Book Review:” In The Belly of The River”- Amita Baviskar

The book is the result of Baviskar’s research on the tribals living in the Narmada valley and
their attempts to oppose the construction of a dam that would lead to loss of land and
displacement. She begins the introduction by giving her theoretical formulations about the
nature of research work and narrating the way of life of the Bhils and Bhilalas in Anjanvara
village. In ten chapters, Baviskar tries to look at the issues of development, tribal reality, and
relationship of the tribals with nature and the question of representation.

The second chapter talks about the policy of Indian development and its impact on poverty
and the environment and the role of ecological Marxists in explaining the setbacks of such
plans and suggesting an alternative model of development combining conservation of
resources with the issue of social justice. The third chapter traces the history of Adivasi and
state relations and their gradual alienation with their natural resources and compulsive pull
into the market economy. Baviskar describes the domination of the tribes in pre-colonial
times, the colonial period and post independence period by the ruling state which tried to
alienate the tribals from their lands and resources and give them an inferior position from
that of mainland inhabitants. Accounts of resistances by these tribals are also discussed in
the book and according to Baviskar this has helped in uniting the Adivasi community and a
form of consciousness against the domination of mainstream Indians. In the fourth chapter,
she discusses about the formation of tribal identity and the different designations given to
tribes by sociologists, anthropologists and state officials which identified tribes as ‘backward
Hindus’ and those poorly integrated part of mainstream Hindu society. However, despite
sweeping processes of Hinduization, the tribes were found to maintain a separate distinct
identity of their own based on their sense of community. The next two chapters on
community, economy and ecology shows the cultural life of the people of Anjanvara village
where the author stayed and did research. Even if the Adivasis were marginalized from their
resources, they have found a solution to compensate for their poverty by utilizing every
aspect of the land, forest and river to the fullest. Resources are used together with
members of the same patriarchal clan and alliances made through marriages among
different villages. The politics of honour allows mobilization within the community together
with giving women some measure of freedom from patriarchal structure.

Chapter seven elaborates on the contradictions between practice and beliefs about nature.
The reality of Adivasi life contrasts with those claims made by environmentalists that
adivasis are the stewards of nature and derives their livelihood from nature. Reverence for
nature by adivasis are visible in their myths and ceremonies that aim at securing nature’s
co-operation for good harvest or prosperity but this ideology does not lead to a
conservationist ethic or a set of ecologically sustainable practices. They are inhibited by
conditions of economic and political marginalization and cannot afford ecological
sustainability in place of losing their source of livelihood.

The rest of the chapters in the book analyses the changes in adivasi life through political
collective action and the politics of representation. The adivasis in place of pursuing honour
begin to take action against the state and fight for access to land and the forest. The
formation of the Sangath and its role in organizing the adivasis is evaluated by Baviskar. The
chapter on Andolan politics examines how the adivasis were incorporated into a larger,
more diverse movement against the Sardar Sarovar Project.

In the concluding chapter, Baviskar tries to bring in the themes of environmental practice
and adivasi consciousness into the general theory of development and resistance. She also
analyses the ways how adivasis are represented by intellectuals who speak on their behalf
and the problems encountered in such process. She ends the book by suggesting a more
nuanced perspective on adivasi environmentalism which respects people’s understanding of
what they are fighting for, that is, a perspective that builds upon their strengths while
remaining conscious of their vulnerabilities.

Though aware and even appreciative of the Narmada Bachao Andolan’s (NBA) pervasive effect on
the valley, the book accuses it of lacking integrity but the charge against it have not been
properly substantiated by Baviskar. The hypothesis generated by the author about the
whole movement against the Sardar Sarovar Project based on her study in one village of
Anjanvara alone does not seem to be a strong basis for her claims about the movement.
Amita Baviskar claims that the hill bhilalas' struggle has elements that the NBA prefers to
'downplay' in its strategy of appropriation. She argues that the 'politics of honour' is an
integral part of bhilala society. She portrays a few incidents which show how considerations
of a village community's honour motivate the bhilalas to engage in collective action. How
this kind of motivation interferes with the adivasi's engagement in resistance to the SSP is
not discussed in any detail. Such a discussion could have proved Baviskar's point about the
NBA's manipulation and appropriation of adivasi resistance.

Despite its minor shortcomings, Baviskar’s book is an excellent summary of the Sardar
Sarovar Project by a researcher and elaboration on conflicts and problems faced by tribals in
the process of development taken up by the state.