories could not explain why people feel so strongly about the nation, and are even willing to
die for it. Up to that time, everybody had looked at nationalism as if it was an ideology, like socialism, anar-
chism, conservatism, liberalism and so forth – all of them easy to explain. If nationalism is truly like them,
why is it so hard to explain? So maybe it is not really like them. It may be like something else. One thing very
striking about nationalism is its association with death. Most national monuments are dedicated to the nation’s
heroic dead. We think: “They died for us, and maybe we will die for our descendants. We know that we are going
to die one day, but our nation (Cambodia, Sweden, Nigeria) will not die. So we participate in its immortality.”
Ideologies do not offer this kind of immortality, but religions often do: “So,” I thought, “maybe we have to think
about nationalism as like religion, not like liberalism. Then we can see why people feel so emotional about it.”
There is something else strange and worth thinking about. If you feel you love the Khmer people and you want
to do something for them, you might ask yourself: “How many Cambodians do I actually know by name?”
Well, if you are energetic, you know about 300 people. But you certainly do not know millions of Cambodian
people, you do not know their names, you do not know where they live, you do not know what they do and so
forth. And here the answer is that the nation has a very peculiar kind of status, which I describe as “imagined.”
People have to have in their heads the idea of “We Cambodians.” But how does it get into people’s heads?
Why does it seem real to them? If you want to go outdoors tomorrow morning to see Cambodia, to talk to Cam-
bodia, you cannot. You cannot see Cambodia unless you go into the sky, into a satellite and then see it from the
top. But you still cannot see where it begins and ends. The only way you can see it is on a map, which is just a
picture, not a reality. You look at the map and say: “Ah, Cambodia.” You look at the postcard and say: “Ah,
Cambodia.” You look at the pictures of Angkor Wat and say “Ah, Cambodia.” But, truly, you cannot see Cam-
bodia.
The status of a nation in some ways is like that of a good novel. As you read the novel, you are engaged with
the hero and heroine. You want to read on because you want to know what will happen to them next. You know
the heroine does not exist but at the same time, as you read it, you are excited and involved with her. You feel
terribly sorry for the hero, and admire him, in your imagination. In a certain way, the hero and heroine are real
to you and this is the way that the nation should be understood. If you cannot imagine the nation it does not exist.
This is a difficult idea, because some people think that, if you say “imagined,” this means it does not exist. In
English, we use a different word, “imaginary”, for something that really does not exist, like a dragon. But
“imagined” is something real, because it is in your head and densely in your heart as well. You will never see
Cambodia but all the time you can imagine it, its magic, its famous places, history, songs, movies, poems,
tragedies.
Question: If the nation is so abstract, how come politicians can manage to manipulate it in such a way that
the whole population feels emotion?
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Because we have imagination. May I give you a simple example, probably a bad
example. All of you are aware of King Jayavarman VII, but you have never met him and you do not know how
tall he was. We do not know what he liked to eat, what kind of songs he enjoyed. What we do not know about
old Khmer kings is enormous. We cannot access them directly. We cannot talk to them. We cannot report their
views, but we are quite sure that they are very important in the history of Cambodia. We have to look for things
through their legacies, like reliefs and inscriptions at Angkor. They are mysterious figures because they lived
in a world completely different from ours today. This is true for all national histories.
here is one other thing that I think it is important to understand: changes in consciousness. Let me give you
a very famous and simple example. Maybe the most famous church in France is at Chartres, South of Paris. It
is absolutely beautiful, with a lot of stained glass windows and sculptures. It was built around the same time as
Angkor Wat. Today, if you ask French people “What do you think about Chartres?” they might say that Chartres
shows how fantastic and brilliant the French are. Then, you say: “Actually, in the 12th century, there were no
French people. It was not designed to be French. It was planned as a Christian church. It was built not for the
French, but for God.” What is interesting about their replies is that something that used to be connected to God
and connected to the supernatural has changed and become a non-religious artistic object which tourists from
all over the world want to come and see. My question is this: If you look at Angkor Wat, do you think that it
was built simply in order to show how wonderful the Cambodian people are? Is Angkor just an example of the
creativeness of Cambodians? Or is it something else? When you go to Angkor Wat, what do you look at and in
what spirit? I want to know what you think. Is your response to the site mainly religious or national?
Within the sphere of nation and nationalism is also the key idea of equality, tied to a sort of fictional kin-
ship. Such an idea is of course radically opposed to traditional hierarchies, especially monarchies. Try listen-
ing to your political leaders talking to you on the radio. They are not going to call you “my children” or ”dear
farmers” or “dear men”. They will call you something like “brothers and sisters” or “Khmer brother and sis-
ters.” I am sure you know that in many countries it was a long time before women were allowed to vote, be-
cause women were regarded as inferior and ignorant. But when women started to be well organized, the
strongest argument they had was not a universal argument for women’s rights but rather one for national equal-
ity. “We women are also Irish or Indian or Vietnamese, so how can you not let us vote? We are your sisters, not
your slaves.” The same logic applies to other discriminated against groups. Take the election of Obama as Pres-
ident of the US, which would have been impossible 15 years ago. The key thing is that he is American, and it
is as an American, not as a black man, that he has the right like everyone else to become president.
You can see something no less interesting in recent Thai politics. The rightwing middle-class demonstra-
tors who closed Bangkok Airport for two months in Thailand had the nerve to state in public that rural people
were too stupid and ignorant to be allowed to vote on the same basis as the middle class. In other words, coun-
try people are inferior to Bangkok people. They wanted to change the Constitution to make sure that the infe-
rior people could not choose the government. This announcement simply shows that Thailand’s nationalism is
still incomplete and immature. In most other places, people would be ashamed to say something like this.
Question: How do you explain Cambodian nationalism using your model?
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Let’s start with literacy. 70 percent of Cambodians today can read and write. This
rate is notably higher than England’s in the 19th century. Not only can they read magazines and books, but also
they can watch TV and listen to the radio. If you ask me what my contribution to the theory of nationalism is,
my answer has to do fundamentally with reading. My argument is that nationalism is not possible without what
I call “print capitalism.” This was something that even Marx failed to notice. Books are of course commodi-
ties, like plates, sugar and soap, but they are not just physical objects like the others, for inside they contain ideas
and messages. But books did not get copied and sold on a huge scale until the invention of print and the rise of
capitalist book sellers and distributors. But to be sold successfully books had to be written in languages the cus-
tomers could read. The founders of nationalism are people who can read printed books in their own language,
among these Khmer.
