Tiesleret - Al. - 2013 Posthuman Manipulation Zapotal

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.
net/publication/236529910
Posthumous Body Manipulation in the Classic Period Mixtequilla:

Reevaluating the Human Remains of Ossuary I from El Zapotal,
Veracruz
Article in Latin American Antiquity · March 2013

DOI: 10.7183/1045-6635.24.1.47
CITATIONS READS
9 154
4 authors, including:
Vera Tiesler Annick Daneels

Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México
134 PUBLICATIONS 1,069 CITATIONS 39 PUBLICATIONS 79 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
Historic archaeology on Colonial Mexico View project
Dental decorations View project
All content following this page was uploaded by Vera Tiesler on 02 March 2017.
The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

LAQ24(1)Tiesler_Layout 1 2/22/13 3:13 PM Page 47
POSTHUMOUS BODY MANIPULATION IN THE CLASSIC PERIOD

MIXTEQUILLA: REEVALUATING THE HUMAN REMAINS OF
OSSUARY I FROM EL ZAPOTAL, VERACRUZ
Vera Tiesler, Arturo Romano-Pacheco, Jorge Gómez-Valdés, Annick Daneels
Our interdisciplinary study provides new information and interpretations of Ossuary I, a large assemblage of human bones
associated with the ceremonial center dedicated to a life-size clay figure of a splendidly attired human skeleton (often iden-
tified as Mictlantecuhtli in the archaeological literature) at the site of El Zapotal in south-central Veracruz. Recovered in
1971, this assemblage has been interpreted as a ritual deposit of women who died during childbirth, whose bodies were
dedicated in later Aztec lore to the Tlazolteotl goddess. The present paper provides new insights into the depositional sequence,
the type and number of individuals within the assemblage, the sex and age profile of the mostly female cohort, the distrib-
ution of artificial head shapes as an ethnic marker, and evidence of perimortem violence and postmortem processing in the
form of flaying. Our evidence indicates that Ossuary I represents the slow accumulation of loose bones and limb segments
of partially skinned individuals in a circular shaft. Postdating the functioning of the Death God adoratorio and showing
fluctuations in the patterns of pre-depositional body treatment, the assemblage expresses the Late Classic period ritual
practice of flaying both males and females in Veracruz. In later stages, the ossuary was used again for a female cult, con-
sistent with the original interpretation of women who died during childbirth.
El presente trabajo deriva de una investigación interdisciplinaria que tiene como objetivo proveer información y proponer
una reinterpretación del Osario I de El Zapotal, en el Centro Sur del actual estado mexicano de Veracruz. Dicho osario rep-
resenta un amplio depósito de restos óseos humanos asociado al centro ceremonial del sitio que estaba en función durante el
Clásico Tardío y estaba dedicado al Dios de la Muerte. Este contexto fue recuperado en 1971 y fue interpretado originalmente
como una columna ritual de mujeres, muertas durante el parto y cuyos cuerpos fueron dedicados a la diosa Tlazolteotl. Hace-
mos aquí una revaloración respecto a la secuencia deposicional del osario y al tipo y número de individuos al interior del con-
junto. Examinamos los perfiles de edad y sexo, la distribución del remodelado cefálico como marcador étnico, la evidencia
T
de violencia sufrida perimortem y los tratamientos póstumos de los cuerpos, algunos relacionados al desollamiento. Nuestra
información indica que el osario una vez llenó un pozo circular, cavado en una etapa constructiva posterior al uso del asi lla-
mado adoratorio de Mictlantecuhtli. Ahí fueron acumulado primero los despojos de sujetos femeninos y masculinos en parte
desollados. Sus fases tardías de uso, muestran posiblemente un retorno al culto femenino anterior, consistente con la inter-
pretación original de mujeres muertas en su primer parto.
he archaeological site of El Zapotal, Munici- 1972, an extraordinary earthen shrine was discov-
pio de Ignacio de la Llave, lies in the Mix- ered in Mound 2 by Mexican archaeologist Manuel
tequilla area, in what is now the Torres (2009) and his team (Figures 2 and 3). The
south-central part of Veracruz, Mexico. This site shrine had been dedicated to what appears to be an
flourished during the Late to Terminal Classic early version of the Aztec god of death, Mict-
period, between A.D. 600 and A.D. 900 (Figure 1). lantecuhtli, surrounded by polychrome murals
Mound 2 is a large platform south of the second depicting a procession of women and male war-
major pyramid of El Zapotal. Between 1971 and riors, as well as seated skeletal figures. The struc-
Vera Tiesler 䡲 Facultad de Ciencias Antropológicas, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Facultad de Ciencias
Antropológicas, km 1.00 carretera Mérida-Tizimín, Mérida C.P. 97305, Yucatán, Mexico (vtiesler@yahoo.com)
Arturo Romano-Pacheco 䡲 Departamento de Antropología Física, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico
Jorge Gómez-Valdés 䡲 Departamento de Anatomía. Facultad de Medicina, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México,
Mexico
Annick Daneels 䡲 Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico
Latin American Antiquity 24(1), 2013, pp. 47–71

Copyright ©2013 by the Society for American Archaeology
47
48 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013
Figure 1. Regional map with localization of El Zapotal and other archaeological sites in Veracruz, Mexico, shaded white
(adapted from geographic map by INEGI and redrawn by Belem Ceballos).
ture itself was flanked by a set of almost life-sized forms, interpreted the context as a ritual secondary
female clay statues and a multiple burial including deposit of women who had died during parturition
smiling figurines. Immediately to the north of the and whose bodies were dedicated to Tlazolteotl,
shrine, a large cylindrical ossuary, known as goddess of midwifes, sex, and fertility to the Aztecs
Ossuary I of Trench I, stacked abundant amounts (Romano 1975, 1977). Romano’s proposal aligns
of disarticulated or partly articulated human bones with Manuel Torres’ interpretation of the shrine’s
(mainly crania, loose mandibles, and long bones), monumental female terracotta figures as early rep-
which have been thought to stem from human sac- resentations of the cihuateteos, women who,
rifices. This ossuary is the focus of our study. according to later Aztec lore, died in the battle of
After recovery, some 59 of the 79 crania their first childbirth (Torres 1972, 2009). Jaime
retrieved from Ossuary I were sent to the Depart- Ortega, the Zapotal Project’s physical anthropolo-
ment of Physical Anthropology (DAF) of the Insti- gist, has recently published the results of his study
tuto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) of all human remains unearthed during the six field
in Mexico City together with associated mandibles seasons at Mound 2 of El Zapotal. His data report
and postcranial bones.1 Of these remains, 56 cra- 230 interments, all of ceremonial character; one
nia were initially studied by Arturo Romano, who, third of the individuals were males, including those
on the grounds of photographic interpretation, age bearing artificial superior flattening of their head
estimation, sex determination, and artificial head (Ortega 2009:189).2 This new appreciation seri-
Tiesler et al.] REEVALUATING THE HUMAN REMAINS OF OSSUARY I FROM EL ZAPOTAL, VERACRUZ 49
Figure 2. Lower segment of Ossuary I in situ (photograph taken by Arturo Romano).
ously weakens the original and since then widely share a new interdisciplinary approach, integrated
believed identification of the mound as a female information, and novel insights on the biographic
ritual depository associated with Tlazoteotl and profile and the ritual treatments of those individu-
cihuateteos. als within Ossuary I. Our results propose a coher-
For this study, we have reexamined the skeletal ent reinterpretation of the treatments and mortuary
collection from Ossuary I of Trench I, seeking to pathways that the victims’ bodies underwent before
update and complement the original information their bones were finally deposited in Ossuary I. We
that was collected some 40 years ago.3 We wish to discuss their probable sacrificial quality and the ide-
Figure 3. Schematic reconstruction of Death God shrine with associated large terracotta statues (redrawn by Belem
Ceballos from Wyllie 2008:236, Figure 13).
ological significance of the flaying that at least half neously called Ossuary I of Trench IV and are not
of the dead bodies underwent posthumously. to be confused with Ossuary I of Trench I, the object
of this study (Ortega 2009:196–197; Torres
Ritual Expressions and 2004:206–209). Below the southern and northern
Mortuary Practices at El Zapotal walls of the southern shrine, a series of earlier pri-
mary deposits appeared, described by Ortega
The extraordinary ceremonial shrine from Mound (2009:194–196) as articulated but partially dis-
2 of El Zapotal has been the subject of an ongoing membered. Many of these skeletons were incom-
discussion regarding ancient Mixtequilla ideology plete, as they either lacked limbs or the head; others
and the rituals that led to its construction and use just consisted of isolated but articulated body parts.
during the Late Classic period (Gutiérrez and Immediately to the north of the Death God’s
Hamilton 1977; Torres 2004, 2009; Wyllie 2008, shrine, a large ossuary (Ossuary I, Trench I) was
2010). The shrine is the northern one of a pair of discovered stacked with abundant disarticulated or
small buildings within a large rectangular platform. partly articulated human bones (Ortega
Mound 2 is 4 m high and 76 x 34 m at its base (Tor- 2009:189–198, Figure 4) (Figure 2; Table 1).4 The
res 2004:206). It is located between a plaza group ossuary measured about 1 m in diameter accord-
dominated to the east by the Gallina pyramid and ing to Torres (2004:206) and was more than 3 m
the monumental platform, dominated by the Gallo deep. It started at around 130 cm below the sur-
pyramid to the south (both pyramids are 24 m high). face. Below that level, the photographic record
Previous research suggests that plaza groups held indicated sequenced layers of stacked crania,
predominantly ceremonial functions, whereas mandibles, and limb and trunk segments that
monumental platforms are identified as palatial formed a roughly circular column, the bottom of
compounds (Daneels 2011). As such, Mound 2 which was located at a depth of 4.60 m (Ortega
may have served as a palatial residence adjoining 2009:196–197; Torres 2004:206).5 Ortega specifies
the Gallina pyramid group. The mound is mostly further that the postcranial bones appeared to be
known because of its northern shrine, measuring partly articulated, for example pelvic bones artic-
5.8 m x 3.3 m (Torres 1972:3). The shrine is dom- ulated with lower lumbar vertebrae, or the long
inated by a monumental polychrome representa- bones of the leg with the foot (Ortega 2009:196).
tion of an unfired earthen version of the god of Ossuary I is described repeatedly by the origi-
death. Since Torres’ first publication, this sculpture nal researchers as a column of bones, thereby
has been referred to repeatedly by its Aztec period implying that it was once freestanding and served
name Mictlantecuhtli. It represents a life-size, for public display (Ortega 2003:64, 2009:196; Tor-
partly skeletonized human figure who presides at res 2004:206). Yet the depths that are recorded for
the center of the shrine, flanked by mural paintings each of the crania indicate that the deposit did not
of male warriors and women, one of them appar- harbor a single assemblage of skeletal segments
ently pregnant (Wyllie 2008:234–243; 2010) (Fig- but, instead, was made up by a succession of dif-
ure 3). When excavated, the adoratorio’s western ferent bone assemblages, as we will show below
side appeared lined by a procession of almost life- (Table 1). Our interpretation of a sequence of events
sized female effigies of terracotta, deposited as part rather than one single deposit is also upheld by the
of a huge termination offering. The statues have differences in conservation, bone surface color, and
been interpreted as cihuateteos, the Aztec era patron postmortem manipulation observed among the dif-
deity of women who died in childbirth (Torres ferent cranial assemblages (see below). If free-
1972, 2004:206). standing, the “column” would probably have
The fill used to cover the shrine also contained collapsed, more so considering its height of more
a series of primary interments. Among them is a than 3 m. Also, in view of the stratigraphic evidence
simultaneous multiple burial of three individuals described here, it seems more feasible that the
associated with so-called smiling face figurines, bones were not assembled to form a freestanding
along with shell and stone ornaments and sculp- column, but, instead, were placed in several occa-
tures, the only lavish offerings found at the mound sions into a circular shaft pit, which gradually filled
(Ortega 2009:197). These remains have been erro- up. The pit must have been dug from the level of
Table 1. Depth, Age, Sex, Head Shape and Cultural Marks in Ossuary I (N = 50).
Artificial Marks Marks of

