Professional Documents
Culture Documents
D. Katz, Theatrum Mundi
D. Katz, Theatrum Mundi
D. Katz, Theatrum Mundi
Katz
Source: Studies in Philology , Vol. 115, No. 4 (Fall 2018), pp. 719-741
Published by: University of North Carolina Press
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/90025017?seq=1&cid=pdf-
reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
University of North Carolina Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Studies in Philology
This article shows that William Shakespeare’s late tragicomic romances model meta-
theatrical devices speaking to and for an increasingly heterogeneous and cosmopolitan
audience. Contrasting efficacious theatrical artifice with oratory, The Winter’s Tale
and The Tempest appropriate rhetoric’s cultural authority for commercial theater.
These tragicomic romances advance a fantasy about the efficacy of dramatic persua-
sion appealing to an audience containing every category of person within seventeenth-
century London, an increasingly pluralistic city with a newly global reach. The Win-
ter’s Tale and The Tempest transform problematic representations of social strife and
communication into part of the value of theatrical experience, offering playgoers a posi-
tion of forensic detachment with which to view events performed on stage. This fan-
tasy reshapes dramatic performance into a commodity, but it also represents traditional
legitimations for hierarchy and social order as performative.
A
S with all forms of poesis, Renaissance humanists categorized
drama as a sister discourse to oratory. Pedagogues used dra-
matic texts, particularly those containing portrayals of persua-
sion, as storehouses for commonplaces and examples. Justifications for
theater, meanwhile, exploited the same Ciceronian arguments about the
civilizing power of exempla as other forms of fiction.1 John Webster’s
1615 pamphlet An Excellent Actor, to cite one example, compares players
to the Hercules Gallicus emblem depicting the Greek hero dragging a
chain of men attached to his tongue, a representation of rhetorical effi-
1 See, for example, Thomas Heywood, An Apology for Actors (London, 1612), 555–56.
Heywood cites Donatus’s quotation of a lost remark by Cicero: “Cicero saith a comedy is
the imitation of life, the glasse of custome, and the image of truth.”
719
2 Webster, An Excellent Actor, in The Complete Works of John Webster, ed. F. L. Lucas (Lon-
don: Chatto and Windus, 1927), 4:42.
3 This comparison between acting and moral reflection held enormous appeal through-
out the ancient world. By the time of Augustus, the analogy had become so well estab-
lished from Stoic doctrine that the emperor could depart from life asking the men and
women surrounding his deathbed if he had played his part well, telling his followers and
family to “applaud friends, the comedy is finished.” See Suetonius, “The Life of Augus-
tus,” in The Twelve Caesars, ed. J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1913),
section 99.1. The translation is my own.
4 John Erskine Hankins, for example, notes that G. L. Kittredge sources the common-
place back to Suetonius, Petronius, and John of Salisbury. Oddly, despite citing several
antecedents (mostly noticed originally by Rudolph Helm) pointing out similarities to
phrases from Cicero and Seneca, and despite directly referencing Montaigne’s quotation
of the commonplace from Cicero’s De Finibus, Hankins does not look in Cicero’s writings
to see where the Roman orator explicitly tells us he derived the comparison from, and thus
the connection to Stoicism goes completely unnoticed. See Hankins, “All the World’s a
Stage,” in Shakespeare’s Derived Imagery (New York: Octagon Books, 1977), 18–35.
5 Cicero, De Officiis, ed. Walter Miller (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1913)
1.46.
6 Ibid., 1.93.
7 Cicero himself had directly compared ethical decorum to the decorum exhibited by
poets who portray the actions and speech of fictional personages as conforming to their
individual characters. Ibid., 1.97.
8 Ibid., 1.94. Cicero writes, “Quod enim viriliter animoque magno fit, id dignum viro et
decorum videtur, quod contra, id ut turpe, sic indecorum.”
9 Graham, “Consciousness, Self-Spectatorship, and Will to Power: Shakespeare’s Stoic
Conscience,” English Literary Renaissance 44 (2014): 249.
10 See Wayne Rebhorn, introduction to The Emperor of Men’s Minds: Literature and the
Renaissance Discourse of Rhetoric (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), for an over-
view of the fantasy of rhetoric’s civilizing influence.
11 Nardizzi, “The Wooden Actor,” in Renaissance Posthumanism, ed. Joseph Campana
and Scott Maisano (New York: Fordham University Press, 2016), 198.
12 For a still-useful discussion of the relationship between early modern theater and
the emerging market, see Jean-Christophe Agnew, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater
in Anglo-American Thought, 1550–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
13 Howard, The Stage and Social Struggle in Early Modern England (New York: Routledge,
1994), 10.
14 See Jonson, induction to Bartholomew Fair, particularly the contract with the audi-
ence, for an example of Jonson’s managing audience response.
