CHAPTER II DIFFERENT POLICE MODELS

INTRODUCTION

A perusal of police systems around the world demonstrates a remarkable

diversity of police organizations. Some are religious in nature, or at least
Inspired by religion, such as Saudi Arabia’s religious police, the
mutawwiun, and the Ottoman Empire police system. Others are based on
legal traditions or are heavily influenced by ideology and political theory,
such as the former Soviet KGB and the secret police networks in Cuba,
North Korea, and China. The common law legal system has exerted its
influence on police systems around the world, bringing common law
policing to Singapore, Kenya, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada, while
also indirectly influencing developments in policing in postwar Japan and
many other countries. These resulted to the development of several
concepts of policing systems such as;

IDEOLOGICALLY OR POLITICALLY INSPIRED:

a. Common law police system
Law enforcement is any system by which some members of government
act in an organized manner to enforce the law by discovering, deterring,
rehabilitating or punishing people who violate the rules and norms
governing that society. Although the term encompasses entities such as
courts and corrections, it is most frequently applied to those who directly
engage patrols or surveillance to dissuade and discover criminal activity,
and those who investigate crime and apprehend offenders, a task typically
carried out by e police, sheriff or another law enforcement organization.
Although law enforcement may be most concerned With the prevention and
punishment of crimes, organization exist to discourage a wide variety of
non-criminal through violations of rules and norms, effected through the
imposition of less Severe consequences. There are also Different units in
different police departments, including “Undercover,Detecuve,CID “Gang
Task Force”, “Drug Task Force Custody Enforcement this varies. From
jurisdiction to Jurisdiction.
Most law enforcement is conducted by some type of law enforcement
agency, With the most typical agency fulfilling this role being the police.
Social investment in enforcement through such organizations can be
massive, both in terms of the resources invested in the activity, and in the
number of people professionally engaged to perform those functions.

Law enforcement agencies tend to be limited to operating within a specified

jurisdiction. In some cases, jurisdiction may overlap in between
organizations; for example, in the United States, each state has its own
statewide law enforcement arums, but the Federal Bureau f Investigation is
able to act against certain types of crimes occurring in any state. Various
specialized segments of society may have their own internal law
enforcement arrangements. For example, military organizations may have
military police.
Military police (MP) are law enforcement agencies connected with, or part
of, the military of a state.

In different countries it may refer to:

A section of the military responsible for policing the areas of responsibility

of the armed forces (referred to as provosts) against all criminal Activity by
military or civilian personnel

A section of the military responsible for policing in both the armed forces
and in the civilian population (most gendarmeries, such as the French
Gendarmerie)

A Section of the military solely responsible for policing the civilian

population (such as
The Romanian Gendarmerie or the Chilean Carabineros)

The preventive police forces for each Brazil state (Policia Militar),
responsible tor policing the Civilian population, which become auxiliary for
of the Brazilian Army
The status of military police is usually prominently displayed on the helmet
and/or on an armband brassard, or arm or shoulder flash. In the Second
world War, the military ponce o the German army used a metal gorget as
an emblem.

Naval police members are sometimes called “masters-at-arms and shore

patrol. Air Force police members are sometimes called Security Police, Air
police or Security Forces.

State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies

Many of these are municipal police departments operated by local

governments, but there are actually several types of law enforcement
agencies.

Local Police includes municipal, county, tribal, and regional police that
derive authority from the local governing body that created it. The primary
purpose to uphold the laws of the jurisdiction, provide pau and investigate
local crimes.

State Police/ Highway Patrol - State police often and perform police
duties to include highway patrol statewide investigations. Some states have
only highway patrol with investigative functions covered by a separate
entity such as a state bureau of investigation and State police assist local
police with Investigations emergencies that extend beyond the resource
and jurisdictional boundaries of the local agency.

Special Jurisdiction Police Officers for special of jurisdictions provide

police services for defined entities areas within another jurisdiction. These
include parks, schools, transportation assets (e.g., airports, subways),
hospitals, housing authorities, and government buildings. Spec1al
jurisdiction police are generally full- service departments, offering the same
services as local police.

Deputy Sheriffs -Generally sheriff’s offices are granted authority by the

state to enforce state law at the local county level. Deputies commonly run
the local jail, serve warrants and court summons, and respond to calls for
service in areas Outside local police jurisdictions.

b. Civil law police system

Civilian personnel are a significant asset to any law enforcement agency.

