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Position Paper
Position Paper
THE event that ushered in the Philippine Revolution against more than 300 years of
Spanish occupation is as significant as it is controversial.
evidences
Sumang-ayon ang mga istoryador na ang eksaktong petsa at
lokasyon ay hindi na masyadong mahalaga. Sumang-ayon sila, na ang
"Sigaw" ay naganap sa pagitan ng Agosto 23 at 26, 1896 sa munisipalidad
ng Caloocan. Ngunit, hindi mapalagay ang mga historyador na ang mga
dekada ng debate ay hindi nakagawa ng anumang malinaw na mga sagot.
Hinihingi ng opisyal na kasaysayan ang ekasktong petsa upang alalahanin
at tumpak na lugar upang markahan. Ayon kay Nicolas Zafra noong 1960,
ang detalye ng "Sigaw" ay maaaring hindi gaanong mahalaga kaugnay sa
mas malawak na pag-aaklas ng mga kaganapan at sa katunayan ito ay tila
"walang kabuluhan at hindi kapaki-pakinabang" upang ituloy ang bagay,
ngunit ang historyador ay may tungkulin upang matiyak na ang mga
kasaysayan ay makatotohanan. Ang pag-areglo ng problema, ay mag-
babalik sa "kredito, karangalan at karangalan ng makasaysayang iskolar sa
ating bansa."
Valenzuela recalled that Pugad Lawin was in Pasong Tamo – “sa loob ng
nayong Pasong Tamo”. In 1928, Valenzuela went to Pasong Tamo to
commemorate the “Cry” together with four other well-known KKK veterans
– Gregoria de Jesus (Bonifacio’s widow), Briccio Pantas and the brothers
Alfonso and Cipriano Pacheco. The newspaper La Opinion carried this
photograph of the group, who according to the caption were standing
around the exact spot (marked with an “X”) where 1,000 bolos had been
stored just before they were used in “el famoso grito”. On this occasion, it
therefore seems, “the Cry” was taken to mean the unang labanan, which
had indeed taken place near Pasong Tamo. Even though Pio Valenzuela
said the pasya as well as the unang labanan should be commemorated at
or near this site in Pasong Tamo, in other words, there is no evidence that
the other veterans in the photograph took the same view.
COUNTER-ARGUMETN
They broadly agree that the leading revolutionists went first to Caloocan
(población) after leaving Manila, and then headed eastwards via Kangkong
towards Pasong Tamo and eventually Balara. The sources still offer no
accord, however, as to the whereabouts of the leading revolutionists on the
critical dates of August 23 and 24. Some sources say they left Kangkong
as early as August 23, whereas others say they were still in Kangkong as
late as August 26.
The task of determining the exact place at which the decision to revolt was
taken, therefore, remains difficult and convoluted. The sources offer three
specific possibilities:-
Kangkong
Only one veteran – Pio Valenzuela – ever maintained that the decisive
meeting took place at Melchora Aquino’s place near Pasong Tamo. But his
memory was erratic. He also once recalled (in 1911) that the pasya had
been taken in Kangkong. If his testimony on that occasion is counted, the
tally for Kangkong would be 9 out of 10
Valenzuela recalled that Pugad Lawin was in Pasong Tamo – “sa loob ng
nayong Pasong Tamo”. In 1928, Valenzuela went to Pasong Tamo to
commemorate the “Cry” together with four other well-known KKK veterans
– Gregoria de Jesus (Bonifacio’s widow), Briccio Pantas and the brothers
Alfonso and Cipriano Pacheco.
MY ARGUMENT
The photograph’s caption is not contemporaneous, because Caloocan did not attain the
status of a city until 1963. It is possible the description of the site – “Sitio Gulod, Banlat,
Caloocan City” – reflects how the location was known in the 1960s rather than in 1940.
Fortunately, though, Luis Serrano wrote a detailed account of the 1940 expedition which
makes it absolutely clear not only that Valenzuela and his companions believed the “Cry”
took place at or near Melchora Aquino’s place, a spot they remembered as Pugad Lawin,
but also that their geographical point of reference, their starting point for locating the
exact spot, was Pasong Tamo.
The trip to Pugad Lawin in 1940, Serrano recalls, was organized by Eulogio B.
Rodriguez in his capacity as chairman of the Philippine Historical Committee “for the
purpose of first, verifying the date of the ‘Cry,’ second, ascertaining the truth of a report
that Bonifacio and some members of the Katipunan had buried certain important
documents of the Katipunan there, and third, locating the exact spot where the house of
Tandang Sora stood.” After picking up the three veterans, Serrano relates, the party
“negotiated the distance by car up to Pasong-tamo and hiked about an hour to Pugad-
lawin.”