In the 20th century, first radio then TV developed to supplement the work of books and newspapers. Vietnamese
leaders in the 1940s were among those who realized that through radio they could appeal to millions of people
who were still illiterate. Indonesian nationalist leaders made the same discovery at the same time. Cambodian
nationalism also became possible only with the appearance of print capitalism in the late French colonial pe-
riod. We can see this from the early importance of the Khmer Krom community in Cochin China, especially
around Saigon where, comparatively speaking, there were many books and newspapers available, as well as
many schools where children learned to read and write. From the Mekong Delta, this nationalism then spread
up the river to Phnom Penh and into the Lycée Sisovath and so forth. The “father” of Khmer nationalism is Son
Ngoc Thanh, a Khmer Krom with a commoner background, not an upper-class person from Phnom Penh.
Question: Can you say anything about regional organizations of nation-states, such as the European Union,
the African Union and ASEAN?
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Well, the original idea arose in reaction to Europe’s disastrous experience of two
colossal wars, in 1914-1918 and 1939-1945, in which many millions of people were killed. People said “We
cannot let this happen again.” So the basic idea for the Union was to prevent any more wars in Europe. The plan
was first to create an economic union, with the hope that economic integration would lead to political integra-
tion in the longer run. Some people even believed that, if the Union was successful, nationalism in Europe
would be bypassed. As you know, today the economic integration of Europe is very far advanced, but the ex-
pectation that nationalism in Europe would disappear has proved to be completely mistaken. Some members
of the European community do not accept the Euro, and even countries that do accept it still insist on local
banknotes having local national symbols on them. The EU has had no president until recently, and its military
power is small, hence the joke that the EU is an economic giant, a political child and a military dwarf. Yet the
EU is far the most advanced of all the regional unions. If you look at South America or Africa or Southeast Asia,
there is some coordination, especially economically, but political and military power is insignificant. Many of
the member countries have become independent only fairly recently, and are strongly nationalist, so unwilling
to give up their sovereignty for economic reasons. Professor Charnvit always jokes that ASEAN is just an end-
less cocktail party for its diplomats.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Does anybody feel comfortable to answer my earlier question? I would like to see
what you have to say. When you go to Angkor Wat, how do you look at it?
Question: I want to see the history inside the wall. As Khmers, we always say that only people who are for-
tunate have the opportunity to visit Angkor. I have visited Angkor. It was a great thing. But I face so much gen-
der discrimination among Cambodian organizations. I just went to Angkor to ask the Apsara “How can the
Apsara be a symbol of Cambodian women? Why do Cambodian women today suffer so much?”
Dr. Benedict Anderson: What did the Apsara say?
Answer: The Apsara is a very strong and gentle woman. So, the Apsara told me that I should continue to
work, harder and harder, and not get disappointed.
Comment: I think I really like the idea that nationalism is something about the future. I always imagine that
if the Angkorean King Jayavarman VII had never built such a temple complex, where would Cambodia be
now? He was thinking of the future. So, for me, what we should do right now is try to build something good
for the future too, that will last like Angkor.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: We talked earlier about Renan’s idea about the need to forget. What have you for-
gotten?
Comment: Angkor has a lot of mysterious symbols. But it seems that the kings were building it to please
the gods, who are immortal, so the building should be very strong and last a long time. I am not sure if they were
thinking about Angkor as something for future Khmers to remember.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Do you know how many ordinary people died to make the construction of Angkor
complete?
Comment: Probably a lot. The kings had the ability to mobilize all the population, the slaves or whoever
to come to work. I do not think it was forced labor. The rulers persuaded motivated people to come and build
such a complex. The carvings at Angkor are mostly about real history, wars, slavery and so on. This must have
been meant for later generations to remember.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Yes, that is interesting. There must have been a huge loss of life to create such a
gigantic complex. But what people forget is that those who actually built these temples and carved these mu-
rals and statues were just nameless masses – and so they still insist that Jayavarman VII himself “built them.”
We cannot even be sure that all these nameless people were Khmers, since the Khmer rulers captured lots of
non-Khmer people in war and used them as labor.
Question: The more you talk about forgetting, the more I ask why it is part of the definition of nationalism.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: You might be misunderstanding Renan. He doesn’t mean that people who forget
are stupid or ignorant. He is talking about a basic change of conditions of life and of consciousness.
800 years ago people went to Chartres to pray to God. Today they are mostly tourists, who do not go to
churches for any religious reason. They do not think about Chartres in a religious way, so they can “forget” that
Chartres was a place for Christians to pray. They want to see something beautiful. So when they come to the
church they cannot put themselves in the position of the kind of people who built that church seven or eight cen-
turies ago, who were deeply religious. I mean, it is not possible for modern French people to think like people
800 years ago. That is why I was asking you how far you can imagine what it was like to be a person who
helped build Angkor. What did people in that time think about this? And how do you look at it now? You might
think “change of consciousnesses” is a difficult idea, but it isn’t. For example, how many of you have ever
seen a photo of when you were baby?
Answer: I am very lucky because my father is a photographer. He took a photo of me when I was one year
old.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: If you saw this picture of yourself and nobody told you who it was, would you
know it was you?
Answert: No.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: What makes you sure that the baby is you is someone who remembers and can tell
the story. Someone has to help you. You can not recognize yourself, because you do not think like a one-year-
old baby any more.
Question: I would like to ask you about what you said about nationalism being connected with equality. For
me I think, also through some Chinese movies as well, that the drive for equality can cause power struggles,
because in modern times there is no equality. These power struggles can cause instability and, with instability,
the nation falls apart. How can you then call yourself a nationalist?
Dr. Benedict Anderson: I guess you are thinking about monarchy. We should remember that, throughout
most of human history, monarchy was normal everywhere in the world, but now it is not normal. Less than 15%
of countries in the UN have monarchies. One disappeared in Nepal a few months ago, and the others will go
too. Most of the few surviving monarchs are symbols. They do not have power. Thailand is an exception, and
some Arab states, like Saudi Arabia. Something like 85% of the countries in the world are republics. This huge
change in 100 years is a fundamental and irreversible transformation, and the basis for this transformation is a
rejection of the idea that a king is someone sacred, divine, magical and unique. Kings are not anything differ-
ent from us. They also urinate. They also defecate. They can have sexual problems. They may be a bit stupid
or lazy. They can also be nice and hard working. There is no difference from us. And if there is no difference,
how come they have all the privileges? This is why, globally, monarchy is slowly dying out.