These jobs offer fantastic opportunities to give back to your community and
work In the law enforcement field. In the Philippines we call them non-
uniform personnel or civilian staff.

Typical civilian/ non-sworn positions are summarized below. These

positions vary in the amount of training or education required. Civilian
Investigators Some agencies employ civilian investigators to investigate a
wide range of incidents including traffic collisions, financial crimes, property
crimes, and crimes against persons. Aspiring investigators should have an
associate or bachelor’s degree in a criminal justice field, pass a
background check and drug test, and complete on-the-job training.
Correctional Staff / Jailers -Jurisdictions that operate their own detention
facilities often rely on a civilian staff. These employees provide security
services for the facility and handle in-take, processing, monitoring, feeding
and transportation of inmates. Correctional staff should have a minimum of
a high school diploma or equivalent, valid driver’s license, and the physical
ability to fully The requirements of the job. Often a physical agility test,
psychological evaluation, background examination and a written exam for
basic work Skills are require see also the American Correctional
Association and the American Jail Association.

Crime Analysts -Crime analysts help law enforcement agencies translate

their vast amounts of data into actionable information about crime patterns
and trends, thereby helping to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of
officer activity. Candidates should have a bachelor’s degree in a crime
prevention field, pass a background investigation, and complete on-the-job
training to hone their investigative skills. See also the international
Association of Crime Analysts. Crime Prevention Community Outreach In
many Jurisdictions, Civilian personnel work closely with uniformed officers
in crime prevention and other community outreach efforts. Volunteer work,
event planning and public speaking skills, emergency management
experience, and a crime prevention background or education are desirable.
See also the national Crime Prevention Council.

Dispatchers / Call Takers – Dispatchers and 911 call Takers work around
the clock answering calls for service and dispatching personnel to scenes
using high-tech communications equipment. Dispatchers must have a high
school diploma or equivalent, a clean criminal background, good hearing
and vision, and the ability to pass a polygraph test. Certification is also
required in some states. A competitive candidate would be tech savvy or
nave a degree in a criminal justice field. See also association of Public
Safety Communications Officials International.

Equipment Fleet Management – Law enforcement agencies use a variety

of specialized equipment handheld radios to GPS to customized vehicles
any agencies employ trained staff to maintain this equipment, preferring to
hire those with associate degrees or certificates in engineering, mechanics,
or engine repair.

Forensic Technicians Some agencies hire civilian forensic technicians

who are on call 24 hours a day top respond to crime scenes, take
photographs, collect, and analyze evidence. A crime scene technician
certificate, associate degree, or bachelor’s degree in a scientific field are
preferred. Often, agencies require a polygraph exam, physical exam, and
psychological evaluation. Valuable skills include proficiency in scientific and
photo imaging software. See also the American Academy of Forensic
sciences.

Information Technology Specialists Technological advances in crime

fighting equipment such as in-car mobile data terminals (MDTs),
computerized mapping, digital video, and wireless communication have
generated a great demand for qualified IT professionals in police agencies.
IT specialists should have a bachelor’s degree in computer science or
information systems, and certifications are desirable. See also the IACP
Technology clearinghouse.

Intelligence Analysts -With increased emphasis in intelligence-led

policing, many agencies employ analysts specially trained to collate and
interpret intelligence gathered by officers in the field. For military veterans,
this can be a great way to translate prior intelligence experience in a civilian
job. Requirements include possessing a bachelor’s degree in a related
field, Passing a background investigation and polygraph examination, and
passing a credit check. Foreign language skills and prior experience in
areas Such as Pathology or intelligence collection are preferred. See the
international Association or Law Enforcement intelligence Analysts.
Parking Enforcement Non-sworn personnel in capacity may enforce
various local and state parking laws, mark and remove abandoned or
illegally vehicles, and assist with traffic control as needed during special
events or critical incidents. Candidates should have a minimum of a high
school diploma or equivalent; pass a background check, drug test, and
physical fitness test; and complete field training.
Planners Researchers These professionals may perform a wide range of
duties including grant management, Strategic planning, and coordinating
agency policy and accreditation issues. Most professional research
positions require a bachelor’s degree in a related field. See also the
International Association of law Enforcement Planners

Property Evidence Management -From Officer uniforms and equipment

to crime scene evidence and seized goods, agencies employ civilian
personnel to manage and organize these inventories. Agencies require
minimum of a high school diploma or equivalent, but many larger agencies
desire a bachelor’s degree in a scientific field. Computer competency,
recordkeeping experience, and physical fitness are desirable qualities in a
candidate.