“We found that Pugad-lawin was a knoll of about 30 or 40 feet higher than the
surrounding territory. As the remaining vegetation indicated, it must have been well
covered with trees during the revolution. It was a good observation point from a military
point of view because it commanded an excellent view of the whole country to the south
and west, the only directions from where the Spanish forces could be expected to come.
Some of the big trees which formed landmarks of the place were still recognized by Dr.
Valenzuela.”
... [Bonifacio and his followers arrived] at the house of Tandang Sora in Pugad-lawin in the
afternoon of August 22. Tandang Sora’s son, Juan A. Ramos, was a member of the secret
organization; hence it was natural for the Katipuneros to seek refuge there.” [Note: The
dates given here are wrong – as Valenzuela had correctly remembered in 1911, the
Katipuneros arrived at Tandang Sora’s house on August 24, not August 22.]
Serrano’s account does not mention Bahay Toro, where the site of Pugad Lawin is now
officially marked. If Valenzuela had directed the expedition in 1940 to Bahay Toro, they
would not have started their hike at Pasong Tamo. They would have parked somewhere
much closer.
Other evidence
The publications of Medina and others around the time of the 1996 centennial thus
brought to light some fresh sources on the “Cry,” but did nothing to resolve the debate.
Five years later, in 2001, the National Historical Institute decided to review the evidence
again. To conduct the review it constituted a special Panel, comprising three historians –
Bernard Karganilla, Doroteo Abaya and Rene Escalante - and (as chair) a retired
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. The Panel members read some of the
voluminous literature on the subject, and heard testimony from some of the main
protagonists. After due deliberation, the Panel submitted a 15-page report to the Institute
which concluded as follows:-
“In its search for the truth, the Panel did not find any document that could challenge the
decision that was rendered by the Philippine Historical Committee in 1963. Therefore,
the Panel respectfully recommends that the National Historical Institute re-affirm said
position that the ‘First Cry’ took place in Pugadlawin on August 23, 1896.”
The wording here is slightly inaccurate. In 1963, as noted, the Philippine Historical
Committee had not in fact identified the supposed site of the “Cry.” It had agreed only
that the location should be shifted from Balintawak to “Pugad Lawin, wherever it was”.
ISANG PAGUNITA
ay Nagpapahayag :-
As may be seen, the veterans do not explicitly state the place they
remembered as Pugad Lawin was where, or near where, Melchora Aquino
had lived in 1896.
But it was. Any doubt that Pio Valenzuela identified Pugad Lawin with
Pasong Tamo, and specifically with Melchora Aquino’s place, was dispelled
in August 1940, when together with two other Katipunan veterans (Genaro
de los Reyes and Sinforoso San Pedro) he returned there with Eulogio B.
Rodriguez and Luis Serrano of the Philippine Historical Committee (a
forerunner of the NHCP) to verify the location. Before posing for
photographs, the party marked the site of Melchora Aquino’s house with a
thin wooden stake on which somebody placed their hat.
The trip to Pugad Lawin in 1940, Serrano recalls, was organized by Eulogio
B. Rodriguez in his capacity as chairman of the Philippine Historical
Committee “for the purpose of first, verifying the date of the ‘Cry,’ second,
ascertaining the truth of a report that Bonifacio and some members of the
Katipunan had buried certain important documents of the Katipunan there,
and third, locating the exact spot where the house of Tandang Sora stood.”
After picking up the three veterans, Serrano relates, the party “negotiated
the distance by car up to Pasong-tamo and hiked about an hour to Pugad-
lawin.”
Pio Valenzuela had several versions of the Cry. Only after they are
compared and reconciled with the other accounts will it be possible to
determined what really happened.
Was there a meeting at Pugad Lawin on 23 August 1896, after the meeting
at Apolonio Samson’s residence in Hong Kong? Where were the cedulas
torn, at Kangkong or Pugad Lawin?
In September 1896, Valenzuela stated before the Olive Court, which was
charged with investigating persons involved in the rebellion, only that
Katipunan meetings took place from Sunday to Tuesday or 23 to 25 August
at Balintawak.
Valenzuela memoirs (1964, 1978) averred that the Cry took place on 23
August at the house of Juan Ramos at Pugad Lawin. The NHI was
obviously influenced by Valenzuela’s memoirs. In 1963, upon the NHI
endorsement, President Diosdado Macapagal ordered that the Cry be
celebrated on 23 August and that Pugad Lawin be recognized as its site.
But the issue did not rest there. In 1970, the historian Pedro A. Gagelonia
pointed out:
The controversy among historians continues to the present day. The “Cry
of Pugad Lawin” (August 23, 1896) cannot be accepted as historically
accurate. It lacks positive documentation and supporting evidence from the
witness. The testimony of only one eyewitness (Dr. Pio Valenzuela) is not
enough to authenticate and verify a controversial issue in history.
Historians and their living participants, not politicians and their sycophants,
should settle this controversy.