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Strapasson, Araujo (2020) Methodological Behaviorism Historical Origins of A Problematic Concept (1923-1973)
Strapasson, Araujo (2020) Methodological Behaviorism Historical Origins of A Problematic Concept (1923-1973)
https://doi.org/10.1007/s40614-020-00253-z
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Abstract
“Methodological behaviorism” is a term that frequently appears in the behavioristic
literature, but one accompanied by considerable semantic confusion: the term is used to
denote very different theoretical positions and the authors classified as methodological
behaviorists are many and various. In order to understand the polysemic character of
this term, we propose a historical analysis of its origins and development in the
literature from the 50 years following its first appearance in 1923. The results reveal
that it has been used by authors as diverse as Karl Lashley, B. F. Skinner, Herbert Feigl,
and Gustav Bergmann. Moreover, it has been defined in terms of two central features
(one a methodological assumption and the other a metaphysical one) and used to
demarcate positive and negative forms of behaviorism, depending on how each author
has understood those features and forms. We conclude that the term’s polysemic
character and different uses can be traced back to its roots in the 1920s, which helps
us to understand the semantic confusion in the contemporary literature.
A quick survey of the behavioristic literature reveals that the term “methodological
behaviorism” has been widely used by different authors but with different purposes.
Recent uses include attempts to criticize (e.g., Costall, 2018) or defend (e.g., Manning,
2014) specific conceptions of methodological behaviorism, as well as to evaluate its
compatibility with certain psychological theories in terms of similarities (e.g., Cheng,
2018) or differences (e.g., Moore, 2017; Rachlin, 2013).
1
Federal University of Paraná, Curitiba, Paraná, Brazil
2
Federal University of Juiz de Fora, Juiz de Fora, Brazil
Perspectives on Behavior Science
A close look at these diverse uses reveals that (1) different definitions appear in
specific contexts and (2) the authors classified as methodological behaviorists defend
distinct, sometimes incompatible, positions.
The polysemic character of the term is undeniable. For example, Segraves (1982)
suggests that it denotes the application of the scientific method to psychology: “This
viewpoint advocates controlled experimentation, independent replication of results,
operationism of concepts, and testability of hypotheses. Methodological behaviorism
is really a misnomer. It refers simply to the use of scientific methodology” (p. 110). By
contrast, Wiebe (2015) defends the view that methodological behaviorism involves an
ontological compromise, insofar as it accepts the existence of mind: “methodological
behaviorists did not so much deny the existence of mental states as argue that such
alleged states never needed mention, since intersubjectively observable stimuli and
responses were adequate to describe and explain human behavior” (p. 22). Then again,
Stegmüller (1969) claims that any psychological theory that restricts itself to observable
behavior is a methodological behaviorism, regardless of its ontological compromises:
“methodological behaviorism . . . either leaves open the question of the existence of
psychical phenomena or, while expressly acknowledging that they exist, restricts itself
to supplying behavioral criteria for all that is psychical” (p. 428). Meanwhile, Martin
(1978) argues that it is indeed possible to identify different forms of methodological
behaviorism, but that they all share a disposition to analyze psychological events in
terms of observable data alone, and this for methodological reasons, independent of
other philosophical justifications.
A second feature involved in the conceptualization of methodological behaviorism
is the choice of its representatives. For the most part, conceptualizations include an
indication of who is to be considered a methodological behaviorist, or at least what
position should count as methodological behaviorism. In this sense, the diversity and
incongruence in such indications is explicit. For example, B. F. Skinner has been
labeled a methodological behaviorist (e.g., Martin, 1978; Woolfolk, 1983) but also as
someone whose work stands in contrast to methodological behaviorism (e.g., Day,
1983; Moore, 2011/2012, 2013). The same applies to authors as distinct as John B.
Watson (Moore, 2017; Morris & Todd, 1999; Smith, 1984) and Willard v. O. Quine
(e.g., Cheng, 2018; Rappaport, 1979). Moreover, representatives of various and com-
peting theoretical views have also been included among the methodological behavior-
ists. This is the case for Robert Yerkes (Roback, 1923), Edwin G. Boring (Skinner,
1945a), Elliott Sober (Trigg, 1987), Gustav Bergman (Flanagan, 1980; Moore, 2013),
James R. Angell (Kessen & Cahan, 1986), Paul Oppenheim (Henle & Baltimore,
1967), Richard J. Herrnstein (Smillie, 1978), and Wilfrid S. Sellars (e.g. Manning,
2014; Tripodi, 2011). Not even Kant (Zimmer, 2001) and Plato (Shanon, 1984) have
escaped such classification. This plurality and lack of consensus in the identification of
the term’s referents reflect its polysemic nature as well as its different uses. In short,
there is much confusion in the literature.