Comment: If you go to some countries, which are supposed to be republics and have presidents, you may
be surprised. In Indonesia, the President behaves like a king, even though he is elected by the people. There are
other countries where there are still monarchies and where kings take serious responsibility for looking after
the people, so that the people appear more equal than they do in republics where presidents hold all power. I
mean, you can have a monarchy and still have nationalism, like Cambodia during King Sihanouk’s time. Even
if he is not the top person any more, a king can still be the image of the country and the nation, like any presi-
dent. So I think there can be nationalism in monarchy.
My point is that a true nationalist sometimes has to abandon equality in order to maintain stability of the
nation, so that no neighbor can invade the country. It does not matter that sometimes people are not equal or
have less power than others if this is necessary to protect the country from invasion.
Dr. Benedict Anderson: Yes, I think this often does happen in times of crisis. But it does not change the
basic idea, which is that nationalists or people of the nation are supposed to treat each other as equals, brother
and sister, not master and slave and not lord and servant. This is why monarchy today is not very stable, be-
cause it runs against the general modern condition of “brothers and sisters.” The King in Thailand is not a
brother or a sister. And that is why his position is not stable, and the position of his son is even less stable.
Here, we can turn to look at the problem of military dictatorship. Many military dictatorships come to power
announcing on the radio that: “The situation is extremely serious, very dangerous, only we can solve the prob-
lem.” This is all right for a short while but soon a big problem arises: if they have solved the country’s prob-
lems, why are they still in power? If they have failed to solve the problems, again why are they still in power?
So it is very hard for the military to stay in power for long. If they are successful, they should leave. If they are
not successful, they should also leave. This also applies to political leaders: in an emergency they can have big
power but in the longer term it is difficult to do so.
Nationalism in Asia 75
Nationalism in Asia
Conference by Professor Benedict Anderson,

Center for Khmer Studies, December 20, 2008.
The topic of today is the question of whether there is something special about nationalism in
Asia. What I want to do first is to say something quite quickly about why this idea should have
existed at all. Then I will try to show you the reasons why I believe the idea to be useless and mis-
taken.
The first thing we all have to realize is the difficulty of what academics and politicians today
call identity. They make it sound as if it is something deep inside each of us. But this is an illu-
sion. Identities come from the outside, much more than from the inside. It depends mainly on
how you are addressed by other people. This addressing in turn greatly depends on who is talk-
ing to you and where. Let me give you a very simple example from my own experience. I have
an Indonesian friend who told me the following: “Imagine I meet another Indonesian inside In-
donesia, and I ask the person where he or she is from. The person will not answer ‘I am an In-
donesian,’ because it would sound weird and stupid: we are both in Indonesia! He or she would
likely say I am from Java or Kalimantan. But if the same question is asked in Hong Kong and the
person asking is an African, then he or she will not say ‘I’m from Java,’ but rather’ I am from In-
donesia, I’m an Indonesian,’ partly because he/she is not sure the African has heard of Java. If I
go to America and somebody asks me where I am from, I might easily say ‘I am from Asia, I’m
an Asian,’ because I think maybe the American has never heard of Indonesia, or gets confused
between Indonesia and India.’ So the same person may have an Asian identity in America, an In-
donesian identity in Hong Kong and a Javanese identity in Jakarta. It all depends on where he/she
is and who he/she is talking with. This is important because all of you have this kind of experi-
ence. One day, your identity will be ‘from Battambang,’ the next ‘from Cambodia’, and later still
‘from Asia.’ So identity depends on movement. If you meet an American in Paris and ask her
where she is from, she is not going to say ‘I am from Los Angeles.’ She will say ‘I am American,’
unless you, asking the question, are also American. In this way one can imagine that the visibil-
ity of identities arises especially in modern times, when millions and millions of people are mov-
ing from country to country, continent to continent, city to city and so on. I think no one in Asia
ever thought of themselves as ‘Asian’ until the last 50-60 years.
The second thing I would ask you to remember is that the name Asia was originally invented
by ignorant Ancient Greeks for a part of the globe that was huge, far away, strange, barbaric, ex-
otic. For them it meant what we know today as Persia (Iran), Turkey, Iraq—they did not then
know about China, Japan, Southeast Asia. The contrast was not between Europe and Asia, but
just Greeks (good) and Asia (bad). I suppose it is in human nature to enjoy looking down on
someone else. This idea about Asia being barbaric compared to Greece, later Europe, was rein-
forced in the 19th century with the rapid spread of European imperialism made possible by the
industrial revolution, industrial capitalism, modern rationalized bureaucracies, racist ideologies,
and so forth. The domination of the main European powers (primarily French and British) was
so great and the way in which they described why they were so powerful—technology, science,
industry, war-machines—was so scary that it created a reaction in many parts of Asia (already
in the late 19th century and even right up to our own time). A good many intellectuals in Asia ar-
gued that the West might have material-scientific superiority, but Asia had spiritual superiority.
This spiritual superiority lay deep inside each person, almost like the Christian idea of soul. But
naturally, since Asia included many different societies, the nature of this spirituality varied
greatly. Buddhists thought the true spirituality was Buddhist, Hindus thought it was Hindu, and
Muslims thought it was Muslim. It is therefore hard to talk about something which they all have
in common. In fact, if you look at Islam, it is much closer to Christianity and Judaism than it is
to Buddhism or Hinduism. Most recently, from the 1990s, some political leaders in Asia, notably
Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir, started saying: “We will not follow the rules of Western
democracy. We are going to have our own kind of democracy because we want to maintain asian
values which are much better than western values. We do not have to apologize that we do not
worry too much about human rights, or individual rights. We Asians think and act collectively,
as well as spiritually.” But it is only too obvious that these arguments were brought up to legit-
imize authoritarian rule by these same leaders. A nice example is Mahathir himself. When he
was in power he censored the press and TV heavily, and put people in jail without trial in the
name of Asian Values. But after he stopped being Prime Minister, his successor censored Ma-
hathir, and Mahathir was furious, saying democracy was disappearing in Malaysia.