Cranium Maximum Head Degree of Body Perimortem
Tiesler et al.]
No. Depth Age Sexa Modification (0-4) Type Variant Manipulation Violence
2 1.3 Adult - Present - Tabular erect - - -
4 1.3 Young adult F Present 3 Tabular oblique Intermediate - -
6 - Adult F Present 3.5 Tabular oblique Extreme - -
7 1.9 Adult F Present 2.5 Tabular oblique? Mimetic - -
8 1.9 Young adult F Present 2.5 Tabular erect Intermediate - -
9 - Adolescent or young adult F? Present - Tabular oblique? Mimetic? - -
13 2.4 Adult F Present 2.5 Tabular erect Intermediate - -
14 2.4 Young adult F Present 2 Tabular oblique Intermediate? - -
15 2.4 Young or middle aged adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Intermediate? - -
16 2.4 Young or middle aged adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Intermediate - -

21 2.7 Adult F? Present 2.25 Tabular erect Lamboid flattening - -
24 2.8 Adult - Present 3.25 Tabular oblique Extreme - -
26 3 Young or middle aged adult F Present 2.25 Tabular erect? Mimetic? - -
27 3 Adult F? Present 2.5 Tabular erect Conical? - -
32 3 Adult F Present 2.75 Tabular erect Intermediate - -
33 3.5 Adult F Present 1.5 Tabular erect Frontal flattening - -
34 3.5 Adult - Present 1.25 Tabular erect Intermediate? Slicing -
35 3.5 Young or middle aged adult M Present 2.75 Tabular erect Intermediate Slicing, blackening -
36 3.5 Adult M Present 3 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, blackening -
37 3.5 Adult M? Present 1.5 Tabular erect Frontal flattening Slicing, blackening -
38 3.5 Adult M Present 3.5 Tabular oblique Extreme Slicing, blackening -
39 3.5 Middle aged adult F Present 2 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, blackening -
40 3.5 Adult F Present 2 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -
41 3.5 Young adult F Present 2.25 Tabular Mimetic Slicing -
42 3.5 Adult F? Present 2.25 Tabular erect Intermediate Slicing, scraping Blunt force trauma
48 3.5 Adult F Present 2.25 Tabular erect Intermediate Slicing -
49 3.5 Adult F Present 2 Tabular erect Superior flattening - -
REEVALUATING THE HUMAN REMAINS OF OSSUARY I FROM EL ZAPOTAL, VERACRUZ
52 3.5 Adult F Present 2.5 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, scraping, blackening Blunt force trauma
55 4 Adult F Present 2.75 Tabular erect Superior flattening Blackening -
56 4 Young or middle aged adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Superior flattening - -
57 4 Middle aged adult F? Present 3.5 Tabular erect Superior flattening - -
58 4.76 Adult F Present 2.5 Tabular erect Superior flattening - -
51
52
Table 1 (continued). Depth, Age, Sex, Head Shape and Cultural Marks in Ossuary I (N = 50).
Artificial Marks Marks of

Cranium Maximum Head Degree of Body Perimortem
No. Depth Age Sexa Modification (0-4) Type Variant Manipulation Violence
61 4.76 Adult F? Present 2.5 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -

62 4.76 Young or middle aged adult M Present 2 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -
63 4.76 Adult F Present 1.25 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, blackening -
65 4.76 Adult F Present 2 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -
66 4.76 Adult M Present 2 Tabular erect Superior flattening - -
67 4.76 Adult F Present Tabular erect Superior flattening - -
68 4.76 Young or middle aged adult F Present 2.25 Tabular erect Superior flattening Blackening -
70 4.76 Adult F Present 1.75 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -
71 4.76 Adult F Present 2.25 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, blackening -
72 4.76 Young adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, blackening -
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
74 4.76 Adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Intermediate Blackening -