Public Information Officers-Some jurisdictions employ civilian public

information officers to field requests from the public and the media and
manage the messages of the department. Most public information officers
should have a bachelor’s degree in public relations, journalism,
communications, or another related field.

Records Management- Every action an officer makes from a held

interview to a crime report or arrest generates some record or data. Even
with the increase in paperless technologies, most agencies still need
assistance with data entry and records management records managers
often possess an associate bachelor’s degree and may have relevant
certification and administrative experience.
Victim Service Providers Advocates These individuals offer support and
assistance for crime victims, family members, and witnesses. They typically
provide Supportive counseling, referrals to community and social services,
and act as a liaison with the criminal justice System. Some advocates have
an associate or bachelor’s degree and experience in social work, criminal
justice, or psychology. They often receive significant on-the-job training,
and some states require advocates to be licensed social workers.
Extensive background investigations are likely. See also National Center
for victims of Crime.

Volunteers- Serving as a volunteer can be a fantastic way to get involved

with law enforcement agencies in your local area. Volunteers play critical
roles in Agencies all across the country. Agencies often require volunteers
to be over 21 years old, and to pass a background check, polygraph, or
psychological evaluation.

C. Socialist police system

Let us look on the development of the socialist culture and views in

reference to policing systems by taking a backdraft of the following insights
of vaunted researchers. We may use these insights in rationalizing the
police system we are viewing to understand, first let us discuss some basic
issues such as,
 difference between socialism and communism

An early distinction between communism and socialism was that the latter
aimed to only socialize production while the former aimed to socialize both
production and consumption (in the form of free access to final goods)
The main difference is that under communism, most property and
economic resources are Owned and controlled by the state (rather than
Individual citizens); under socialism, al citizen share equally in econom1c
resources as allocated by a democratically-elected government.
The Role of the Police

Michael focuses much of his criticism on our Position on the police,

referring in particular1l several articles published in Militant in 1981. He
considers that our position on the police is based on “reformist
methodology and reflects “congealed illusions in the possibility of
“establishing a workers state through electoral activity. Our mistake,
according to Michael, was in not putting forward our full programmed based
on the idea that the capitalist state “must be broken up, Smashed, and
replaced by a new workers’ state”. Instead, our intervention in the events of
1981 was primarily based on immediate, democratic demands on the police
put forward in transitional way.

Michael quotes from Militant articles first published in 1981 at the time of
the riots Brixton, Toxteth, Bristol, and several other British cities. They were
also reprinted in 1969 in the Militant pamphlet, The State: A Warning to the
Labour Movement

The three articles on the police quoted we a small part of the material we
produce in relation to the riots, which were ready uprisings of some of the
poorest inner-ci Areas. The economic and social decay of the areas,
aggravated by the slump after 1980 (intensified by the policies of the
Thatcher Government) created the conditions for upheaval. However, it
was the aggressive and provocative methods used by the Police That
provided the trigger, and we continually emphasized the responsibility of
the police at The time (see the section on “The Riots’ in The Rise of
Militant, by Peter T’aaffe, pp 163-166).

Young people, both black and white, were to The forefront of these events,
and right from the Start supporters of Militant (the predecessor. Of the
Socialist Party) were present to help Organize the defense of the areas
from further Police attacks and (as opposed to merely rioting) to win young
people to socialist ideas.
We called for an end of police harassment and For the disbanding of the
Special Patrol Group, The most aggressive section of the police at That
time. We related the role of the police to The social situation. Our key
demands were: “An urgent labor movement enquiry, step up The fight for
socialist solutions to the social And economic crisis underlying the
explosion And for an enquiry into the police. (Militant
548, 17 April 1981)

We stressed the need for the young people of the Area and the wider
community to organize to Defend themselves against police harassment
and a clampdown on the areas through Prosecutions and vicious prison
sentences in The aftermath of the upheavals. We Set up labor Committee
tor the Defense of Brixton, which played an important part in exposing The
role of the police, defending those 1acing.Charges, and calling mass
meetings at which our policies were put forward.