Now we can turn to the question of so-called Asian nationalism as something unique. My own
answer is that there is not ‘one’ Asian nationalism but many, and none of them is truly unique.
On the blackboard I have written down the five successive forms which nationalism under-
took from the time when we can see it visibly in social action at the end of 18th century. Then, we
can investigate whether we can find these five forms of nationalism in Asia today.
The first one is what I call Creole nationalism. (Originally Creole meant a person of European
descent who was born and grew up outside Europe.) This is the early type of nationalism that
arose among Europeans who conquered South America, Central America, North America, and
the Caribbean, and then settled down there. Often they had sexual relations with local native
women, and began to produce children and grandchildren who were of mixed European-native
origins. Later after the importing of millions of slaves from Africa, they also had sex and children
with black slave women. Later, we find something quite similar in Australia, South Africa, and
other places. These are the white-controlled overseas countries that we are familiar with today.
Why did national movements first arise among the creoles? One big reason was that even though
these people thought themselves as Spanish or British, people in Britain or Spain said to them:
“You are second-class Spanish or British. We do not know whether your mothers are Indian or
your grandmothers were black. You are not fully European, so you have to obey us and form our
overseas colonies.” The Creoles, however, discontented with this subordination, effectively
replied: “We have the same religion as you. We still speak the same language as you. We read the
same books as you. We know how to make and fire guns the way you do. There is no difference
between us, except that you people are arrogant and want to exploit us. So we will fight back.”
And they could fight back effectively because there really was little difference between them and
the imperial lords in Spain and England. That is why if you look at who are the main activists in
this national movement in South and North America, they were not students or intellectuals.
They were merchants, professional people, big landowners, and some journalists. So, the kind
of people who got involved in these national movements were successful people who wanted to
have control of their own countries. When they were successful, they got rid of the imperial
monarchy and so became the first collection of states to be republican in form at the time where
the rest of the world was still under the rule of monarchy. It is worth noting one partial excep-
tion, which is the famous rebellion of black slaves in what today is Haiti. After much bloodshed
it was successful, and Haiti remains the oldest independent Black Country in the world. In fact
it was the second independent country in the Western Hemisphere, even before Argentina,
Venezuela, Chile, and Canada.
The second wave of nationalisms started more or less 40 years later and this is what in most
textbooks is still said to be the first nationalist movement, even though actually it is not. They
arose later than Spanish-American and British-American national movements. Why do so many
people still insist that this kind of nationalism, which we can call ethno-linguistic nationalism,
is the real origin of modern nationalism?
One reason is the usual arrogance of Europeans. They like to think anything important in the
modern world must start in Europe and then go on to everybody else. So they don’t want to ac-
cept the obvious reality. The second one is that western hemisphere nationalism does not fit their
preconceptions, which is that every country should have its own language. But the 15 independ-
ent national states once controlled by Madrid all still speak Spanish, and use Spanish as their na-
tional language. Similarly the US, Canada, Jamaica, and other small ex-British colonies, have
English as their national languages today. Of course, each country speaks English or Spanish in
a slightly different way, but they can all easily understand one another. Furthermore, all the Eng-
lish-speaking nations are Protestant like the UK, and all the Spanish-speaking ones are Catholic,
like Spain. So in many ways these countries are like each other’s cousins, rather like the relation-
ship between the many Arabic-speaking and Muslim countries of the Middle East and North
Africa.
With this second wave, you have something very different. The main reason for this difference
is that Europe is very funny place in the world. It is very small by comparison with South Amer-
ica or North America and it is also internally very complicated linguistically. Almost all today’s
European nation-states have their own national language, the exceptions being Austria and
Switzerland. (The region also contains many kinds of competing forms of Christianity). Europe
also was never united under a single empire with an imperial language—compare the case of
China, which had both. People speak different languages. European states were almost con-
stantly at war with each other, grabbing or losing pieces of territory and different local popula-
tions. In some ways then Europe looks like Southeast Asia, never controlled by one empire and
one language, but with big competing monarchies always fighting each other and grabbing or
losing territories and peoples.
We should also remember that big multilingual monarchies like the Austro-Hungarian,
British, French, and Russian empires were run by aristocrats whose languages were often quite
different from that of the populations they ruled. For example, in Russia up to 1880, the lan-
guage spoken in the royal court was not Russian, but French. French was thought to be the lan-
guage of high civilization. In 18th century Prussia, it was the same. In the Netherlands, the Dutch
language was used only to talk to household servants and vendors. You will find something like
this in parts of Asia today. If you go to the Philippines, you will find that the upper class speak
English while the common people speak local languages, especially Tagalog. In this sense many
aristocracies were really not national at all. They were proud to use languages that the lower
classes would not understand; this was one sign of their superiority. Under these circumstances,
the nationalist resistance to imperial rulers took the form of linguistic resistance. Nationalists
would in effect say: “Our languages (such as Czech, Hungarian, Irish, Rumanian and Serbian)
are just as good as yours and it is also the true language of ordinary people. We want to speak
and write in our language, print in it, and make music in it.” Between about 1830-1920, folk-
based music was very important. Composers used folk songs and folk dances to make a new na-
tionalist kind of ‘classical music.’
As a result, it is not surprising that the kinds of people who pioneered ethno-linguistic nation-
alism were very different from the nationalists in the western hemisphere: Protestant clerics who
translated the Bible into Finnish or Czech, poets, novelists, students, composers, dictionary-mak-
ers, middleclass businessmen. They used the vernacular languages to speak to the increasing
numbers of simple people who could read and write. The other difference from the Western
hemisphere was that most of the European nationalist pioneers were bilingual, while the Amer-
ican ones were monolingual. They knew not only their own vernacular but also the language
patronized by the monarchy that ruled them (e.g. they knew both Czech and German), even if
they came to reject the latter.