78 4.76 Adult F Present 2.25 Tabular erect Superior flattening Blackening -
79 4.76 Adult F Present 1 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing, blackening -
s/n A - Adult F Present 1.25 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing? -
s/n B - Adult F? Present 1.5 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -
s/n C - Adult F? Present Tabular oblique? - Slicing, blackening -
aF = female; F? = probably female; M = male; M? = probably male.
[Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013
Figure 4. Schematic drawing of the position of Ossuary I (Trench I) within the stratigraphy of Mound II, El Zapotal.
the platform that once covered the Death God placed alongside and in front of the shrine (still vis-
shrine, cutting through the fill that covered it and ible in situ) were not placed on the shrine’s floor,
through its floor level (Figure 4). A similar deposit, but were contained at the level of the god’s figure
a deep circular shaft dug through a previous build- in the same sandy silt fill that covered the whole
ing, has been reported from a nearby site, dated to shrine, a clear indication that they were part of a
the Late Postclassic period (Maldonado 2012). large termination offering. Third, Torres (2004:206)
Our review of the graphic, material, and con- mentions that the shallowest part of the human
textual evidence of Ossuary I indicates that the remains that made up Ossuary I was discovered at
human remains within it had accumulated rela- almost the same depth (1.30 m) below the mound’s
tively late in the occupational sequence of Mound surface as the upper part of the cihuateteo sculp-
2. Ossuary I must have postdated the use of the tures. This assertion is crucial, as it confirms that
shrine itself, which at one stage was terminated by the pit dug to hold Ossuary I cut through the fill
burying it under a thick layer of earth. Regarding and therefore must postdate the termination of the
our interpretation, the following data have to be Death God shrine.
taken into account: first, the damaged top of the In Mesoamerica, both partial dismantlement of
shrine walls bear testimony of their dismantlement buildings and the placing of lavish offerings (some
to the level of the upper part of the Death God including human sacrificial remains) were common
sculpture. Second, the so-called cihuateteo ceramic before erecting new building stages. These rituals
sculptures and the multiple burials with offerings served to close the previous stage and to consecrate
the new structure (for further examples in the Maya was still too incipient to expect any conclusive
area, see Mock, ed. (1998), and Sugiyama and Cas- statement on the last stages of use of Mound 2 by
tro (2007) for examples from Teotihuacan). Simi- the original team. Thus, though continuity in the
lar offerings to the ones documented in this study practice of a Death God cult cannot be discounted
have been recorded also in the earthen architecture a priori, there is no evidence that the remains found
of other prehispanic sites in central Veracruz in Ossuary I are directly related to it.
(Daneels 2008a, 2008b, 2011). Although never
reported as such at El Zapotal itself, this interpre- Revisiting the Remains from Ossuary I
tation is supported by field pictures taken by
restorer Luis Torres in the seventies. These show After their recovery in 1971 and 1972, some 59 of
the presence of a distinctive thick floor, which had the 79 crania were sent to the INAH’s Department
been left by the subsequent building stage in the of Physical Anthropology (DAF) in Mexico City
surrounding trench profiles. This floor rested on top together with associated mandibles and postcranial
of the fill that once covered the dismantled shrine. bones (Ortega 2009:191; Torres 2004:206;
It is safe to infer that, when Manuel Torres speci- 2009:196). Of these remains, Arturo Romano
fied that the ossuary started at about the same level (1974, 1977) studied 56 crania after excluding three
as the cihuateteos (i.e., at 1.3 m below the mound specimens for lack of suitable preservation.7 This
surface), the ossuary really intruded from the level material does not include the remains that were
of this new floor. Manuel Torres reports that its bot- labeled “Ossuary I of Trench VI,” recovered near
tom lay 4.6 m below the surface of the mound. the northwest corner of the shrine. Recently, Ortega
Because the shrine is preserved to a height of 2 m (2009:197) has correctly reidentified this human
(as observed at the site museum), this implies that assemblage, from which smiling figurines were
the shaft continued between 1.3 m and 1.46 m recovered, as a multiple burial rather than an
below the original floor of the shrine.6 ossuary.
From all of the above, we conclude that Ossuary We reexamined all available human remains
I cannot have been contemporary with either the from El Zapotal at the INAH Department of Phys-
shrine or its termination offering, but, instead, must ical Anthropology during 2010 and 2011 (Tiesler
have been part of the next building stage, probably 2010). Most of the crania recovered from Ossuary
dating to the latter part of the Late Classic. It should I are marked with unpublished indications about
be noted that the mound shows still another, later their respective depth inside this deposit, ranging
building stage, at the depths of 0 to 1.3 m below from 1.30 m to 4.76 m (see above). This informa-
surface, which sealed the ossuary. This last occu- tion was communicated by the archaeologists to
pational stage still belongs to the local Late Clas- Arturo Romano in 1971 (Table 1).
sic sequence (dated as late as A.D. 1000), as no The skeletal analyses were based on conven-
Postclassic finds have been reported from El tional and digital measurements and on macro-
Zapotal (Stark and Curet 1994). scopic observation, which was supported by
Although ceremonially obliterated by a deep magnifiers (5x–10x) and raking light. Data pro-
fill of earth and penetrated by the vertical shaft cessing included digital landmark studies and
used for discarding human body parts (i.e., Ossuary regression statistics. For the determination of the
I), the pit did not damage the underlying shrine. color, sphericity, and granulosity of soil that
Thus it is possible to infer that the action probably adhered to the bone material, we used a Munsell(r)
was performed with a clear memory of the shrine’s color chart.
location. A new shrine may have been built on top For the assessment of the number of individu-
of the previous one, although the excavation reports als possibly represented, we determined the mini-
do not mention any significant findings. This mum number of individuals (MNI) from each
absence of evidence does not necessarily mean evi- anatomical segment. In each lateralized bone, we
dence of absence: the upper layer of Mound 2 was also used the criterion of the most likely number
eroded post-depositionally and looted (the very of individuals (MLNI), following a formula
reason for initiating the archaeological salvage in described in Adams and Konigsberg (2008:241).8
1971), and knowledge about earthen architecture This formula is especially useful for inferring the
number of individuals from incomplete bone (Dembo and Imbelloni 1938). This taxonomy cat-
assemblages (Adams and Konigsberg 2008:241), egorically distinguishes annular from tabular erect
which likely underrepresent the original burial pop- and oblique types, the latter two produced with
ulation when conventional MNI counts are used. rigid compression devices. In this scheme, tabular
For this study, pairing was conducted by one of erect shapes derive from cradle board use, leading
the authors and checked for interobserver error by to isolated lambdoid flattening or more severe cra-
comparing the results to those obtained by two nial broadening and shortening. Different from
additional osteologists. Matches were determined cradling devices, head splints produce the reclined,
cautiously on the grounds of individualizing mor- elongated vaults that the literature describes as tab-
phological features, length, and diameter, along ular oblique shapes. Regarding the compression
with a comparison of the states of epiphyseal clo- devices used to obtain superior flattening, also
sure. By considering multiple morphological fea- called obelical flattening, which is abundantly
tures and different observers, we sought to observed at El Zapotal, there is some controversy
minimize possible biases arising from errors in as to the responsible device, as both cradles and
bilateral matching. free head boards have been proposed as imple-
For the taphonomic assessment of anthro- ments (Martínez de León 2007, 2009; Nelson and
pogenic marks, all bone surfaces were examined Mandimenos 2010; Tiesler 2012).
systematically in terms of color, texture, and direct For the metric confirmation of our visually
evidence of perimortem violence and postmortem obtained classification of head shapes, we scanned
processing. We looked specifically for physical evi- a list of 15 craniometric landmarks in each cranium
dence in the form of slicing, blunt and sharp force using a 3D digitizer (MicroScribe G2X, Immersion
trauma, abrasion, and fire exposure (Tiesler 2007). Corporation Inc.©), which converts a set of con-
Combining the contextual and skeletal data from ventional cranial landmarks into 3D digital coor-
Ossuary I, we reconstructed feasible and probable dinates. Using Rhinoceros 4.0 © software
mortuary pathways that resulted in the assemblage (www.rhino3d.com), the cranial polygon is
arrangement, following the principles of French obtained in each specimen, following the recom-
archaeothanatology (Duday 2009). For this mendations established by Romano (1965). The
approach we used basic concepts of primary vs. sec- metric information was also processed using Prin-
ondary burial space, simultaneous vs. successive cipal Component Analysis in order to represent
deposits, and multiple vs. collective deposits. morphological diversity, both to group similar head
In sex and age-at-death determinations, we shapes and to distinguish outliers.
employed general macroscopic standards described
in Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). For the iliac Results
bones, we evaluated both age-at-death and sex. In
the cranium, age-at-death was only roughly deter- The available skeletal series from the El Zapotal’s
mined using secondary criteria such as cranial Ossuary I presently consists of 50 available crania,
suture closure (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985), degree of which 47 (94 percent) were sufficiently preserved
of dental maturation (Ubelaker 1989), and physi- to allow for detailed determination of sex and age,
ological wear of the occlusional surfaces of teeth and of the type and modality of artificial cranial
(Lovejoy 1985). The conventional sex determina- shaping (Table 1). Apart from the series of complete
tion in the crania was confirmed in a subsequent crania, the ossuary contained 29 mandibles, teeth,
step by measureable results. For this purpose, we and isolated segments of the face (N = 6) and neu-
used PAST 1.97(c) software (Hammer et al. 2001) rocranium (N = 2), along with hundreds of post-
for a linear discriminant function analysis (LDA) cranial segments, all of which have been included
in each specimen, based on 15 cranial measure- in this study (Tables 2 and 3). This material was
ments (Howells 1989). shelved separately from the complete crania and
Cranial vault modification was described in each grouped according to the type of anatomical seg-
specimen with reference to presence, degree (0-4), ment. Given the fragmentary, deteriorated quality
type, and variation. Our classification follows of many segments, the many matches of paired
broadly the one proposed by José Imbelloni bones, and the representation of both axial and
Table 2. Counts of Individuals Represented in Ossuary I.
Total Unpaired Total Unpaired

Element Pairs Lefts Lefts Rights Rights MLNI 95% HDR MNI GMT
Humerus 20 31 (11) 31 (11) 47 (42–57) 31 42
Ulna 2 9 (7) 17 (15) 59 (24–405) 17 24
Radius 2 8 (6) 3 (1) 11 (9–55) 8 9
Ilium 4 16 (12) 15 (11) 53 (27–155) 16 27
Femur 29 73 (44) 73 (44) 181 (117–230) 73 117
Tibia 14 44 (30) 48 (34) 146 (78–223) 48 78
Note: The total counts of each sided segment are represented, along with number of matches. The confidence interval was
established using the areas of highest density (HDR highest density region) at a 95 per cent level of confidence. The HDR
is compared to MNI = maximum counts (L, R); and GMT = L+R-P; where L corresponds to left segments, R to right spec-
imens and P to pair matches.
Table 3. Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) in Suitable Anatomical Segments.
Anatomical Right Left Probably Probably