Among our policies were the demand 1or a thorough-going enquiry into the
police (going beyond the limits of the slow-moving Scarman Enquiry set up
by the Thatcher government)

And measures to establish democratic check on the police through elected

committee involving labor-movement representatives, Michael considers
such demands to Irredeemably reformist. Nowhere, however Does he say
what demands he thinks should have been putin8 1orward. From what he
writes we can only conclude that he would Have been advocating demands
on the following Lines: Smash the state! F1ght the police! Form
Workers’ militias!
Such slogans might be appropriate in a revolutionary or at least an
immediate pre- Revolutionary situation, when conditions Were ripening for
a mass movement of the workers to take power into their own hands even
then, slogans on the state would have to be formulated much more skillfully
and concretely than suggested by Michael. Lenin And Trotsky frequently
explained the need to A ‘defensive’ approach, in the sense of putting the
responsibility for revolutionary action (e.g. forming workers’ militias or
disbands capitalist bodies) on state aggression counter-revolutionary
violence by auxiliaries of the ruling class (such as fascist bands)

Would Michael argue that there w revolutionary or even a pre-revolutionary

me Situation in Britain in 1981, even in see Inner-city areas in which there
he Upheavals? For a few days, the clashes on the Streets between the
police and local res of especially the youth, had some features of An
insurrection. But the clashes involved a minority of the communities
affected (trough was wide sympathy for action on common

Grievances). They were not organized, but a spontaneous outburst of

anger, and the level Of political consciousness was low, though a Section
of young people were quickly being Radicalized and were responsive to
socialist Ideas.

Moreover, it would be absurd to argue that there was a pre-revolutionary

situation in Britain as a whole. The working class suffered A setback as a
result of the defeat of the Labor government in 1979. The Wilson-Callaghan
government had introduced monetarist Economic policies and launched
attacks on Workers living standards, especially low-paid local authority
workers. That had produced The winter of discontent’ in 1979, a wave of
Public-sector strikes. Ln the absence of a mass alternative on the left,
however, Labor’s defeat Brought Thatcher to power and the assault on the
working-class rights and living standards was redoubled. There was a bitter
struggle of print workers on The Times, and other mainly defensive battles.
There were many important workers struggles in which we intervened, but
it would be completely fanciful to describe the situation on Britain at that
time as pre revolutionary.

In our publications and discussions we Explained the Marxist theory of the

state and Our programmed for the socialist transformation Of society. This
was done then, as it is now, on The lines of the What is the State? Section
of The ‘What is Marxism? Pack quoted by Michael. Many discussions were
based on Lenin ‘s state and Revolution’ and other Marxist classics (e.g
Engels’ Origins of the Family, Private Property And the State).

But for our intervention on the streets of Brixton, Toxteth, Bristol, etc., we
needed a program, of immediate demands that correspond me The
situation and pointed in a transitional. Towards a socialist transformation.
Calls Smash the capitalist state! For a new workers State would have got
no echo. We would have been very isolated Suffering severe ‘social
ostracism- in a situation in which we were in fact able, with a correct
approach to demands And slogans, to Win a layer or youth to our ranks
and get a favorable response for socialist ideas among a much wider layer.

Some of the front-line youth might well have welcomed the idea of an
armed militia -but not necessarily for progressive political motives. Had a
‘militia’ emerged at that point, it would not have been a democratic defense
Organization responsible to democratic workers organizations. There was
neither the level of consciousness nor organize necessary for the formation
of a defense force any call for an armed defense force would have been tar
in advance of the consciousness Even the most politicized sections of
organ workers.
  Democratic control of the police

however, there was widespread condemnation of the police for the

aggressive, paramilitary methods they had been using, especially the
provocative stop and search’ tactic aimed mainly against and.Youth. At the
same time, in areas like about Toxteth people wanted some lent, done dru
The high levels of crime, especially violent was drug related crime, which
blighted their lives. There was a broad demand for accountability and
control of the police. To have called for the abolition of the police, however,
without the realistic possibility of alternative workers organizations to
protect the. Community, would have been a serious mistake.