The third wave came into existence a generation later, and was originally a European phe-
nomenon. I call it Official Nationalism. In the second half of the 19th century, as these small na-
tional movements inside the big monarchies became stronger and more energetic, the rulers and
aristocrats felt increasingly threatened. They started to realize that they could end up being ac-
cused by the young nationalists of being traitors. (The problem was worse in places where the
rulers were actually of foreign origin, as in Greece.) So the ruling class tried to adapt and to look
nationalist. The famous example is Russia. Around the1880s, the Russian rulers stopped using
French and started using Russian and also tried to force the empire’s school-system to use only
Russian. People in the huge empire spoke Russian in the school system. But this had unexpected
consequences because many ethno-linguistic groups wanted education in their own languages,
and were angry at the new school policy. In 1905 there was a huge rebellion in the Russian Em-
pire in which many ethno-linguistic groups joined in order to be independent. The same thing
happened in Austro-Hungary and the Ottoman empires.
The interesting thing is that this Official Nationalism, not coming from a popular movement,
but a policy weapon in the hands of scared aristocrats and monarchs, quickly moved to Asia. The
famous example is Japan. That is, in the 1870s and 1880s the Meiji oligarchy, who wanted to mod-
ernize Japan and make it a powerful industrial and military state, sent delegations and spies to
Europe to figure out what they had to do in order to compete with the big European powers.
They learned most from imperial Germany. As a result an official Japanese nationalism was pro-
moted with the Emperor at the centre. It was again a calculated policy to keep the oligarchy in
power, quite unlike the popular nationalism of the previous two waves, and its intentions were
conservative, not emancipatory. And in a small way you can see the same thing happening in
Thailand, much weaker than Japan and threatened by French and British colonialism. By the
time of King Rama VI (reigned 1910-26), the monarchy was speaking of itself in nationalist, not
in religious terms (Deva-ratcha). Rama VI coined the conservative slogan which is still used today
Nation, Religion, Monarchy. You could say he stopped being King over the Thai, and became a
Thai King.
The fourth wave came in the 20th century. It was the big wave of anti-colonial nationalism
against imperialism. The pioneers were students, journalists, trade-union organizers, and profes-
sional party politicians. Most of these people knew about earlier forms of nationalism, especially
the second wave. A famous example is Vietnam where the intellectuals made the decision to ac-
cept Roman letters for the Vietnamese language to make it easier for farmers, peasants, and or-
dinary people to be able to read quickly and easily. They got rid all of the Chinese characters
which had been used for centuries.
You will recall, however, that the boundaries set by European imperialism were often quite
arbitrary and did not fit with the zones of different ethno-linguistic groups. Indonesia and
Malaysia basically speak the same language, though with different spelling, and they under-
stand each other easily. But because one was controlled by the Dutch empire and the other by the
British, the two places did not have a single nationalist movement, but two separate ones, one for
each place. So the European nationalist demand for one nation with one language did not hap-
pen. You can say the same thing for Thailand and Laos. They speak languages very close to one
another, but the latter was controlled by the French while the other was independent. Hence na-
tionalism in the two places took quite different forms.
While these movements wanted to promote their own vernaculars, they did so in the era of
early globalization, and after the formation of the League of Nations. So they had to recognize
that most of their vernaculars were of no use in communicating with the rest of the world. For
example, a Burmese nationalist may love and admire the Burmese language, but he also knows
no one will understand him outside Burma. So these fourth wave nationalists were also, like
those of the second wave, bilingual. Nowadays, if you look around the world, a very large num-
ber of countries (also in Asia) basically use two languages. One is ‘ours,’ like Khmer, and the
other is not. It can be Chinese, Arabic, English, Portuguese, and French. The point is that it should
be a language several different countries use. Actually, today there are only five or six such lan-
guages.
After independence was achieved, the leaders of many independence movements began to
borrow many things from the third wave. They started to use nationalism as an instrument for
staying in power and gaining popular support. Typically the means employed were (and are)
state-controlled television, public ceremonies, and standardized school textbooks. Often one lan-
guage is harshly enforced on unwilling minorities. If you look at this kind of nationalism in the
late 20th century and 21st century, you can see that it has learned a lot from what came before.
The last form of nationalism to be mentioned briefly is very recent. I call it Long Distance Na-
tionalism. It is arises from the massive global migrations of the past 50 years as well as the rev-
olution in communications of the early 1990s. You find it among people who feel very strongly
that they are Chinese, Cambodian, Thai, or Nigerian, but they have migrated to parts of Europe,
Australia, North and South America and so forth. Very often they have two passports. They are
in a strange situation because the whole idea of nationalism was that every person would have
their own national home and live in it. Cambodians would have Cambodia to live in, Indonesians
would have Indonesia, and so forth. Then, suddenly this is no longer the case, especially if the
migrant Cambodian or Indonesian has become, say, a Canadian citizen. So they do their Khmer
or Indonesian nationalism thousands of miles way from Cambodia and Indonesia. This produces
an odd form of nationalism most visible on the internet. For example, in Canada, people sit in
front of their laptops at night time typing messages like India Must Never Let Kashmir Go, China
Must Smash Taiwan, Down With the Burmese Generals, etc. No doubt they are sincere, but it is
often obvious that they are being loudly nationalist because they feel guilty about leaving their
country and taking up a foreign citizenship.
I do not think that this kind of nationalism is necessarily a bad thing, but it has dangerous pos-
sibilities. People who live for a long time outside their home countries tend to lose touch with the
local reality and live with their dreams about ‘home.’ They are safe and well-off in the UK or
France or the US and they can use their assets to send money, propaganda, even weapons to dif-
ferent discontented groups back home., causing big trouble, but they also escape the responsi-
bilities of citizens: usually they do not vote at home, they can not be arrested and tried there,
they do not pay taxes there and so on. It is easy for them to live in a fantasy world. You can find
such people among émigré Lao, Hmong, Vietnamese, Burmese, Tamils, Uighurs, Chinese of dif-
ferent kinds.
Now let me turn quickly to Asia to show that we can find all these types of nationalism. You
might think there could not be Creole Nationalism in Asia, but it exists in Taiwan. Taiwan was
originally settled by people who are rather like the Filipinos and Malays today. But in the 17th cen-
tury, some people from Southeast China started to go to Taiwan, pushed the native people into
the mountains, and settled along the coasts. At first the imperial government did not pay atten-
tion to them. But later on, they started to send officials to rule there. It was very similar to what
happened in South and North America. As time went on, these settlers started to make Taiwan
a different country. They were colonized by the Japanese for 50 years (1895-1945). When Chiang
K‘ai-shek, fleeing Chairman Mao’s armies, fled to Taiwan, he set up a brutal dictatorship and
killed many Taiwanese. So gradually the Taiwanese rejected the idea of being Chinese and saw
themselves as an oppressed nation, like the Spanish creoles in imperial Mexico in the early 19th
century. Now Taiwan is quite a strong nationalist country. They act like Australians, who speak
English but do not think of themselves as English, or like some Singaporeans who understand
Chinese, but think of themselves as Singaporeans. Ethno-linguistic nationalism is quite common.