Segment (Paired) Unpaired (Paired) Male Female Comments
Cranium - 50 (available) - 6 41 Original count: N = 78; cutmarks (N = 22),
scraping (N = 2), blackening (N = 15),
blunt force trauma (N = 2)
Mandibles - 32 - 4 18 No cutmarks; blackening in some
Clavicles 8 - 7 No cutmarks or blackening
Humeri 28 - 26 2(R)/2(L) 26(R)/24(L) No cutmarks or blackening
Sacral bone - 14 - - - No cutmarks or blackening
Iliac bone 18 - 15 0(R)/0(L) 18(R)/15(L) No cutmarks or blackening
appendicular segments, we presume the overall which ranges from 1.30 m to 4.76 m (Table 1; see
skeletal series to stand for the recovered total col- also Torres 2009:206). The depths that are recorded
lection and not a post-excavation selection of bones. for each of the crania indicate that the deposit did
not harbor a single assemblage of skeletal segments
Taphonomic Conditions but, instead, was made up by a succession of dif-
and Depositional Sequence ferent bone assemblages, showing a higher con-
Regarding the subsoil that still adheres to the cra- centration in the deeper, earlier portions of the pit.
nia under study, we obtained data from 23 crania Twelve crania are marked at a depth of 4.76 m, three
with visible soil adherences (Table 1).9 In all cases, at 4 m. Thirteen more crania appeared at 3.5 m, six
the soil appears uniformly yellowish to light brown range from 2.7 m to 3m, and five were recorded at
(Munsell chart 2.5Y 6/2-3), a silt substrate inter- a depth of 2.4 m. Two crania were recovered from
spersed with sub-rounded, very fine sand particles. a depth of 1.9 m and the shallowest two from 1.3
This result indicates that the same fill appears to m below the surface (Table 1).
have been used to cover all the human remains that Our interpretation of a sequence of depositional
were deposited in the pit. This may have been part events rather than one single occasion is also upheld
of the deposition process during the use of the by the gradual differences in conservation, bone
ossuary (to avoid the smell) or percolation of the surface color, and postmortem manipulation
fill from the last building stage (see above). observed among the different cranial assemblages.
According to our interpretation, the specimens The taphonomic characteristics of the crania fluc-
recovered from the top levels of the gradually grow- tuate according to their depth. The crania from the
ing ritual deposit of Ossuary I should be later, and upper levels are the most eroded and show a whitish
the lower ones should have been deposited earlier. to light brownish surface color (Munsell 5YR7/3).
Unfortunately, only the crania bear information These properties change gradually with increasing
regarding their maximum depth within Ossuary I, depth. The specimens recovered from 3 m, and
Figure 5. Comparison between Total Minimum Count (TMC), Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) and Most Likely
Number of Individuals (MLNI) (Adams and Konigsberg 2008).
almost all from below 3 m (crania numbered 33 to Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI)
82) are well preserved and complete, suggesting The minimum number of individuals was deter-
less exposure than the specimens above and a sta- mined by obtaining the maximum number of indi-
ble, filled environment without much chemical, viduals per side (given the uniform morphology of
mechanical, or organic degradation. These crania most segments) in those remains considered suit-
also possess a considerably darker surface tone able (Tables 2 and 3; Figure 5). The counts indi-
(Munsell 5YR4/4) than the upper specimens, and cate a numerical overrepresentation of femurs
a much better surface preservation with a spotted (N=82) and crania (N=78), combined with an
surface texture and an assortment of cultural marks. underrepresentation of other segments. When limbs
These properties set them visibly apart from the are compared, lower segments are overrepresented
human remains that were added on top in later and long bones prevail over the numbers repre-
stages of use of Ossuary I, thus making a conve- sented by foot and hand bones.
nient chronological distinction for subsequent This disproportion could be explained by
analyses. incomplete archaeological recovery, although Tor-
Although the remainder of the skeletal segments res (2009) reports that all material from Ossuary I
has no contextual information, it is noteworthy that that he considered well preserved was handed over
most, but not all, mandibles (24 of N=29) bear the to the DAF, and the presence of degraded, frag-
surface quality and the dark color that characterize mented material speaks against selection of bones.
the crania recovered below 3 m. The remaining A complete representation of individuals therefore
17.24 percent of the mandibles (N=5) show a light should include also the larger bones of the hand and
brownish to whitish surface akin to that of the upper the foot, as these segments tend to preserve rela-
level crania. The proportion between dark and light tively well when compared to segments of other
bone surface tones is similar to the proportion anatomical parts (like those of the trunk). If selec-
shown by the series of crania (74.45 percent vs. tive recovery was not an issue, then we can cau-
25.55 percent; N=47). A roughly equivalent pro- tiously propose that Ossuary I was supplied not
portion in surface color was also determined in the with complete human bodies but with selected body
postcranial segments (except for the ribs, which all parts. This appraisal is consistent with the photo-
showed a dark brownish surface tone). Given the graphic record of the ossuary in which crania and
analogous proportions of surface colors in most partially articulated long bone arrangements seem
anatomical groups, it seems likely that the to prevail (Figure 2).
mandibles and postcranial segments were placed The above tendencies are confirmed and addi-
at all depths within Ossuary I, comparable to the tional information is provided by the different
crania. counts of MNI, MLNI and GMT. The most likely
Figure 6. Proportional distribution [%] of age ranges, determined from the auricular surfaces of iliac bones (N = 16).
number of individuals calculated from paired bones of the scored skeletal series belongs to perinatal
indicates almost 200 individuals (181 ± 38) from individuals, infants, or juveniles. The youngest
the femurs, considering 29 matches among 73 left bones were in the process of epiphyseal closure and
and 73 right segments. Similarly high are the esti- classified as adolescents.
mates for tibias (146 ± 49). These values are about Clearly distinct from the sexed cranial and
twice the numbers of crania present in the deposi- mandibular cohorts are the proportions of females
tory and three times the MNI counts. These dis- and males in the postcranial segments. While four
crepancies underline the high number of of the 22 sexable mandibles appear to stem from
individuals disposed of in Ossuary I and, again, the males (18.18 percent), a similar proportion to that
incomplete, reduced nature of the individual of the crania (Chi-squared = .052; df = 1; p = .819),
remains that were added over time. Regarding the only two segments of the postcranial material,
disproportion between tibias and femurs, again we namely two right and left humeri, were assigned
may rule out differences in preservation, as both male or probable male status. All iliac bones,
segments tend to preserve equally well. The over- femurs, and tibias appeared to derive exclusively
all picture introduces questions regarding the pos- from females. Specifically, when using the 18 right
sible reasons for the selective deposition and the pelvic bones for sex and age determination, a dis-
biographic profile of the individuals represented. tinctive age pattern emerges. All iliac bones were
clearly female. The age distribution, determined
Sex and Age Profile from pubic symphyses and auricular surfaces, indi-
Table 1 shows the distribution of sex and age groups cates a strong bias toward late adolescence and
obtained from the crania. Our results show that young adulthood, between 15 and 25 years of age-
exclusively adults or adolescents are represented, at-death (Figure 6). It is also noteworthy that all
among them at least 6 males and 41 females. but one of the iliac bones showed clear parturition
Divided by depth, all sex-determined crania above marks (dorsal pitting), an indication that the young
the 3.5 m maximum depth threshold appear to be women had undergone pregnancy and labor prior
women (N=15), while the lower and therefore ear- to death (Stewart 1970; Suchey et al. 1979).
lier cranial deposits appear to be those of both
sexes—with 20.69 percent identified as male or Head Shapes
probably male and 79.31 percent identified as Each of the examined crania exhibits the effects of
female crania (N=29). artificial modeling (100 percent; N=50), most of
Although no depth indication came with the them severe (Figure 7). Tabular oblique shapes are
remainder of anatomical segments, similar age pat- rare and appear almost exclusively in the shallow
terns emerge when postcranial remains are com- parts of Ossuary I, were they appear in extreme
pared to the crania (Table 3). Not a single segment expressions (Figures 7a and 8). The receding head
Figure 7. Cranial polygons of extreme expressions of different artificial head shapes according to the principal compo-
nent analysis run for this study: (a) Tabular oblique, (b) Tabular erect, (c) Tabular erect with superior or obelical flat-
tening (drawings by Jorge Gómez-Valdés).
Figure 8. Tabular oblique head shape and dental filing: left and frontal views of Cranium 6 (photographs by Vera
Tiesler).
profile, produced by head splints, appears still boards have been proposed as implements
accentuated by a sagittal sulcus, which visibly (Martínez de León 2009; Nelson and Mandimenos
divides the vault into two parietal lobes. All but one 2010; Tiesler 2012). The implement used to obtain
of the seven crania with ascribed sex and this type superior flattening at El Zapotal must have been a
of artificial modification were identified as females. cradle device, given the basal bulging and the lack
Only Skull 38, deposited much lower (and there- of reclination of the skull.
fore earlier) than the other oblique specimens, was Table 1 illustrates the distribution of different
determined to be male (Table 1). artificial head shapes according to depositional
More frequent and present at all levels of depth. The female crania from the superficial lev-
Ossuary I are tabular erect shapes (Figure 7b), pro- els of the ossuary show a series of different head
duced by compression boards inside cradles to silhouettes, except for the superior flattening, which
which the infants were strapped. In the skull vaults is very common in the deeper portions of Ossuary
under study, this practice led to mostly severe I (Figures 7, 8, and 9). The earlier, lower, corpus
changes in form, by shortening the anteroposterior of crania, which includes both sexes, is shaped dif-
length and by increasing biparietal width. This ferently from the ones on top. Two thirds of the
shape is present mostly in females, much like supe- deeper specimens show a strong superior flatten-
rior flattening of the head; this form constitutes ing, which has been termed in the literature the
roughly half of all crania of our series (47.92 per- “Zapotal-type head shapes” (Ortega 2009; Romano
cent; N=48). The compression device used for this 1977). This shift in artificial head shapes is highly
shape should have been similar to conventional significant statistically when the two patterns are
cradle boards on the grounds of the observed asym- compared (Chi squared = 22.548; df = 1; p = .000),
metry of the crania, which is similar to other tabu- pointing toward a cultural shift.
lar erect features, and after considering the
additional anterior and posterior compression Perimortem and Posthumous Body Processing
planes that are visible on the skull vaults of these Marks of perimortem violence and postmortem
individuals, the latter of which is typically located body manipulation were apparent in 15 of 47
in the lambda area (Figures 7c and 9). uneroded specimens (Table 1). Ample signs of
Regarding the compression devices used to posthumous manipulation of the still-fleshed head
obtain superior flattening of the head (obelical flat- appear in the form of flat cutmarks from slicing