One way to understand and possibly explain the problematic nature of the concept of
methodological behaviorism in the contemporary literature is to identify its historical
origins, a task that has yet to be completed, despite some tentative first steps. Moore
(2001), for instance, suggests that methodological behaviorism “derived from logical
behaviorism, analytic behaviorism, and commitments to ‘truth by agreement’ and the
operationism of Boring and Stevens” (p. 239). In addition, Moore (2013), marks the
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1
Likewise, Moore (2001) differentiates four types of methodological behaviorism, according to their onto-
logical and epistemological assumptions. However, although he identifies some theoretical influences on the
emergence of methodological behaviorism, he does not attempt to situate each type historically, which is
precisely our goal here.
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Two points deserve attention in Roback’s classification. First, the adjective “meth-
odological” refers to the effective (experimental) methods of studying behavior, that is,
how to approach psychological phenomena. Second, consciousness is the central
problem that separates Yerkes’s behaviorism from proper behaviorism such as
Watson’s. A methodological behaviorist accepts the existence of conscious phenomena,
whereas a strict behaviorist regards it as a myth. As a consequence, Roback’s concep-
tualization has an ontological component, namely, the necessary compromise of be-
haviorism with materialism.
This brings us to Roback’s use of “methodological behaviorism.” Roback intended
not only to offer a general classification of behaviorism, but also a general evaluation.
In this sense, methodological behaviorism represents a mitigated form of behaviorism,
a superficial and inconsistent position in comparison with, for example, Watson’s
behaviorism. In Roback’s (1923) words, “if behaviorism is not to be mutually incom-
patible with the orthodox view of psychology, it must be taken in the sense of a
practical rough approach to phenomena without reference to their further analysis” (p.
43). Thus, methodological behaviorism is not properly speaking behaviorism, or it is
behaviorism in name only (nominal behaviorism).
Despite Roback’s efforts to classify all forms of behaviorism, his classification did
not have much impact on subsequent literature. Further developments and theoretical
discussions of behaviorism did not take into account his classification.
It was Karl Lashley (1890–1958)―Watson’s ex-student and friend, famous for his
contributions to American neuropsychology―who first gave “methodological behav-
iorism” a definition that was debated and subsequently developed. In discussing the
behavioristic interpretation of consciousness, Lashley provided another taxonomy of
behaviorism that was much simpler than Roback’s. For him, “in various discussions of
the scope of behaviorism, three distinct and incompatible formulations are discernible”
(Lashley, 1923, p. 238).
First, there are behaviorists who accept the existence of consciousness and the
possibility of approaching it introspectively. However, because facts about conscious-
ness are irrelevant to behaviorism, they are of no interest. For Lashley (1923), “this is
merely psychophysical parallelism with emphasis on the physical. It is the view of
Bechterew and other early objectivists” (p. 238).
Behaviorists of the second stripe claim that “facts of consciousness exist but are
unsuited to any form of scientific treatment” (Lashley, 1923, p. 238). Lashley attributed
this position not only to Watson in his early writings (Watson, 1913) but also to Albert
Weiss (1879–1931), a German-American psychologist who defended behaviorism in
its beginnings (Weiss, 1917a, 1917b). For him, this approach is what “we may call a
methodological behaviorism” (Lashley, 1923, p. 239).
According to the third type, “the supposedly unique facts of consciousness do not
exist. An account of the behavior of the physiological organism leaves no residue of
pure psychics. Mind is behavior and nothing else” (Lashley, 1923, p. 240). Lashley
attributed this view to much of Watson’s work because of “his fundamental denial of
the fact of consciousness” (p. 240). As a result, Lashley explained, “I shall speak of this
doctrine as strict behaviorism, or for brevity simply as behaviorism” (p. 240).
In Lashley’s account of behaviorism, it is clear that the central criterion is the place
of mind or consciousness in psychological science, bringing him close to Roback.