You can find the old form in Korea, in the early history of modern Cambodia, in pre-World War II
Sri Lanka with the Sinhalese language movement. You can find it in some parts of India too, and
also in Tibet and Sinkiang today. It is specially common among ethno-linguistic groups who fear
for the survival of their language and traditional culture.
As I mentioned earlier Official Nationalism came to Asia in the late 19th century particularly
to Japan and later Thailand. But now it is very visible in China where the ruling Communist
Party, which 50 years ago denounced the Ch’ing dynasty in the name of socialism, now cele-
brates the dynasty’s huge conquests in Tibet and Central Asia. The Party acts very nationalisti-
cally exactly because it has abandoned socialism. In the case of anti-colonial nationalism, I do not
think I need to say anything because it is very familiar for all of you. It is stronger in some places
than in others, but it is visible everywhere. Long distant nationalism is also visible if you watch
the political activity in some overseas Chinese communities in Canada, America, Europe, and in
other places. In some cases, they are actually more aggressive than the Chinese government it-
self. They lobby Beijing, urging no compromise with Taiwan. But this lobbying costs them noth-
ing since they live neither in Taiwan nor China, but in Los Angeles, Toronto, or London. You can
also find millions of Indians and Pakistanis living overseas and becoming very rich who try to
intervene in the politics of India and Pakistan, sometimes fanatically and promoting violence. For
Southeast Asia, the most visible example is probably the Vietnamese, but there are certainly ac-
tive Burmese groups who try to lobby the UN to make life difficult for the military dictatorship.
There are also émigré Laotians who are concerned about the situation in Laos, and some Fil-
ipinos who are active outside Philippine to influence the way which political situation in the
Philippines is developing.
Finally I should bring up one thing which will interest you: it is the phenomenon of dual na-
tionality. Can you guess which group was the first to want to have two passports? They were
women. This trend developed after 1918 when women increasingly got the vote and became full
citizens in South America, North America, Europe, and so forth. But this citizenship was also
unstable, since they could lose it by marrying a foreigner, while males did not suffer this way.
Let’s imagine a French girl marries an Argentinean, and goes to live with him in Argentina. The
Argentinean government says, she belongs to her husband, and she should change her citizen-
ship to Argentinean. But she is proud of her new French citizenship and doesn’t want to give it
up. Slowly a compromise was worked out between France and Argentina, such that in case of
transnational marriage between the two countries, the wives could have two passports and hold
dual nationality. But men could not have these privileges! Needless to say, fairly soon, men were
envious of women and so pushed for new laws letting them have dual nationality as well. Even
tremendously nationalist USA by the 1970s had to accept the dual nationality principle.
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
Question: May I ask you about long distance nationalism? How does this nationalism co-exist
with nationalism within the country, because I have observed that the ways these two groups
view the future of their country is different.
Prof. Anderson: Well, it is often a difficult situation. I can tell you a funny story about my coun-
try Ireland. As you know, many Irish emigrated to the United States in the 19th century. They are a
big group in America today. They are very pro Irish and they all want to celebrate Saint Patrick’s
Day, the big national holiday of Ireland, in New York, Boston, and so forth. They are very energetic,
but their idea about Ireland is about 100 years out of date. So, the Ireland of their imagination is the
Ireland they heard about from their grandparents. It is nothing to do with the Ireland now. So, about
seven years ago, there was a big fight in the American newspapers because the leaders of this Irish-
American group in America issued a warning that no Irish people who are gay or lesbian could
participate in the St. Patrick’s Day parade because they are not Irish any more. The real Irish do not
have such disgusting people. Of course, these leaders were attacked by all the various pro-gay and
lesbian groups. The funny thing is that at exactly the same time in Ireland, there was a Saint Patrick’s
parade, with different groups competing for the best float, and guess who won: the lesbians! Jour-
nalists went to tease the Irish-American leaders about this. The answer they got was: Ireland has
been ruined by the European Union, so the true, genuine Ireland is now in America. Meantime,
Irish reporters in Ireland were making fun of the crazy, out of date Irish Americans. This kind of
thing is common, not just among the Irish émigrés. Sometimes it is just funny, but sometimes it
can lead to craziness and violence. For example, overseas Sikhs imagined that Sikhs in India were
fighting, all of them, for independence, so they sent a lot of guns and money; but actually most
Sikhs in India were doing fine, and were peaceful. This is why I say that all the existing forms of
nationalism can be found in Asia, so that the idea of a unique Asian nationalism makes no sense.
Question: How do you categorize the nationalism of Kampuchea Krom?
Prof. Anderson: Well, I believe that in every country there are many kinds of nationalism, not
just one. My idea is something like this: you have Khmer in Cambodia, but there are Khmer in
South Vietnam and in Northeast and Eastern Thailand. As far as I know, there are also many
Khmer in the USA, Canada, France, and other places. Probably, they all have different ideas
about Cambodia. May be some are crazy and some are not. Here you have the contemporary
world situation where a people and a country no longer fit together very well, which nineteenth
century nationalists would have found hard to believe. Today, wars, persecutions, economic op-
portunities, and various kinds of jobs—plus the easiness of travel—mean that more and more
people do not live in their own countries. The question is what happens to their national imag-
ination? Cambodians who live in Cambodia experience it all the time in a concrete way. But for
Cambodians who live in California, probably Cambodia is more like a dream.
Question: Yesterday, we talked about nationalism as about the past and future, but in the case
of long distance nationalism, is it focused only on the past? Your example about Ireland seems to
show this.
Prof. Anderson: My example shows that Irish-American nationalists think that today’s Ireland
is decadent, a sort of ‘bad future,’ which they reject. They would like to bring back the Ireland of
the past, but they can not do this, so they want to believe that ‘true Ireland, faithful to the past’
is now in America. So their focus is an imagined past. On the other hand, they are also Ameri-
cans, and American nationalists, so they think about the future of America.
Question: So, what is significant in distinguishing nationalism focused on the past from na-
tionalism focused on the future, since they seem related?