tening), which is abundantly observed at El Zapotal, (N=22) and shallow scraping marks (N=2), in
there is some controversy in the literature as to the addition to the appearance of amorphous black-
responsible device, as both cradles and free head ish substrate.
Figure 9. Tabular erect head shape with strong superior flattening: left view of Cranium 56 (photograph by Vera Tiesler).
The latter covers the surfaces of at least 16 of within the same body mass (Pinheiro 2006; Pin-
the lower-level crania and are associated with the heiro and Cunha 2006). Some bone surfaces are
specimens that evidence slicing of the neurocra- affected by putrefaction differently from others,
nium. We consider that the black patches, docu- especially in cases of soft tissue exposure after
mented on some of the skull vaults, probably skinning. For the third possibility, Argáez and col-
occurred during the postmortem interval, when the leagues (2011) have found in several Mexican pre-
skulls still conserved soft tissue. Scholarship relates hispanic sites that the black patches they
blackening of bone surfaces to fire exposure, nat- documented on bone surfaces of dismembered and
ural staining during the decomposition process, and defleshed individuals corresponded to bitumen.
culturally applied paint or staining (Argáez et al. According to the authors, the use of hot bitumen
2011; Phineiro 2006). While we exclude burning should have facilitated the process of tissue sepa-
in our case for lack of any other related indication, ration (Argáez et al. 2011:2987).
we think that the latter two possibilities would fit Again, the depositional depth (and therefore rel-
with the pattern of postmortem treatments encoun- ative chronology) appears relevant when examin-
tered in the lower part of the deposit. Decay ing the distributions of cultural marks within the
processes are quite complex and can also vary assemblage under study. While none of the female
Figure 10. Sum of cutmarks recorded on the crania: cutmarks documented on female crania appear as grey lines, cut-
marks on male crania are drawn black: (a) dorsal view, (b) ventral view.
crania from the later depositional phases appear to musculo-fibrous frontal portion of the tendinous
bear marks of violence or evidence for posthumous aponeurosis, which must have been cut in the
processing (although some of the crania were too course of the slicing. On the parietals, the slicing
eroded to discern any evidence positively), the marks are grouped in the vertex of the skull and
majority of the deeper cranial deposits did show continue back and downwards to the occipital pro-
distinct signs of postmortem manipulation, mostly trusion (inion). Facially, occasional marks appear
in the form of cutmarks. The comparison of cut- on the lateral, upper, and lower margins of the
mark frequencies between the two depositional orbital sockets, the malar bones, and the right max-
stages is highly significant (Chi squared = 15.539; illa. All cutting vestiges are associated with super-
df = 1; p = .000). Other indications of posthumous ficial areas of bone and areas where skin and
cultural processing correspond to scraping, per- connective tissue attach. In two cases, this pro-
formed on the fresh skull surface and possibly cessing is associated with marks of perimortem
blackening. There are at least two cases of unhealed violence, expressed as unhealed blunt force trauma
blunt force trauma among the female skulls of the (Figure 12).
deeper deposit, pointing to their violent death. Conversely, no cutmarks were found on the cra-
Figures 10 and 11 illustrate the morphological nia that may represent either muscle detachment
characteristics and the distribution of the cutmarks, from the neck or the face of the individuals, or sep-
which we believe were performed by repetitive aration of the mandible from the head or the head
slicing with sharp lithic blades. Figure 10 shows from the rest of the body. It is important to under-
the sum of all recorded cutmarks on a schematic score also that none of the mandibles or the post-
skull representation. On the frontal bone, the marks cranial segments available for study showed any
are oriented roughly transversally (from side to signs for muscle detachment that could stand for
side). The slicing concentrates on the lower fore- defleshing or dismemberment. Given the clear, uni-
head, a skeletal area covered in the living by the form pattern and distinctive anatomical distribu-
Figure 11. Vertical cutmarks by slicing, located in the upper portion of the occipital bone of Cranium 38 (photograph by
Vera Tiesler).
tion, and granted the large skeletal sample and the This scenario could also explain the relative
good preservation of the bone surfaces under study, scarcity of hand and foot bones, which could have
we posit categorically that the cuts stem from flay- been severed from the body together with the skin,
ing (or skinning), rather than from butchering, dis- although we could not document cutmarks on any
memberment, or defleshing. The marks show a distal portions of the lower limbs. Miguel Botella’s
similar pattern when males are compared to females student Cristina García had previously reported
(Figure 10), attesting an equivalent type of activ- cutmarks on the crania of Zapotal ossuary in her
ity applied to both sexes, which we interpret in all 2007 unpublished master’s thesis, which we have
cases as flaying. been unable to consult at the moment of writing
Flaying refers to the removal of skin from the this article. She would be the first one to interpret
body (Botella et al. 1999). This action is prone to them as evidence of flaying.
leave distinctive marks on those bone surfaces that
are in direct contact with the skin, namely the skull Discussion
vault and the upper part of the face, while other,
deeper lying bones, like most postcranial segments, Despite the incomplete nature of the remains avail-
are marked only rarely by the cutting instruments. able for this study and the gaps in the contextual
Given the anatomically expected patterns and the information at hand, which do not allow a conclu-
prehispanic traditions documented in Mesoamer- sive assessment of the overall skeletal corpus or a
ica (Botella et al. 1999), it is probable that not just coherent reconstruction of each of the mortuary
the heads, but the complete bodies of the individ- manipulations that led to their deposition in Ossuary
uals documented with cutmarks, had been flayed. I, the present study does provide crucial clues in the
Figure 12. Cutmarks and blunt force trauma in the ventral portion of the right parietal bone of Cranium 42 (photograph
by Vera Tiesler).
(re)interpretation of the formation processes we have argued, their deposit postdates the use of
involved and the ossuary’s relationship to the Death the shrine and predates the excavation of the deep
God shrine, to the diverse and possibly changing pit containing Ossuary I. Therefore, the collective
ritual uses of Mound 2, and to the biological data deposit under study must not reflect the earlier rit-
and body treatments of those individuals whose ual practices at El Zapotal, performed during the
remains gradually filled Ossuary I. time the shrine of the Death God was functioning,
Firstly, our review of the stratigraphic evidence but a later stage of occupation, after the shrine had
mandates a more careful approach when interpret- already been dismantled and buried and the mound
ing the symbolic and ritual discourse at Zapotal, rebuilt. Until now, scholarship has tended to lump
considering the Death God shrine with its associ- together the findings at El Zapotal as one single
ated polychrome murals as a separate stage from iconographic discourse and ritual program (Gutiér-
the termination offering that seals it. The latter con- rez and Hamilton 1977; Ladrón de Guevara 1997;
tains the almost life-sized female figures Sánchez 2005; Torres 1972; Wyllie 2008, 2010),
(assumedly cihuateteos) and the multiple burial thereby confusing different moments of use and
that included an offering of smiling figurines. As merging different cultural contexts. This becomes
evident after reconstructing the sequence of dif- as a recurring practice in earthen architectural
ferent formation and transformation processes and sequences from south-central Veracruz during the
recording the shifts in ritual uses, as evidenced in Classic period (Daneels 2008a, 2008b, 2011).
the remains from Ossuary I. These changes in rit- Nor do the murals of El Zapotal (Wyllie 2010)
ual practice should have occurred over a relatively highlight purely female actors, as only two, possi-
short time span within the 400 years that the mound bly four, of the twelve figures may be identified as
may have been used. female. Some of the human portraits are shown
Regarding the ritual discourse itself, most schol- skeletonized, but there is no evidence in the icono-
ars still adhere to Torres’s (1972, 2004) initial inter- graphic program of flaying (either a skinned per-
pretation, which, using Postclassic historical son, or a figure wearing a human skin). The
evidence asserts that the shrine was dedicated to so-called cihuateteos are life-sized female terra-
the Death God Mictlantecuhtli and that the large cotta figures that lack the demonic qualities asso-
terracotta figures and the female burials represent ciated with their Aztec counterparts, and with their
the remains of women who died in childbirth, the large headdresses, fancy adornments, and ritual
so-called cihuateteos. Complementary insights copal bags, they could easily be classified as priest-
were put forth by Bertels (1997), who considers the esses. Besides, not all have their eyes closed to
terracotta figures to be personifications of Tla- suggest they represent dead persons.10 Thus, while
zolteotl, the Aztec goddess of love. the presence of the lordly skeletal figure surely
A recent review of the osteological material of points to a shrine to the god of death, the associ-
all mound contexts reveals that the great majority ated figures do not unequivocally point toward
of the 230 ceremonial interments (88.4 percent) what centuries later would be known as cihuate-
were adult, and one third (29.7 percent) of them teos to the Aztecs.
were males (Ortega 1999:407; 2009:189–190); this The analysis of the ossuary itself, as a separate
information renders simplistic the original inter- context that postdates the termination and burial of
pretation of the mound as a purely female ritual the Death God shrine, adds ritual information. The
depository, associated with women who died dur- comparison between deep (early) vs. shallow (late)
ing the battle of parturition and linked to Tlazolteotl crania shows that within the same deposit there is
and the cihuateteos. It is noteworthy that no remains a change, or at least a divergence, in the ritual prac-
of perinatal infants were reported for Mound 2 or tices and possibly the occasions that motivated
were recorded for later stages of use, including the them. Ossuary I apparently served first as a recep-
present reexamination of the remains contained in tacle for both male and female skulls from indi-
Ossuary I. If Mound 2 was dedicated to women viduals, many of whom had been skinned prior to
deceased in childbirth, what happened to the decomposing, and before some of their body parts
infants? Did they all survive childbirth (and their were re-deposited in Ossuary I. In later stages,
mother), or did they also die, but their remains were Ossuary I received purely skulls of young females
not viewed as sacred or significant enough to be and probably also postcranial segments with no
added to the deposit? signs of any earlier posthumous treatments or per-
Overall, we consider that Mound 2 was not a imortem violence.
place where the complete bodies of naturally Regarding the identity of the individuals found
deceased individuals (by childbirth or other rea- in Ossuary I, it is noteworthy that most of the dead
sons) were interred over time; the sex and age dis- in the earlier stages of the deposit still showed the
tributions of those individuals who were deposited local body insignias of El Zapotal and its sur-
are contrary to any normal burial distribution. The rounding area in the form of their artificial head
stratigraphies of Ossuary I and Mound 2 are more shape. Skulls appear strongly flattened on top,