Because methodological behaviorists accept the existence of mental facts, they cannot
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be behaviorists in the strict sense. They share with strict behaviorists only the methods
of studying behavior, but this is not enough. In contrast to methodological behaviorism,
strict behaviorism “makes no concessions to dualistic psychology and affirms the
continuity in data and method of the physical, biological, and psychological sciences”
(Lashley, 1923, p. 240). For this reason, methodological behaviorism receives here a
pejorative connotation. Moreover, Lashley understood strict or genuine behaviorism in
terms of an ontological compromise with materialism, as Roback had done.
Thus, it is clear that in Lashley’s classification the use of “methodological behav-
iorism” serves to indicate what behaviorism, properly speaking, is not or should not be.
It represents a weak or inconsistent position to be abandoned in favor of strict
behaviorism. Thus, both Roback and Lashley conceptualized methodological behav-
iorism in a similar way.
The most famous of all behaviorists, B. F. Skinner (1904–1990), also used “methodo-
logical behaviorism” in contrast to the form of psychological science he was willing to
defend. The context for such a defense was a symposium organized by Herbert Langfeld
(1879–1958), then chief editor of Psychological Review, in which invited members were
to discuss the application of operationism in psychology (Langfeld, 1945).2
Skinner contributed to the symposium at two different points (Skinner, 1945a,
1945b). In both, he welcomed the idea of an operational analysis of psychological
terms but indicated nonetheless its shortcomings. In general, he saw it as “a good thing
in any science, but especially in psychology because of the vast vocabulary of ancient
and non-scientific origin” (Skinner, 1945a, p. 271). At the same time, he added, “the
possibility of a genuine operationism in psychology has not yet been fully explored”
(Skinner, 1945b, p. 294).3 Why not?
Skinner argued that although classical behaviorism had been mostly engaged in “a
thoroughgoing operational analysis of traditional mentalistic concepts” (Skinner,
1945a, p. 271), behaviorists had failed to offer “an acceptable formulation of the
‘verbal report’” (p. 271). “What we want to know in the case of many traditional
psychological terms,” he continued, “is, first, the specific stimulating conditions under
which they are emitted . . . and, second . . . why each response is controlled by its
corresponding condition” (p. 272). However, in the case of subjective terms, there is the
problem of how to deal with private events.
2
Operationism (or operationalism) is a position attributed to Harvard physicist Percy Bridgman (1882–1961),
who claimed that, “in general, we mean by a concept nothing more than a set of operations; the concept is
synonymous with the corresponding sets of operations” (Bridgman, 1927, p. 5). However, it should not be
forgotten that he subsequently disavowed that attribution: “I feel that I have created a Frankenstein, which has
certainly got away from me. I abhor the word operationism or operationalism, which seems to imply a
dogma” (Bridgman, 1956, p. 74). In psychology, operationism has been influential and has generated bitter
debates among philosophers and psychologists. For a good overview of the problems, see Feest (2005) and
Chang (2019).
3
It is worth noting that Skinner was not a supporter of classical operationism as proposed by Bridgman and
applied to psychology. In this symposium, he offered a new version of operationism that was closely related to
his radical behaviorism. For a discussion of the relations between Skinner and operationism, see Moore (1975)
and Flanagan (1980).
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For Skinner, this was the central problem for a genuine operational analysis in
psychology and, as a result, for behaviorism. And because there were at least two
different ways of dealing with operationism in psychology, he concluded that there
were at least two corresponding forms of behaviorism. The first, he said, was “meth-
odological behaviorism,” according to which “the world is divided into public and
private events, and psychology, in order to meet the requirements of a science, must
confine itself to the former” (Skinner, 1945b, pp. 292–293). Skinner attributed this
position to psychologists such as Boring and Stanley Stevens (1906―1973) at Har-
vard, who developed a kind of dualistic approach to psychology, following the
distinction between public and private events (e.g., Boring, 1945; Stevens, 1935).
The second form, in contrast to methodological behaviorism, was Skinner’s own
behavioristic program, defined as radical behaviorism. According to him, “the distinc-
tion between public and private is by no means the same as that between physical and
mental. That is why methodological behaviorism (which adopts the first) is very
different from radical behaviorism (which lops off the latter term in the second”;
Skinner, 1945b, p. 294). It is worth noting that Skinner’s (1945a) paper was the first
time he used “radical behaviorism” in his writings (Schneider & Morris, 1987).
