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The Extractive Industries and Society: Original Article
The Extractive Industries and Society: Original Article
Original article
Keywords: In the Oil Sands Regions of Alberta, Canada, Indigenous reassertion of rights and responsibilities has lead to a
Indicator renewed leadership in monitoring the effects of industries on various environment receptors. This study, con
Multiple Evidence Base ducted with Cold Lake First Nations, Alberta (CLFN), sought to explore local concerns regarding fish con
Fish consumption sumption safety and population health in response to multiple anthropogenic stressors focusing upon oil ex
Alberta
traction. We undertook this work using a novel research design comprised of two distinct approaches including a
Fish health
participatory fish health and toxicology study and a cultural consensus survey of CLFN members. The cultural
consensus study assessed similarities and differences in knowledge and perceptions of CLFN members. The fish
toxicology and health research involved implementing a co-designed protocol to collect and sample fish for
toxicants and overall population health using scientific indicators. We discuss the results of each study as well as
the tangible application of our work in achieving a Multiple Evidence Base approach. Our work highlights that
complementarities between our studies as part of a negotiated research process can form a single cohesive
narrative to better inform fisheries management while respecting community knowledge, culture and rights to
access land, water and country foods.
Corresponding author.
⁎
E-mail addresses: nicolas.brunet@uoguelph.ca (N.D. Brunet), tim.jardine@usask.ca (T.D. Jardine), pdj055@mail.usask.ca (P.D. Jones),
Fin.Macdermid@clfns.com (F. Macdermid), greed01@uoguelph.ca (G. Reed), ana.bogdan@usask.ca (A.-M. Bogdan), drt859@mail.usask.ca (D.R. Tchir),
david.natcher@usask.ca (D.C. Natcher).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.06.014
Received 14 February 2020; Received in revised form 22 June 2020; Accepted 22 June 2020
2214-790X/ © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY-NC-ND/4.0/).
Please cite this article as: Nicolas D. Brunet, et al., The Extractive Industries and Society, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2020.06.014
N.D. Brunet, et al. The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
of rights and responsibilities with regard to land, air, and water re these resources and help the community achieve the capacity needed.
sources, in accordance with the original Treaty relationships, has had There are other similar initiatives where the CBM approach has been
important implications for this sector. For instance, agreements be helpful to support community driven resource governance on the west
tween First Nations and proponents have provided financial compen coast of Canada such as the North Coast-Skeena First Nations Stew
sation as well as other development opportunities for Indigenous ardship Society. This community has extensive programs including
partners, contractors and consortiums (Westman and Joly, 2019). In Salmon Management, community field projects covering water quality
some cases, corporate partners have built and maintained community monitoring, and governance support for a marine protected area that is
facilities and funded events, often furthering community support for a multi-jurisdictional issue. Nonetheless, many ICBM programs have
projects (Urquhart, 2018). Additionally, some First Nations have been failed for similar reasons as settler government initiatives including
engaged in joint ventures on key components of industrial infra inadequate and inconsistent funding sources as well as local capacity to
structure, and at least two groups have sought jurisdiction over bitumen take on monitoring efforts (Fache, 2014; Austin et al., 2018). The lack
bearing lands in hopes of exploiting the deposits (Westman and of formal power sharing structures with settler governments including
Joly, 2019). enforcement and permitting capabilities has also led some communities
Resistance by Indigenous Nations and organizations to oil sands to abandon programs (Reed et al. (In this issue) ). Another key chal
extraction owes to serious concerns about both environmental and so lenge is the implementation of monitoring programs that use both lo
cial impacts of these activities (Schwalb et al., 2014; AEMP Alberta cally derived ‘traditional’ indicators and knowledge, and scientific ones
Environmental Monitoring Panel, 2011). Documented impacts to non- (Johnson et al., 2015, 2016; Ostertag et al., 2018; Parlee, 2011). Settler
human systems broadly include the contamination of land, water, and institutions, that still lead a number of these initiatives, have yet to find
air. Leaking tailings ponds pose a particular threat to water quality ways to use this information appropriately in scientifically driven land
(Timoney, 2007; Galarneau et al., 2014), and localized emissions from and water management programs due to numerous systemic barriers
oil sands development has over time introduced heavy metals and despite Indigenous-led approaches to ‘braiding’ knowledge systems
polycyclic aromatic compounds (PAHs) to the Athabasca River system (Preuss and Dixon, 2012; Reed, Dagli, and Hambly, 2020). Importantly,
and surrounding region (Kelly et al., 2010; Kurek et al., 2013). These ICBM practice must contend with the fact that research foci, findings,
contaminants have had effects on wildlife including increased hormone relationships as well as the lack of importance attributed to the human
levels and tumor growth in fish populations (Schindler, 2013). Socio dimensions of resource extraction are largely shaped by colonialism and
economic impacts have been numerous as small communities urbanize its institutions (Cameron, 2012). It has been suggested that these
due to population increases, with implications for their relationships to challenges may be overcome by supporting community led efforts
the land and the maintenance of more traditional ways of life where the design, implementation and enforcement of environmental
(Westman and Joly, 2019; see also Keeling and Sandlos, 2016). When management can be governed locally (ILI; ITK, 2019; Thompson et al.,
simple access to land-based activities is threatened, inherent, Treaty, 2020).