consistent with a series of subsequent, large, con- which is consonant with the earlier, local prefer-
secratory deposits that included ceramic vessels and ence of head shapes in the Mixtequilla area and also
figures, occasional stone sculptures, and the remains other sites of the Río Blanco and Río Hondo val-
of ritually offered (and probably sacrificed) indi- leys like Tlalixcoyan, Nopiloa, Apachital, and
viduals. As part of consecratory rites to new build- Dicha Tuerta (Martínez de León 2007:101; 2009).
ing stages, such large offerings are now identified Likewise, the murals from Classic period Las
Higueras and the anthropomorphic clay statues The patterns of cutmarks identified on the crania
from Paso de Ovejas express the strong superior that appeared in the lower part of Ossuary I are con-
cephalic flattening that was popular in the region sistent with the process of obtaining a flayed skin
at that time (Franco 1993). In the eastern parts of to be worn, as shown in the ceramic figures from
Mesoamerica we have associated this peculiar head the area (Figure 13).11 This practice vanished, at least
profile with the head form of the Maya merchant in Mound 2 of El Zapotal, as the upper part of the
deity, God L, who is depicted either with a wide- deposit shows a change in mortuary treatment, with
brimmed hat or a superior cephalic flattening sim- no cutmarks, scraping marks, or black stains, and a
ilar to the cranial vaults from El Zapotal (García purely female presence showing a variety of cra-
and Tiesler 2011; Taube 1992; Tiesler 2012; Tiesler nial forms. As their physiological characteristics
et al. 2010). In the Maya area, superior vault flat- identify them as women of child-bearing age, the
tening appears initially during the Middle and Late hypothesis of the so-called cihuateteos arises again,
Classic period and becomes prominent among set- but now quite independently from the Death God
tlers of the Chiapanecan Isthmus territories and shrine of the previous building stage. Because we
Terminal Classic and Postclassic coastal popula- still have no solid osteological population figures
tions surrounding the Yucatecan Peninsula (García for Late Classic south-central Veracruz, it is diffi-
and Tiesler 2011; Tiesler 2012). cult to establish whether that age range is an aver-
In a later stage of use of Ossuary I, only remains age death age for women.
of females were added on top of the earlier remains. For most of Mesoamerica’s cultures there is only
Interestingly, none of these crania bore the artifi- scant information regarding specific motivations
cial superior flattening that appears to represent the and practices of flaying during ritual festivities,
local pattern, which could imply either a non-local despite the wealth of taphonomic documentation
origin or a shift in local preferences late in the occu- (Botella et al. 1999; Pijoan and Pastrana 1981;
pation at El Zapotal. Given the exclusively female Tiesler and Cucina 2007, 2010; Turner II and Turner
presence and the age profile of the crania, we ask 1999). Specifically regarding pre-Aztec evidence of
ourselves if the pelvic bones (and other postcranial flaying, besides its representation on ceramic fig-
segments) belong to the crania from this later stage urines, no confirmed information exists on the occa-
of deposition. The distinctive sex and age profile, sions and ritual connotations that might have
which in the case of the tabulated pelvic bones cor- evolved into the Postclassic forms and functions of
responds to women between 15 and 25 years of age rituals demanding the detachment of human skin for
at death with parturition marks, warrants an inter- central Veracruz (although some cases are reported
pretation of women who died from childbirth, at from the neighboring Maya area: see Hurtado et al.
least for the upper part of the deposit, an appraisal 2007; Medina and Sánchez 2007; Mock 1998;
put forth originally by Romano (1975). Our bio- Tiesler 2007). This lack of information includes
graphic profile upholds this idea, as this profile Classic period centers in Veracruz like El Tajín,
would be expected in a special disposal of the which staged elaborate ritual programs including
remains of women having died after giving child- human sacrifice. Here, no iconographic or skeletal
birth. Although we cannot confirm this conclusion, indications for flaying have been found (Koontz
such a profile would imply that these women did 2009:82; Sittón 2010).
not die on certain, prescribed calendar dates, nor Notwithstanding its obscure origins in the Clas-
that they were put to death by others. sic, we know that the act of flaying became a gen-
Regarding the early stages of use of Ossuary I, eralized post-sacrificial practice during the Late
both males and females appear to have been Postclassic period. Among the Mexica, this prac-
deposited, many of them after being flayed. Flay- tice of tlacaxipehualiztli was destined to honor gods
ing (and possibly associated blackening) has not and goddesses of the earth, vegetation, and harvest
been reported from the earlier publications on the (González 1985; Soustelle 1982), specifically Tlat-
skeletons from El Zapotal, except for García’s zolteotl, who was considered the female counter-
unpublished thesis of 2007. It therefore appears to part of Xipe Totec, the flayed god (Durand-Forest
represent a new type of mortuary practice, in use 2001:235). This mythical connotation seems to find
after the Death God shrine had been sealed already. its first expression in the Classic Gulf Coast cul-
Figure 13. Classic period figure shown wearing a flayed skin, from Central Veracruz, on exhibit at the National Museum
of Anthropology in Mexico City (redrawn by Belem Ceballos from Franco 1993:83).
tures of southern central Veracruz, as scholarship and meanings of ritual flaying in different parts of
infers from the frequent occurrence of so-called Mesoamerica.
Xipe-Tlatzolteotl figurines, which are shown with
facial masks or full-body covers that appear to be Conclusion
made out of human skin (Ladrón de Guevara
2010:72, Figure 13; Medellín 1960:70–78, Plates This study has provided direct and indirect insights
38–41). Flaying is represented in contemporary into the Late Classic ritual practices at El Zapotal,
ceramic figurines of south-central Veracruz, show- south-central Veracruz, as integrated parts of
ing adult males wearing a victim’s skin over their dynamic ritual traditions upheld by local myths
face, torso, and upper limbs.11 These associations and broader belief systems during the latter part of
emerge also from the combined taphonomic, bio- the Mesoamerican Classic period. At some point,
graphic, and iconographic evidence in our case these customs included the manipulation of dead
study at El Zapotal, which provides new evidence bodies by flaying. In the case of El Zapotal, Ossuary
and points of departure for examining the origins I seems to represent a shift from a cult dedicated
to the Death God, whose shrine was intentionally series under study. Belem Ceballos was the artist who drew
obliterated in a large termination rite. The subse- Figures 1, 3, and 13. We are indebted to Patricia Quintana
Owen for her helpful advice in attributing soil qualities. David
quent ritual in Ossuary I involved flaying of vic- Volcanes kindly participated in the interobserver study of oste-
tims bearing a particular local type of head ological pairing. We are grateful to Alma Rosa Espinoza Ruiz
modification consisting of a strong superior flat- for pointing out the existence of Cristina García Pura’s unpub-
tening of the head. Then, later in the use of the same lished master’s thesis. Our thanks go to Andrea Cucina for
ossuary, a third shift appears, as the deposited bones proofreading the manuscript, and to Barbara Stark and two
anonymous reviewers for their careful revision and pertinent
lack evidence of flaying and now correspond solely comments. However, any remaining errors are solely the
to young adult females with a variety of artificial responsibility of the authors.
head forms. Although we can only speculate on the
deeper meanings of this change, this new shift could References Cited
represent a return to the death rites associated with
the Death God cult. Adams, Bradley J., and Lyle W. Konigsberg
2008 How Many People? Determining the Number of Indi-
While ritual death and postsacrificial body pro- viduals Represented by Commingled Remains. In Recov-
cessing were common in the prehispanic ery, Analysis, and Identification of Commingled Human
Mesoamerican world as ways to nurture the earth Remains, edited by Bradley J. Adams and John E. Byrd,
pp. 241–256. Humana Press, Totowa, New Jersey.
and life, the rite of flaying the skin of the victims, Argáez, Carlos, Erasmo Batta, Josefina Mansilla, Carmen
to be worn by priests impersonating fertility gods, Pijoan, and Pedro Bosch
has been documented so far mainly from Post- 2011 The Origin of Black Pigmentation in a Sample of
Mexican Prehispanic Human Bones. Journal of Archaeo-
classic sources and Postclassic period skeletal logical Sciences 38:2979–2988.
remains. Central Veracruz figurines of the Classi- Bertels, Ursula
cal period already suggested the existence of an 1997 Die Götterwelt von El Tajin. In Mexiko. Präkolumbis-
che Kulturen am Golf von Mexiko, edited by Judith Rick-
early Mixtequilla version of this rite, and the enbach, pp. 93–98. Museum Rietberg, Zürich.
restudy of Zapotal’s Ossuary I confirms its prac- Bolz, Ingeborg
tice. This ritual form seems to have been short-lived 1975 Meisterwerke Altindianischer Kunst: Die Sammlung
Ludwig im Rautenstrauch-Joest- Museum Koln. Aurel
at the site itself, as the upper part of the ossuary Bongers, Recklinghausen.
suggests it was soon abandoned in favor of other Botella, Miguel C., Inmaculada Alemán, and Sylvia A. Jiménez
ritual expressions. 1999 Los huesos humanos. Manipulación y alteraciones.
Bellaterra, Barcelona.
This last aspect invites new questions about the Buikstra, Jane E., and Douglas Ubelaker (editors)
Zapotal head modification as an expression of local 1994 Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal
identity. The way it predominates in the lower Remains. Arkansas Archaeological Survey Research Series
No. 44, Fayetteville.
ossuary level, associated with flaying, raises the Daneels, Annick
possibility that this artificial cranial vault shape 2008a Monumental Earthen Architecture at La Joya, Ver-
may have served as a marker for flaying victims in acruz, Mexico. Foundation for the Advancement of
Mesoamerican Studies. Crystal River, Florida. Electronic
a new, Classic period ritual (which would suggest document, http://www.famsi.org/reports/07021, accessed
planning ahead for at least a generation), or alter- December 6, 2011.
natively, it may have represented a more short- 2008b Ballcourts and Politics in the Lower Cotaxtla Val-
ley: A Model to Understand Classic Central Veracruz? In
lived ideological episode during which locals (men Classic-Period Cultural Currents in Southern and Cen-
and women, young and old alike) were conve- tral Veracruz, edited by Philip J. Arnold III and Christo-
niently sacrificed. In this sense, the reevaluation of pher A. Pool, pp. 197–223. Dumbarton Oaks, Harvard
University, Washington, D.C.
Ossuary I’s contents is to be understood not as a 2011 Arquitectura cívico-ceremonial de tierra en la Costa
conclusive study but as a point of departure to del Golfo: el sitio de La Joya y el urbanismo del periodo
explore and understand the changing ritual prac- Clásico. In Monte Albán en la encrucijada regional y dis-
ciplinaria. Memoria de la Quinta Mesa Redonda de Monte
tices and their meanings at El Zapotal, possibly Albán, edited by Nelly Margarita Robles García and Ángel
anticipating the host of ritual manifestations involv- Iván Rivera Guzmán, pp. 445–478. Instituto Nacional de
ing the human body during the Postclassic era. Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Dembo, Adolfo, and José Imbelloni
1938 Deformaciones intencionales del cuerpo humano de
Acknowledgments. We wish to credit and at the same time carácter étnico. Biblioteca Humanior, Buenos Aires.
thank the Dirección de Antropología Física (directed by José Duday, Henri
Antonio Pompa y Padilla) of the Instituto Nacional de 2009 The Archaeology of the Dead. Lectures in
Antropología e Historia, for facilitating access to the skeletal Archaeothanatology. Oxbow Books, Oxford.
Durand-Forest, Jacqueline de Martínez de León, Blanca Lilia