The Thatcher government responded to the broad public mood of criticism

of the police with the Scarman Enquiry. Lord Scarman’s report confirmed
that a section of the police had been systematically harassing black youth.
He recommended reforms in police practices, but naturally wanted to
ensure that they were implemented within the framework of capitalist
institutions and legal procedures. For a time, the police adopted more low
profile methods in inner City areas, though the Scarman reforms did not
Prevent them from assuming emergency powers and acting as a
paramilitary force against the miners during their titanic strike of 1984-85, a
Strike that had many features of a civil war in the coalfields.

In 1981, however, we raised demands for control of the police that went far
beyond anything proposed by Scarman. The key element of our demands
was democratic control by local government police committees-elected
bodies involving the working class through representatives from trade
unions, community organizations, etc. We demanded that elected police
committees should have the power to appoint and dismiss chief constables
and senior officer s, and would be responsible for ‘operational Questions,
that is, day-to-day policing policies. Police committees should ensure a
genuinely independent complaints procedure, and should responsible for
weeding out any racist elements Fascist sympathizers within the police. We
called for the abolition of the Special Patrol Group and other similar units,
as well as the abolition

Of the Special Branch and destruction of police Files and computer records
not Connected with criminal investigations.

Local authority police committees, such as the greater London Council

committee, had become quite prominent in the period before the riots, they
played a progressive role in opening up the police to greater public
scrutiny, exposing their worst methods, and trying to assert some Influence
over policing priorities or policies. (The recent sycophantic comments of
Ken Livingstone on the head of the Metropolitan police, in spite of the killing
of Jean Charles de Menezes at stock well and the outrageous Forest Gate
raid, Are an indication of how far the political situation regarding the police
and civil rights has been Set back since the 1980s.) However, they were
ultimately toothless bodies that had no power to Assert any effective control
over police policies or day-to-day operations.

Our demand was for bodies that would reflect Organized pressure from the
working class, pressure that would be used to check police activities and
impose limits on their methods. The Degree to which the police would be
checked would Depend on sustained organized pressure from the working
class through elected, representative bodies. Of course, the ruling class
(and the political representatives, including Labor leaded Were bitterly
opposed to any such development which they regarded as a potential
encroachment on the prerogatives of the bourgeois state.

In opposing any steps to democratize control of the police, police chiefs,

supported by many Tory a 2nd Labor leaders, argued that increased
Democratic accountability would subject police to political control: “They try
to perpetuate the myth, important for gaining public acceptance of their role
in the past, that the police are an arm of a ‘neutral state. They are,
according to this View, ‘above politics and sectional interests, and
ultimately answerable to the equally ‘neutral’ and independent judiciary.
(The Police, Lynn Walsh In The State…, p52)

To answer this line of argument we related some of the history of the police
in Britain, particularly in relation to the development of watch committees in
the nineteenth century, “the control of the Watch committees |over the
police was absolute.(TA Crichley, History of the Police in England and
Wales) Our approach is: Regarding the police, things were different in the
past and they can be different in the future. There was no question, as
Michael asserts, of arguing that there had been an “organic development of
police accountability and that this should be extended by the working
Class. Our references made it clear that past Democratic accountability of
the police was to the bourgeois ruling class, and our demands were to
challenge capitalist control on the basis of working-class struggle.

Our line of argument was: If democratic control Or the police was good
enough for them (1.e. the bourgeoisie) why is it regarded as tabo0 now? Of
course, it is a rhetorical question, we know the answer. But we cannot
assume that everybody automatically sees through the ideological
arguments used by the bourgeoisie to legitimize their class role. Michael
seems to assume that it self-evident. There is no need for this kind of
argument. Experience shows, however, that such arguments – combined
with action – are vital to Changing consciousness.

“In the past, before the working class had as an independent political force,
the spot end Of big business and the middle class insist that the police
were democratically accountable now, the labor movement, which
represented overwhelming majority in society, must demand that
democratic accountability is extended to cover this force which, it is
Claimed, exists to protect the interests of the public.” (The State
p54)
Reform and revolution

We were putting forward democratic demands, But demands that go to the

heart of the role of the police as an instrument of the bourgeois state and
raise the need for the working class to defend its own interests in the
current battle over the role of the police. Were we (as some will no doubt
argue) pandering to the current consciousness of the working class and
failing to defend the Marxist programmed on the state?