I . T H E AT R U M M U N D I : B O A I S T U AU, A L DAY, A N D RO M A N C E
The analogy between life and theater received its best-known early
modern formulation in the works of the French humanist Pierre
Boaistuau. In 1558, Boaistuau published a pamphlet in French and Latin
titled Le Théâtre du monde, divided into three sections concerned with,
among other subjects, life’s miseries, the vanity of ambition, and the
felicity of virtue. The first part of the book compares humans to beasts,
showing that people are inferior to them in many respects; the second
part discourses on misery; and the third describes how adversity even-
tually leads to the knowledge of God. All three sections pillage exem-
pla from classical, ecclesiastical, and biblical sources, shaping a diverse
body of quotations and citations into a long piece of epideictic rheto-
ric.15 Although little read today, the book proved to be an international
bestseller, quickly running through several editions. The Elizabethan
scholar John Alday translated it into English in 1566 as:
Theatrum Mundi, The Theator or rule of the world, wherein may be sene the
running race and course of euerye mans life, as touching miserie and felicity,
wherin is contained wonderfull examples, learned deuises, to the ouerthrowe of
vice, and exalting of vertue.16
As with Boaistuau’s original, the work proved to be a popular success,
going through three editions by 1581, and quickly becoming an influen-
tial source for the ancient topos. The book’s dedication to James Beaton,
archbishop of Glasgow, notes that despite everything he has achieved,
“man is so masked and disguised, that he knoweth not himselfe. He is
the Heraulde, beginner and foreshewer of things contayned in the circute
of this worlde, and yet he is blinde and dumbe in his owne doings” (4).
15 This is a detail which Alday’s dedication to Sir William Chester acknowledges by re-
ferring to the book’s translator and editor as “your daily Orator.”
16 Alday, trans., Theatrum Mundi (London, 1566), in Early English Books Online, 1. Future
citations appear parenthetically in the text.
17 My definition of “scope” relies on Robert Stillman’s gloss of the term in Philip Sidney
and the Poetics of Renaissance Cosmopolitanism (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2008), 63–65.
I I . S I G H T, AC C O M M O DAT I N G P E R F O R M A N C E ,
A N D T H E W I N T E R’ S TA L E
20 Cicero, “On Invention,” in Cicero II, ed. and trans. by H. M. Hubbell (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1949), 1.27.
21 Peacham, The Garden of Eloquence (London: British Library, 2011), 96–97. This is a fac-
simile of the 1593 second edition.
22 This is not the same as the similar figure frequently translated into Latin as circumitio
or circuitio, although both are etymologically linked, both are forms of amplification, and
both are often translated as “circumstances.”
23 Peacham, Garden of Eloquence, 164–67.
24 Italics mine. “Performed,” in this case, could refer to carrying out an action, but the
Oxford English Dictionary dates the first use of perform as “to act or play (a part or role in
a play)” to 1598.
25 Eden, Hermeneutics and the Rhetorical Tradition: Papers in the Ancient Legacy and Its
Humanist Reception (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), 77, on Erasmus and
Paul. For Augustine and Paul, see ibid., 41–63.
26 Nearly the opposite motion occurs in Othello.
27 See Jane Hwang Degenhardt, “Dangerous Fellowship: Universal Faith and Its Bodily
Limits in The Comedy of Errors and Othello,” in Islamic Conversion and Christian Resistance on
the Early Modern Stage (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010), 32–73.
28 Heb. 11:1, in The Geneva Bible: A Facsimile of the 1560 Edition, ed. Lloyd E. Berry
(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969).
I I I . A R I E L ’ S S P E A K I N G P IC T U R E
More overtly than The Winter’s Tale, The Tempest’s representation of ora-
tory and theatrical artifice takes place amid a crisis of authority, an in-
32 Hutson, The Invention of Suspicion: Law and Mimesis in Shakespeare and Renaissance
Drama (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 107.
33 We do not know which humanists Prospero reads, but he is certainly not following
the advice of figures such as Baldassare Castiglione, Thomas Elyot, or Roger Ascham.
35 Orgel, “The Royal Spectacle,” in The Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English
Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 46.
I V. RO M A N C E , I N T E R IO R I T Y, A N D
THE PERFORMANCE OF POWER
41 For a persuasive argument that the categories of elite and popular literature were
constituted in relation to one another via the romance tradition, see Lori Humphrey New-
comb, Reading Popular Romance in Early Modern England (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2002).
42 See Arthur F. Kinney, Shakespeare By Stages: An Historical Introduction (Malden, MA:
Blackwell Publishing, 2003), 84.
43 See A. L. Rowse, “The Winter’s Tale at the Globe,” in Sex and Society in Shakespeare’s
Age: Simon Forman the Astrologer (New York: Scribner, 1974), 306–7.
44 See the reference to the “great globe itself” at 4.1.153.