2001 Tlazolteotl. In The Oxford Encyclopedia of 2007 Estudio de la deformación cefálica intencional tipo
Mesoamerican Cultures. The Civilizations of Mexico and zapotal. Unpublished Licenciatura thesis in Physical
Central America, Vol. 3, edited by David Carrasco, pp. Anthropology, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e His-
234–235. Oxford University Press, Oxford. toria, Mexico City.
Franco, María Teresa 2009 La deformación cefálica intencional tipo tabular, vari-
1993 The Huastec and Totonac World. Inverlat, Mexico ante superior, en el Zapotal, Veracruz. Estudios de
City. Antropología Biológica 14:489–502.
García Pura, Cristina Medellín Zenil, Alfonso
2007 Vida y Muerte. Los entierros de Zapotal, Veracruz. 1960 Cerámicas del Totonacapan. Exploraciones en el Cen-
Unpublished Master’s thesis, Departamento Legal y de tro de Veracruz. Universidad Veracruzana, Xalapa.
Antropología Física. Universidad de Granada, Granada. Medina, Cecilia, and Mirna Sánchez
García, Ana, and Vera Tiesler 2007 Posthumous Body Treatments and Ritual Meaning in
2011 El aspecto físico de los dioses mayas. Arqueología the Classic Period Northern Petén. A Taphonomic
Mexicana 112:59–63. Approach. In New Perspectives on Human Sacrifice and
González, Yolotl Ritual Body Treatments in Ancient Maya Society, edited
1985 El sacrificio humano entre los mexicas. Instituto by Vera Tiesler and Andrea Cucina, pp. 102–119. Springer,
Nacional de Antropología e Historia/ Fondo de Cultura New York.
Económica, Mexico City. Meindl, Richard S., and C. Owen Lovejoy
Gutiérrez, Nelly, and Susana Hamilton 1985 Ectocranial Suture Closure: A Revised Method for the
1977 Las esculturas de terracotta de El Zapotal. Cuader- Determination of Skeletal Age at Death Based on the Lat-
nos de Historia del Arte 6. Instituto de Investigaciones eral-Anterior Sutures. American Journal of Physical
Estéticas. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Anthropology 68:57–66.
Mexico City. Mock, Shirley Boteler
Hammer, Øyvind, David A.T. Harper, and Paul D. Ryan 1998 The Defaced and Forgotten: Decapitation and Flay-
2001 PAST: Paleontological Statistics Software Package ing/Mutilation as a Termination Event at Colha, Belize. In
for Education and Data Analysis. Palaeontologia Elec- The Sowing and the Dawning: Termination, Dedication,
tronica 4(1):9. and Transformation in the Archaeological and Ethno-
Howells, William W. graphic Record of Mesoamerica, edited by Shirley Boteler
1989 Skull Shapes and the Map. Craniometric Analyses in Mock, pp. 113–123. University of New Mexico Press,
the Dispersion of Modern Homo. Papers of the Peabody Albuquerque.
Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 79, Harvard Nelson, Greg C., and Felicia C. Mandimenos
University, Cambridge. 2010 Obelionic Cranial Deformation in the Puebloan South-
Hurtado, Araceli, Aleida Cetina, Vera Tiesler, and William J. west. American Journal of Physical Anthropology
Folan 143:465–472.
2007 Sacred Spaces and Human Funerary and Nonfuner- Ortega, Jaime
ary Placements in Champotón, Campeche, During the 1999 La antropología física como actividad, a través de 40
Postclassic Period. In New Perspectives on Human Sacri- años de investigación en la Universidad Veracruzana. In
fice and Ritual Body Treatments in Ancient Maya Society, Antropología e Historia en Veracruz, edited by Raúl
edited by Vera Tiesler and Andrea Cucina, pp. 209–231. Hernández Viveros, pp. 405–415. Gobierno del Estado de
Springer, New York. Veracruz-Llave, Instituto de Antropología e Historia and
Koontz, Rex Universidad Veracruzana, Xalapa.
2009 Lightning Gods and Feathered Serpents: The Public 2000 El Zapotal, un sitio funerario del Clásico tardío. In
Sculpture of El Tajín. University of Texas, Austin. Identidad y testimonio de Veracruz, edited by Gilberto
Ladrón de Guevara, Sara Bermúdez, pp. 75–97. Instituto de Antropología e Histo-
1997 El Zapotal. Das Reich des “Herrn der Toten.” In ria and Gobierno del Estado de Veracruz, Xalapa.
Mexiko. Präkolumbische Kulturen am Golf von Mexiko, 2003 Inhumaciones prehispánicas en El Zapotal. Ciencia y
edited by Judith Rickenbach, pp. 127–129. Museum Riet- el Hombre XVI (3):63–66.
berg, Zürich. 2009 Funeraria prehispánica en El Zapotal. In Cincuenta
2010 El sacrificio humano en la Costa del Golfo. In El sac- años de antropología en la Universidad Veracruzana. Con-
rificio humano en la tradición religiosa mesoamericana, tribuciones, edited by Yamile Lira López, pp. 185–200.
edited by Leonardo López Luján and Guilhem Oliver, pp. Instituto de Antropología, Museo de Antropología de
67–78. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Uni- Xalapa, Facultad de Antropología, Universidad Ver-
versidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City. acruzana, Xalapa.
Lovejoy, C. Owen Pijoan Aguadé, Carmen, and Alejandro Pastrana
1985 Dental Wear in the Libben Population: Its Functional 1981 Evidencias rituales en restos óseos. Instituto Nacional
Pattern and Role in the Determination of Adult Skeletal de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Age at Death. American Journal of Physical Anthropol- Pinheiro, Joao
ogy 68:47–56. 2006 Decay Process of a Cadaver. In Forensic Anthropol-
Maldonado, María Eugenia ogy and Medicine: Complementary Sciences from the
2012 Ofrenda ritual dentro de un espacio habitacional en Recovery to Cause of Death, edited by Aurore Schmitt,
Ixcoalco, Veracruz. Esbozo de una perspectiva diacrónica. Eugénia Cunha, and Joao Pinheiro, pp. 85–116. Humana
In Memoria del VII Coloquio Pedro Bosch Gimpera, edited Press, Totowa, New Jersey.
by Guillermo Acosta and Edith Ortiz Díaz, Instituto de Pinheiro, Joao, and Eugénia Cunha
Investigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional 2006 Forensic Investigation of Corpses in Various States
Autónoma de México, Mexico City (in press). of Decomposition. In Forensic Anthropology and Medi-
cine, edited by Aurore Schmitt, Eugénia Cunha, and Joao Tiesler, Vera, and Andrea Cucina (editors)
Pinheiro, pp. 159–195. Humana Press, Totowa, New Jer- 2007 New Perspectives on Human Sacrifice and Ritual
sey. Body Treatments in Ancient Maya Society. Springer, New
Romano, Arturo York.
1965 Estudio morfológico de la deformación craneana en Tiesler, Vera, and Andrea Cucina
Tamuín, S.L.P., y en la Isla del Idolo, Veracruz. Serie de 2010 Sacrificio, tratamiento y ofrenda del cuerpo humano
Investigaciones 10. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e entre los mayas peninsulares. In El sacrificio humano en
Historia, Mexico City. la tradición religiosa mesoamericana, edited by Leonardo
1974 Deformación cefálica intencional. In Antropología López Luján and Guilhem Oliver, pp. 195–226. Instituto
física, época prehispánica, edited by Javier Romero, pp. Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Universidad Nacional
231–249. Secretaría de Educación Pública and Instituto Autónoma de México, Mexico City.
Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City. Tiesler, Vera, Arturo Romano, and Carlos Pallán
1975 Los cráneos deformados de El Zapotal I, Veracruz. 2010 Las formas cefálicas en las vísperas del periodo
Memorias de la XIII Mesa Redonda de la Sociedad Mex- posclásico. Implicaciones para el cambio social en el Área
icana de Antropología: 57–62. Universidad Nacional Maya. In Memoria de XIX Encuentro Internacional: Los
Autónoma de México, Mexico City. Investigadores de la Cultura Maya 2009, Vol. 18, pp.
1977 Los cráneos deformados de El Zapotal. In Las Escul- 83–96. Universidad Autónoma de Campeche, Campeche.
turas en Terracota de El Zapotal, Veracruz, edited by Nelly Torres, Manuel
Gutiérrez and Susan K. Hamilton, p. 31. Instituto de Inves- 1972 Hallazgos en El Zapotal, Veracruz. Informe Prelimi-
tigaciones Estéticas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de nar (segunda temporada). Boletín del Instituto Nacional
México, Mexico City. de Antropología e Historia 2(2):3–8.
Sánchez, Juan 2004 Los entierros multiples en El Zapotal. In Prácticas
2005 Zapotal. Ollín 4:6–12. funerarias en la costa del Golfo de México, edited by
Sittón, Mair Augusto Yamile Lira and Carlos Serrano, pp. 203–212. Universi-
2010 Sacrificios de Sangre: el Hecho Religioso en la Civ- dad Veracruzana, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
ilización del Tajín. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation in México and Asociación Mexicana de Antropología Biológ-
Mesoamerican Studies, Universidad Nacional Autónoma ica, Mexico City.
de México. Mexico City. 2009 La investigación arqueológica en Veracruz y El
Soustelle, Jacques Zapotal. In Cincuenta años de antropología en la Uni-
1982 El universo de los aztecas. Fondo de Cultura versidad Veracruzana. Contribuciones, edited by Yamile
Económica, Mexico. Lira, pp. 205–220. Instituto de Antropología, Museo de
Stark, Barbara L., and L. Antonio Curet Antropología de Xalapa, and Facultad de Antropología,
1994 The Development of Classic-Period Mixtequilla in Universidad Veracruzana, Xalapa.
South Central Veracruz, Mexico. Ancient Mesoamerica Turner II, Christy G., and Jacqueline A. Turner
5:267–287. 1999 Man Corn: Cannibalism and Violence in the Prehis-
Stewart, T. Dale toric American Southwest. The University of Utah Press,
1970 Identification of the Scars of Parturition in the Skele- Salt Lake City.
tal Remains of Females. In Personal Identification in Mass Ubelaker, Douglas H.
Disasters, edited by T. Dale Stewart, pp. 127–133. Smith- 1989 Human Skeletal Remains. 12th ed. Taraxacum, Wash-
sonian Institution, National Museum of Natural History, ington, D.C.
Washington, D.C. Urcid, Javier, and Thomas W. Killion
Suchey, Judy M., Dean V. Wiseley, Richard F. Green, and 2008 Social Landscapes and Political Dynamics in the
Thomas T. Noguchi Southern Gulf Coast Lowlands (500–1000 CE). In Clas-
1979 Analysis of Dorsal Pitting in the Os Pubis in an Exten- sic Period Cultural Currents in Southern and Central Ver-
sive Sample of Modern American Females. American acruz, edited by Philip J. Arnold and Christopher A. Pool,
Journal of Physical Anthropology 51:517–540. pp. 259–291. Dumbarton Oaks, Harvard University, Wash-
Sugiyama, Saburo, and Rubén Cabrera Castro ington, D.C.
2007 The Moon Pyramid Project and the Teotihuacan State Wyllie, Cherra E.
Polity. Ancient Mesoamerica 18(1):109–125. 2008 Continuity and Change in late Classic Southern Ver-
Taube, Karl acruz Art, Hieroglyphs, and Religion. In Classic Period
1992 The Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan. Dumbarton Oaks Cultural Currents in Southern and Central Veracruz, edited
Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C. by Philip J. Arnold and Christopher A. Pool, pp. 225–257.
Tiesler, Vera Dumbarton Oaks, Harvard University, Washington, D.C.
2007 Funerary or Nonfunerary? New References in Iden- 2010 The Murals at El Zapotal, Veracruz, Mexico. Ancient
tifying Ancient Maya Sacrificial and Postsacrificial Behav- Mesoamerica 21:209–227.
iors from Human Assemblages. In New Perspectives on
Human Sacrifice and Ritual Body Treatments in Ancient
Maya Society, edited by Vera Tiesler and Andrea Cucina, Notes
pp. 14–45. Springer, New York.
2010 Cuarto reporte parcial: Análisis osteológico de colec- 1. The highest number marked on the skulls from El
ciones esqueléticas veracruzanas. Unpublished report on Zapotal curated at the DAF is 79. Manuel Torres and Jaime
file at the INAH headquarters of Physical Anthropology, Ortega mention only 78 crania as the total number of pieces
Mexico City. shipped to the INAH headquarters.
2012 Transformándose en maya. El modelado cefálico entre
2. Here we refer the total number of burials from Mound
los mayas prehispánicos y coloniales. Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de México and Universidad 2 that Jaime Ortega reports in 2009 (N = 230). This total dif-
Autónoma de Yucatán, Mexico City. fers slightly from other sources. In an earlier study, Jaime
Ortega (2000:79) refers to 229 total burials and Manuel 10. The seated cihuateteos appear to have open eyes: two
Torres (2004:203) identifies N = 235 contexts from Mound 2. examples from the Museum of Anthropology at Xalapa
3. The study was conducted at the DAF (INAH) during (Catalogue numbers 04034 and 12933 in Sala 5
2010 and 2011 as part of a project led by one of the authors www.uv.max/catalogo, consulted December 6, 2011), the one
of this paper (Professor Arturo Romano) and after having at the Royal Musea of Art and History in Brussels (http://mas-
obtained permission from the INAH authorities. ter.kmkg-mrah.be/masterpieces.php#object=2&p=0, con-
4. Unfortunately, the precise location of Ossuary I has not sulted December 9, 2011).
been published yet. 11. At the website of the Museo de Antropología de Xalapa
5. Three photographs of the excavation of Ossuary I were (www.uv.max/catalogo, consulted December 6, 2011), Sala 3:
handed to Arturo Romano at the DAF together with the skele- #16090 from La Mojarra, #04039 from Madereros, possibly
tal remains and still are on file there. Postclassic, and #05164/13 from Loma de los Carmona, a
6. The bottom of the column is indicated in published Classic period figure type identified as “Xipe Tlasoteotl” by
papers as 4.60 m below surface level but may have been even Medellín Zenil (1960) as wearing a face mask made of flayed
deeper, as the lowest crania are marked as 4.76 m below sur- skin. The Museo Nacional de Antropología in Mexico City
face level. The height of the dismantled shrine does not reach exhibits a complete seated figure (see Figure 13 in this work),
2 m, which implies that the pit for Ossuary I penetrated the who is wearing a skin that is similar to the Xipe figure dis-
floor of the shrine itself, with its bottom reaching between played in the Chilean Museum of Precolumbian Art
1.30 and 1.50 m below this level. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File: Xipe_Totec_from_Chilean_
7. The three crania that were not tabulated in the original Museum_of_Pre-Columbian_Art.JPG, consulted on
study are labeled as “s/n A”, “s/n B” and “s/n C”. December 9, 2011). Another one comes from the Ludwig
8. This formula has been developed for well preserved, Collection in Cologne, Germany (Bolz 1975: Plates LXXXVI
complete bones from collective burials. We consider it apt and LXXXVII). A new fragment of a face was found in 2005
also for Ossuary I from El Zapotal, where most of the skele- at La Joya, Municipio de Medellín, Veracruz, inside a Classic
tal material is not eroded. In this collection, 72 percent of the period plaza fill (unpublished). Urcid and Killion (2008: Fig.
bones were estimated as complete or almost complete (>75 10) report a fragment from the Tuxtla Mountains in Southern
percent present). Veracruz.
9. The following crania were tabulated for soil color and
form: Cr. A, Cr. 13, Cr. 14, Cr. 16, Cr. 17, Cr. 27, Cr. 32, Cr.
33, Cr. 35, Cr. 36, Cr. 37, Cr. 39, Cr. 40, Cr. 41, Cr. 56, Cr. 57,
Cr. 61, Cr. 63, Cr. 65, Cr. 66, Cr. 71, Cr. 72, and Cr. 74. Submitted XXX; Revised XXX; Accepted XXX.
View publication stats