Prof. Anderson: Well, a past can be understood as a valuable heritage if you want to keep it
for the future, but the reason to keep it is the future. This means you use what you think is rele-
vant about the heritage. That is, you do not need to restore Vishnuism, but you do want to keep
Angkor in good shape for the future. Monarchy is another example. In Chinese history there
have been many ruling royal families, Han, Tang, Sung, Ming etc. Usually they lasted about 200-
300 years then were overthrown because they were by then decadent and incompetent. People
expected this, because they knew that a new dynasty would replace the old, for another 200-300
years. Noone could imagine a China without monarchy. But in the 20th century most monarchies
in the world were destroyed, never to return, and were replaced by republics. So it is possible to
look back at the monarchic period in, say, Khmer history, and admire some achievements with-
out believing that there must be a monarchy in Cambodia 100 years from now which everybody
expects that they would last 200 or 300 years. Thailand faces this problem. The present King is
widely respected, but there are plenty of reasons to doubt whether Thailand will still be a monar-
chy in 50 years time.
Question: What do you think about the demonstrations in Thailand? How do they relate to
the monarchy?
Prof. Anderson: I do not think the long occupation of Bangkok’s airport had much to do di-
rectly with nationalism. But indirectly, yes. The occupiers thought: “This is our country. We want
to close the airport to force our lousy government to resign. We can do it even if severely dam-
ages our economy.” Do you remember when Thaksin was a prime minister and rumors circulated
about a Thai movie star saying something stupid and insulting about Cambodia? Many Khmers
got furious and burned the Thai Embassy in Phom Penh. Thaksin handled all this quite nicely.
He did not get angry and make a big noise, but tried to find a peaceful solution as quickly as pos-
sible. I think that people who do not like him thought his attitude to Cambodia could be used to
help destroy him. This is the reason for the fuss over Preah Vihear by the anti-Thaksin groups. I
don’t believe these politicians really care anything about Preah Vihear. But they could not beat
Thaksin in an ordinary election. Some of them did something much more insulting than the
movie star. They said that the Thai rural masses are too stupid and uneducated to be full citizens.
They should not be allowed to vote. Even the fairly good constitution of 1995 had a clause say-
ing that only people with college degrees could be members of parliament. In real life, if you
have money you can get a degree from one of the many colleges in the country. But the clause is
also insulting. If you are a nationalist you cannot insult you own fellow-nationals.
Prof. Charnvit: There is bad news between Thailand and Cambodia because the new foreign
minister would be Kasit Phiromya who has been a long time with PAD and now is appointed to
be the new minister. So, you would expect a lot of trouble along the border. The Thai business
communities in Cambodia are very unhappy. I think what Professor Anderson is talking about
official nationalism in Thailand is still strong if you look at Thailand in a global context. Thailand
has become very conservative. Sometimes, I like to use the word backward. They are quite back-
ward and very ignorant, especially the ruling elites. I do not know you remember the problem
of nominating Preah Vihear to the UNESCO. The foreign minister during the military regime
Surayuth was Nitya Phibulsonggram. His father was the one who took Siem Reap, Battambang,
and Preah Vihear. His father was the one who changed the name of Siem Reap to Chanthaburi.
That is why all the trouble starting to come up when Cambodia went to Christchurch in New
Zealand and then Quebec. So, I mean official nationalism is operating quite still strong. So, may
be more troubles. They have a lot of problems in Bangkok. They would use Cambodia and Lao
as an excuse. It is very bad. So, it is like a proverb: Bangkok disappears, Phnom Penh fades away,
Prey Nokor disperses, Angkor becomes pleasure. People in Surin also talk about it, too.
Well, get back to Cambodia case, I think I have heard from very high official saying that for
the last 30-40 years, Cambodia has lost its soul because of the long civil wars and conflict within
the country. Cambodia nationalism and its soul have been lost. But I think the incident happen-
ing by the Thai movie star and Preah Vihear now it is a way to bring back Cambodian soul. So,
I think nationalism in Cambodia now is being born from neighboring country like Thailand
doing it. So, it is not from the internal political problem that creates nationalism, but may be
neighboring country because Cambodia was fragment endlessly in the history. People mistrust
each other during the Khmer Rouge and Vietnam period. So, Khmer nationalism disappeared.
So, may be in the case of Thai, Cambodian nationalism begins to rise again.
Prof. Anderson: There is something I want to add. Nationalism is very strange in many ways.
Have you ever had the experience of going somewhere with your parents, grandparents, or other
family members when you were small children and they did something that made you embar-
rassed or ashamed and you wish you were not there. You wish you could disappear, but you can
not because they are your kinfolk. I think it is very important thing for a good nationalist to be
ready to be ashamed of his or her country. It shows that you really love your country and want
it to be better. Many Americans, even very old people, were active in the anti-Vietnam war move-
ment of the 1960s and 70s because they were ashamed of what the US was doing in Indochina.
So being ashamed leads you to be active in changing your country for the better. It is the oppo-
site of the very stupid traditional conservative-nationalist slogan: My country, right or wrong.
Question: I want to hear more about Khmer Krom wanting to establish a republic in South
Vietnam. Is it five people or ten thousand people? Yes they are living in California. It is long dis-
tance nationalism. Should we look at their ideas in relation to the political system of the country
they are living in?
Prof. Anderson: I think if you are a Khmer Krom living in Vietnam you probably have to deal
with the real situation and try see what is possible. It is quite different if you are a Khmer Krom
living in Seattle or California. You can do anything you want. Nobody will put you in jail, so it
is easy to be quite crazy if you want to. You can send money or guns, but it is not you who will
be hurt, but people far away in Vietnam who will suffer. This kind of behavior is not peculiar to
Khmers, you can find many others who are very similar; people living in the rich countries who
have bad memories, bad conscience, people with much money, and no sense of personal respon-
sibility.
I remember an old professor I met in America some years ago. He was a Sikh, and a fine gen-
tleman. He was very upset about his son, who is a very successful businessman in Canada. The
son spent all his spare time actively supporting the members of the violent movement for an in-
dependent state (Khalistan) in India. (They even managed to assassinate Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi.) The son was always blogging, sending emails, creating websites, transmitting money,
encouraging young men to fight. The father said to him: “What are you doing this for?” The son
said to him: “I am full of admiration for these young boys and men who have the courage to
fight for our independent country. I must do everything to support them. I can help them with
Internet, money, guns, and so forth.” The father said: “You have two boys now aged 19 and 20.