The first thing to note about Skinner’s classification is the pejorative connotation he
attributed to methodological behaviorism. “This was never good behaviorism, but it
was an easy position to expound and defend and was often resorted to by the
behaviorists themselves” (Skinner, 1945b, p. 293). The task of radical behaviorism
was not easy, however. The radical behaviorist faced the challenge of giving an account
of private events in terms of an empirical analysis of verbal behavior, that is, an
investigation of how our community has taught us to behave in relation to private
events. Philosophical analysis per se would not be enough. “The solution must be
psychological, rather than logical” (p. 294).
It is clear that Skinner’s characterization of methodological behaviorism depended
on an ontological interpretation of his opponents’ views. At stake here was a rejection
of ontological dualism (mental vs. physical) and an adoption of physicalism (every-
thing is physical). As Skinner (1945b) himself recognized, “I contend that my tooth-
ache is just as physical as my typewriter, though not public, and I see no reason why an
objective and operational science cannot consider the processes through which a
vocabulary descriptive of a toothache is acquired and maintained” (p. 294).4
Some 30 years later, “methodological behaviorism” appeared again in Skinner’s
work. In particular, in Beyond Freedom and Dignity (1971) he claimed that scientific
psychology could not ignore the subjective domain of private events.
4
There has been wide-ranging discussion in the literature on Skinner’s ontological compromises. For many
scholars, Skinner defended a physicalistic or materialistic worldview. Others affirm that he held an a-
ontological position. For a synthesis of this debate, see Zilio (2012). Be that as it may, Skinner’s critique of
methodological behaviorism, as presented in this text, clearly indicated an ontological compromise with
physicalism. It seems, however, that Skinner himself suggested other metaphysical possibilities in other
writings, which we are not ready to discuss here.
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In this later passage, nothing has substantially changed. In place of the previous
opposition between methodological and radical behaviorism, Skinner rejected the
former in favor of an experimental analysis of behavior. However, the pejorative
connotation of methodological behaviorism and the ontological implications of genuine
behaviorism remained the same.
One can conclude that Skinner’s use of “methodological behaviorism” had a twofold
purpose. First, he intended to demarcate good and sound behaviorism—that is, radical
behaviorism—from a spurious form of behavioral research. Second, he insisted that the
demarcation had ontological implications: accepting radical behaviorism entailed the
acceptance of a monistic worldview.
Feigl’s (1934) proposal had three main components. First, by “physical language” he
meant “those still rather obscure physiological processes and conditions” (p. 438).
Thus, the traditional mentalistic or introspective concepts of psychology (e.g., sensa-
tion, memory, feeling) were to be reinterpreted in physiological terms. Second, his form
of physicalism did not carry any metaphysical or ontological implications. It was only a
linguistic—that is, semantic—approach. Third, it is important to recognize here that, for
Feigl, “methodological” qualified a philosophical method, not a psychological one. In
other words, methodological behaviorism was a logical analysis of psychological
language or a philosophical prescription for using and interpreting concepts in psy-
chology, not a method for studying psychological phenomena.
A similar use of “methodological behaviorism” appeared in 1956, in an attempt
made by Gustav Bergmann (1906–1987), a former member of the Vienna Circle, to
honor the scientific contribution of Watson to psychology.5 He argued that, “Watson is
not only an experimental psychologist . . . he is also a systematic thinker, that is, a
philosopher of psychology, or, as one says, a methodologist” (Bergmann, 1956, p. 265;
emphasis in original). Watson had made, said Bergmann, a specific contribution to
psychology, but “the contribution was not, as probably Watson thought, his materialism
or metaphysical behaviorism―i.e., the thesis, which is merely silly, that there are no
minds―but, rather, his methodological behaviorism” (p. 269; emphasis in original).
Bergmann was making two claims. First, he was attributing to Watson two kinds of
behaviorism. Then, he defined the first kind in terms of an ontological thesis, namely,
that minds do not exist, in the sense of “that ancient notion which is traditionally called
a substantial mind” (p. 266). However, because Bergmann was placing methodological
behaviorism in opposition to metaphysical behaviorism, we need a definition of
methodological behaviorism to make Bergmann’s claims understandable.
Bergmann understood methodological behaviorism in terms of a central thesis: “It
must in principle be possible to predict future behavior, including verbal behavior, from
a sufficiency of information about present (and past) behavioral, physiological, and
environmental variables. This is the thesis” (Bergmann, 1956, p. 270). This formulation
is too synthetic, however, and demands further clarifications.