Tiesleret - Al. - 2013 Posthuman Manipulation Zapotal

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Tiesleret - Al. - 2013 Posthuman Manipulation Zapotal

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Tiesleret - Al. - 2013 Posthuman Manipulation Zapotal

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

Posthumous Body Manipulation in the Classic Period Mixtequilla:

Article in Latin American Antiquity · March 2013

Vera Tiesler Annick Daneels

SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE

Historic archaeology on Colonial Mexico View project

Dental decorations View project

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

POSTHUMOUS BODY MANIPULATION IN THE CLASSIC PERIOD

Vera Tiesler, Arturo Romano-Pacheco, Jorge Gómez-Valdés, Annick Daneels

Latin American Antiquity 24(1), 2013, pp. 47–71

48 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

Figure 2. Lower segment of Ossuary I in situ (photograph taken by Arturo Romano).

50 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

Artificial Marks Marks of

16 2.4 Young or middle aged adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Intermediate - -

Artificial Marks Marks of

61 4.76 Adult F? Present 2.5 Tabular erect Superior flattening Slicing -

74 4.76 Adult F Present 3 Tabular erect Intermediate Blackening -

54 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

56 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

Table 2. Counts of Individuals Represented in Ossuary I.

Total Unpaired Total Unpaired

Table 3. Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) in Suitable Anatomical Segments.

Anatomical Right Left Probably Probably

58 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

60 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

62 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

64 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

66 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

68 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

Durand-Forest, Jacqueline de Martínez de León, Blanca Lilia

70 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 24, No. 1, 2013

View publication stats

You might also like