Why don’t you send them to India to fight if you are so enthusiastic?” The old professor laughed
and said to me: “Can you imagine how my son replied? My son said “What? Send my sons to
fight in India? The whole reason I moved to Canada was to make sure my sons are safe!”
Question: As you raised one point about long distant nationalism I am talking about this by
watching the experiences on long distant Laotian nationalism. There are a lot of them in Amer-
ica and they have become very successful. Some of my classmates in Bangkok who came from
Lao and now they are in California. So, these people are quite nationalistic and they work with
the conservative right wing. So, they would come back. So, if you follow the news, you will find
that there are some trouble along Thailand and Lao, not the Laotian government and Thailand
government, but are the people who come from California. When they come back from Califor-
nia, they will come through Bangkok and go straight to the border and create a lot of problems
for Laotian government. So, this is a kind of going up and down all the time. I think this kind of
long distant nationalism in some ways similar to the Vietnamese in California come back to cre-
ate the problem for the government in Hanoi. Do you have this kind of Khmer long distant na-
tionalism? The base would be in France and Hawaii and come to make trouble for Hun Sen.
Prof. Anderson: It is wrong to think that nationalism always needs external enemies. Most of
the time, this is not necessary, especially if things are going well. One good thing about nation-
alism is that it encourages people to behave well towards each other. You are brothers and sis-
ters. You try to obey the law. I think it is quite a healthy thing. I sometimes get angry with
American nationalism. But what would the place be like if there were no nationalism? America
already has a lot of guns floating about, and the murder rate is high. But without nationalism peo-
ple would be shooting each other all the time. I think too there are not many songs about hating
enemies of your country but many about loving your own country. Do you have many songs
about hating the Vietnamese?
Answer: We have songs that insult the Vietnamese.
Prof. Anderson: Do you have songs that say the Thai are shit?
Answer: It is just a kind of making fun. But it is not open towards Vietnamese. We have less
making fun of the Thai.
Prof. Anderson: Well, making fun is different from hating. With making fun there is some or-
dinary human relationship.
Question: Is there international movement among Khmer Surin people?
Prof. Charnvit: I do not think you can call it a movement. But there exists some feeling of being
Khmer among people in Surin, Buriram, Srisaket etc. There, some local politicians who are Khmer
speaking use Khmer in their political campaign in their hometowns. The real thing is that people
with Khmer background are rising up. Being Khmer is no obstruction.
Actually, the late leader of the Democrat Party, Khuang Abhaiwongse, was from Battambang.
His father was the last Governor of Battambang until 1907. And one of his cousins became one
of King Rama VI’s consorts. This was Phra Nang Suwatthana, mother of Princess Chao Fa
Phetcharat (now 84 years old).
At present this new Thai government headed by Mr. Abhisit, was able to form up because the
local Khmer faction from Buriram led by Mr. Newin Chidchob swithed from Thaksin's. Mr.
Newin is very influential in Buriram and the Dongrek areas. He speaks Khmer fluently. I think
the situation in this lower part of Northeast Thailand, bordering the Dongrek mountain range,
i.e. Buriram-Surin-Srisaket, is unlike the deep South bordering Malaysia.
Question: Do they feel they have connections with Khmer in Cambodia?
Prof. Charnvit: The border is open. Even now there are a lot of problems along the border in
Preah Vihear, I just talked to Khmer Surin yesterday. He has traveled to Cambodia. He said they
can come and go. I think the border is quite open. My feeling is that people with Cambodian
background and people with Laotian background in Northeast may not think about the coun-
try; the nation of Cambodia and the nation of Lao. Right now it is not good. Over there, it is so
poor. But I do not think they are looking up like the people in the South. I observed the different
feeling of Khmer in Surin and in South Vietnam. This is completely different. You see Khmer
people in South Vietnam usually migrate to Cambodia to find a better life. However, most Khmer
in Northern Thailand might think differently.
Let me ask you that Lok Krou Ben talked about identity. I remember that when I first came to
Surin and Buriram it was very remote area in our sense. I met a lot of Surin people. I asked them
what you feel about Cambodia? What do you think about Sihanouk? They looked like it is a stu-
pid question from Bangkok people. Then, I learned their Surin identity. They have to value from
who are you? We are from Surin. We are Khmer Surin. I do not think they connect to Cambodia.
I do not think they have heard about king Jayavarman VII. I have interesting story when I was
in Thailand. Khmer Surin never said they are Khmer. They are Thai. I do not think they said they
are Thai. They would say they are Surin. If Khmer Surin is in Singapore, they would say they are
Thai from Surin. I think it depends on where they are. Usually, if you are Khmer from Surin
come to Bangkok, you say you are Surin people. But I think it might be who ask the question. I
mean if a Cambodian ask a question is different from Bangkok ask a question. I think they said
that because of you ask the question.
Answer: I remember the story of taxi driver who speaks Khmer. I asked him are you Khmer?
He said no. I am Thai. I asked him Thai language, not Khmer language.
Prof. Charnvit: I see what you mean. If you say you are Khmer, the police may arrest you be-
cause you cross the border illegally. So, I mean like Ben and I have friends in Surin and some of
them doing business in Bangkok. Of course, they have Thai citizenship. They are not afraid. I
heard some, but I do not think it is a good explanation. He said that when he came to Cambo-
dia, he found that people in Phnom Penh laughed at him because he speaks in Surin hundred
years ago and very funny. He said these Cambodian people in Phnom Penh and very high and
look down at us and so forth.
Another story Khmer Surin say that Khmer in Phnom Penh is Khmer Krom, not Khmer Kan-
dal. Khmer in Phnom Penh is a kind of stupid. We are Khmer Surin is smarter and living condi-
tion is higher. So, Khmer in Phnom Penh now is a bit stupid.
Prof. Anderson: The lesson is that almost everyone likes to look down on some body else!

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kRmgGtSbTeRCIserIs

ázkfarbs´elak ebniDikt_ Gan´dWrsun

DEFINITIONS OF NATIONALISM AND IDENTITY IN THE WORLD AND ASIA:

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I would like to finish here by extending my utmost appreciation and thanks to

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