Bergmann’s interpretation implied, in the first place, a distinction between common
sense and scientific discourse. For Bergmann, methodological behaviorism did not
entail the elimination of traditional terms such as “personality,” “volition,” “state of
mind,” and the like. This is popular parlance. Scientific psychology, however, should
not content itself with such vague terms as if they referred to mysterious entities or
processes. The question, then, is to coordinate with any statement in which these terms
occur another one that “mentions only behavioral, physiological, and environmental
items” (Bergmann, 1956, p. 270). In this way, however useful mentalistic terms can be
in the early stages of scientific psychology, psychological statements containing them
would be gradually paired with corresponding statements referring to behavioral,
physiological, or environmental variables.
5
In fact, Bergmann had already used the phrase 2 years before in a paper on the meaning of operationism for
science in general. According to him, “applied to psychological concepts, operationism becomes methodo-
logical behaviorism, that is, a behaviorism sobered and shorn of its metaphysics” (Bergmann, 1954, p. 213).
This brief mention allows us to infer that Bergmann’s methodological behaviorism was a linguistic method
and that it had no metaphysical implications. However, because he did not say anything more about the
concept, we will not analyze it further.
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The definitions presented and discussed here indicate that although the concept of
methodological behaviorism appeared for the first time in 1923, it was changed
substantially by subsequent users of the term. Now, it is necessary to show that those
definitions and uses were adopted elsewhere in the literature, thus showing their
historical impact.
Perspectives on Behavior Science
Lashley’s (1923) proposal, for instance, was mentioned by other authors in the
1920s, 1930s, 1940s, and 1970s (e.g., Diserens, 1925; Ewing, 1944; Hanson, 1971;
Leeper, 1931; Mace, 1948; Mischel, 1970).
As for Skinner (1945a, 1971), his demarcation was the basis upon which Ducasse
(1951), Copeland (1964), and Ellis (1972) discussed their positions. Moreover, from
the 1970s onward, a new generation of behavior analysts took off from Skinner’s idea
to build their own proposals (e.g., Day, 1983; Leigland, 1997; Moore, 1975, 1980,
2001, 2011/2012, 2013).
Both critics of and sympathizers with logical positivism used the conception of
methodological behaviorism developed by Feigl (1934) and Bergmann (1956), espe-
cially Bergmann’s. In this sense, methodological behaviorism was discussed in terms of
the logical analysis of language. This was the case with Brodbeck (1955), Spence
(1957), Miller (1959), Grossmann (1960), Brody and Oppenheim (1966), and Henle
and Baltimore (1967).
Our list of citations is not, and does not intend to be, exhaustive. Its purpose is only
to illustrate the presence of those three conceptions of methodological behaviorism in
the subsequent literature up to 1973.
Concluding Remarks
Our analysis shows that the first conceptions of methodological behaviorism were
based on a methodological component and an ontological component. However,
because these two aspects were understood in different ways, each definition reflected
a particular understanding of them. For example, “methodological” could refer to the
concrete methods of psychological research (e.g., experimental, descriptive), but also to
a philosophical method of linguistic analysis (e.g., physicalism, operationism). At the
same time, methodological behaviorism was seen by many as related somehow to
particular metaphysical views, such as ontological dualism (mind versus matter) or
monism (everything is physical). Here, it is curious that the same behaviorist (e.g.,
Watson) could be labeled a dualist by some and a monist by others. Moreover, with
regard to metaphysical assumptions, methodological behaviorism could also be seen as
neutral (ametaphysical), as prescribed by Feigl and Bergmann.
In addition, those regarded as representatives of methodological behaviorism were
many and various. For instance, Watson was sometimes considered the methodological
behaviorist par excellence; for some, he was both a methodological and a metaphysical
(dualist or monist) behaviorist. Others, however, claimed that he was not a methodological
behaviorist at all. Yerkes was seen by Roback as the prototypical methodological behav-
iorist, whereas for Skinner this place belonged to Boring and Stevens. And the list goes on.
As for its uses, the concept of methodological behaviorism has primarily had a
demarcating function. Whatever the context in which it appeared, it served to differ-
entiate good from bad or genuine from spurious behaviorism. This function notwith-
standing, methodological behaviorism appeared on both sides of the spectrum: it was
either the ghost to be avoided or the remedy to be adopted. Whereas for Bergmann it
was the remedy for metaphysical behaviorism, for Skinner it was an opportunistic and
defective form of behaviorism, against which radical behaviorism had to be developed.
Its value, it seems, was in the eye of the beholder.
Perspectives on Behavior Science
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