On the police, we were putting forward immediate, democratic demands,

which are always part of transitional programmed. They corresponded to
the consciousness of the advanced layers or the Working class, who
wanted a democratic check on the police. The setting up of democratic
police committees cannot be ruled out in a future period of heightened
class struggle. Whet they will be achieved, how far they will go, be
determined by the strength of working struggle. An element of democratic
accountability over the police would help create more favorable conditions
for working-class struggle. BBu1as An element of workers’ control’ could no
Indefinitely. Either the workers would forward to a socialist transformation’s
the or the ruling class would move to destroy the

Elements of democratic control.

The concession of elected police committees under pressure from the

working class would Be a progressive development. However, if this gave
rise to illusions that, as Michael puts it, the police are “an isolated entity
which can become removed, or extracted, from the clutches of the
Bourgeois state through working-class control of local watch committees”
that would be a negative development.
During the 1918 German revolution (as noted in the section on the police in
The State: A Warning to the Labor Movement, pp46-47) the Berlin police
were in fact “extracted from the clutches of the capitalist state, and the
revolutionary workers appointed Emil Eichorn, a leader of the independent
Social Democrats, as police chief. This was a positive step, so far as it
went, but could only be a very temporary situation. The failure of the
workers to consolidate power through new Proletarian organs of state
power meant that the berlin police, together with other ‘revolutionized
institutions, succumbed to the bloody counter- revolution (for which the
right-wing Social democratic leaders provided a political cover).

With regard to democratic police committees (or a new form of watch

committees), we clearly warned against any illusion in the step by step
reform of the police or other state bodies into socialist institutions:

The working class is to preserve the economic Against and the democratic
rights that it has wrested From the capitalists in the past, it must carry
rough the socialist transformation of society. gains cannot be preserved
indefinitely within the rotten framework of a crisis-ridden capitalism. In
transforming society, it is utopian to think that the existing apparatus or the
capitalist states can be taken over and adapted by the working class. Ina
fundamental change of Society, all the existing institutions of the state will
be shattered and replaced by new organs or power under the democratic
control of the working class. While basing itself on the perspective OI the
socialist transformation of society, however, the labor Movement must
advance a programmed which Includes policies which come to grips With
the immediate problems posed by the role of the Police. (The State…,
Ppb3-4)

Michael quotes this passage. But how (he asks) can we, on the one side,
advocate democratic police committees while, on the other, warn that the
police cannot be reformed into a worker-friendly institution? He sees this as
a “contradiction [that] Is too great to ignore.
But it is no more contradictory than demanding Any other reform under
capitalism. Reforms can be won through struggle, but we warn that they will
not be lasting gains under capitalism. In un Held of democratic rights do we
not defend the right to Jury trial, legal aid, procedural safeguard for
defendants, and so on? Clearly, such legal rights do not guarantee real
justice, which impossible on a juridical plane without a deep social justice,
which is impossible in capitalist society. But it would be absurd to argue
such legal and civil rights are of no consequent for the working class. Such
rights have been won Clawed back by the bourgeoisie, re-established A
period, and so on. Demands for social and democratic rights will always
remain important part of our transitional programmed. Legal and civil rights,
like the right more freedom of political association, etc., create more
favorable conditions for working-class struggle demands for democratic
control of the police are no different, in principle, from demands for other
democratic rights. Doesn’t the demand for universal suffrage, for instance,
reinforce the Illusion that an elected parliament can control The executive
of the capitalist state?

The demands that we put forward on the police in 1981 corresponded to

the situation in Britain at that time. Since then, the situation has obviously
changed in many respects, especially since the 9/11 attacks in the US
which have provided the Political pretext for an enormous strengthening of
The powers of the state and a broad clawing back Of legal and democratic
rights conceded in the past. The methodology of our programme remains
the same, but we naturally have to take account of recent changes. But it
would be a fatal mistake to abandon a programme of transitional demands
in relation to the state, the police, etc., in favor of bald denunciations of the
repressive capitalist state and calls for workers power This is all the more
important given the general setback to working-class consciousness in the
period since the collapse of Stalinism. There will be many struggles to
recoup past gains that have been lost in the recent period. As we have
always done, we will link our immediate and transitional demands to the
need for the socialist transformation of society.