and constitutionally-protected rights as well as Indigenous cultures are This study, conducted with Cold Lake First Nations, Alberta (CLFN),
also threatened, further compounding the many costs of oil develop sought to explore local concerns regarding fish consumption safety and
ments in the region. population health in response to multiple anthropogenic stressors fo
Responses to these impacts have been numerous with varying levels cusing upon oil extraction. We undertook this work using a novel re
of success, including government-led and multi-stakeholder programs search design comprised of two distinct approaches including a parti
to monitor and assess environmental impacts of oil sands extraction cipatory fish health and toxicology study and a cultural consensus
(Reed et al. (In this issue)). According to Tanner (2008), these programs survey of CLFN members. In doing this, we hoped to support and em
have often been abandoned by Indigenous Nations due to organiza power community-led fisheries management as CLFN continues to re-
tional concerns, their strict focus on Western science, and a lack of assert their rights and jurisdiction to their ancestral territory. Our
Indigenous inputs. These programs have also suffered from instability partnership with CLFN, as well as their long history with and high ca
linked with government restructuring post election every few years, pacity to lead research, enabled us to co-develop meaningful research
including in October 2019 during this study (Westman and Joly, 2019). objectives that overcame many of the usual governance issues in joint
In response, opportunities and challenges associated with Indigenous projects (Thompson et al., 2020). Beyond responding to our initial re
community based monitoring (ICBM) approaches to track the effects of search objective, we found that our study also contributed to furthering
industrial activities have been well documented in recent years in the our understanding of Multiple Evidence Base (MEB) research
literature (Ansell and Koenig, 2011; Bach, Kulk, and Rangan, 2019; (Tengö et al., 2014, 2017). The MEB approach recognizes inherent
Pyke et al., 2018; Reed et al. (In this issue)). power asymmetries between ontologies, suggesting that validation
Beyond addressing rights and responsibilities to land and water, within knowledge systems and joint assessments of knowledge con
ICBM initiatives often are in direct response to inadequate monitoring tributions are foundational to a meaningful research process
efforts from centralized settler governments. ICBM is typically closely (Tengö et al., 2017). We briefly reflect on our contributions to this
aligned with local concerns and has been successful in overcoming approach in our discussion.
challenges associated with the high cost of gathering baseline data This study occurred within a broader initiative funded by the
across large areas (Bucland-Nick, 2015). It has empowered Indigenous Government of Alberta in 2016 to establish a regional Indigenous
governments and organizations to directly collect and analyze data to community-led fish monitoring program in the Province's three oil
be used internally or to share with managers as needed. By shifting producing regions.
decision-making regarding land and water to communities, scientific
data can be locally verified, interpreted and integrated to a more hol 2. Research context
istic understanding of impacts provided by local experts and knowledge
holders (Mantyka-Pringle et al., 2017; McCord, 2013). 2.1. Establishing a regional community-led fish monitoring program in the
In some cases, ICBM models such as the Australian Ranger programs three oil sands regions of Alberta, Canada
or Guardian Watchmen program of the west coast of Canada (Great
Bear Initiative, 2017 http://coastalguardianwatchmen.ca/guardian- In early 2016, The Government of Alberta Environment and Parks
watchmen-programs-overview) have also created jobs for local com and an interdisciplinary research team based at the University of
munities where regular income through other means is scarce. The Saskatchewan, engaged in a multi year pilot project to collaborate with
Great Bear Initiative, especially, is indicative of local power and the interested Indigenous Nations in three oil sands regions to design and
ability to manage local resources with properly shared rights to use implement community-led fish health monitoring programs. This
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overarching, government-led project was intended to create capacity central to their way of life. As with many other Indigenous communities
development opportunities around a methodology that would combine in Canada, fish are not only a source of food but are seen as kin and a
Indigenous Knowledge and western science based approaches into a symbol of cultural survival and resistance to colonialism (Todd, 2018).
methodology that could be adopted over larger areas of the oil sands As CLFN develops its monitoring program, it will be important to fur
region. ther explore and document current and historical connections to fish
The project focused on fish health because of its widespread re and fishing practice.
cognition as an environmental concern for Indigenous Nations in
Alberta's oil sands regions (Stratos Inc., 2015). These concerns have 2.3. Cold Lake ecology and fisheries
been detailed in a variety of documents including the 2015 Review
Panel Report for the Lower Athabasca Regional Plan, where Indigenous Cold Lake (Łuechogh Tue) is one of Alberta's largest and deepest
Nations expressed concerns regarding health of and contaminant pre lakes and a critical source of fish for CLFN members. Located on the
sence in traditional food resources (whitefish, walleye, white sucker) border between Alberta and Saskatchewan, just south of the Primrose
and the ability to continue to practice traditional uses across the rivers Lake Air Weapons Range (Fig. 1), Cold Lake is a deep, clear body of
and lakes in Alberta's oil sands regions. Indigenous Nations in these oil water that supports a relatively large number of fish species. Histori
sands regions have expressed the desire to be meaningfully involved in cally, Cold Lake has supported commercial, recreational, and In
the full life cycle of environmental monitoring from design, to inter digenous harvesting of burbot (Lota lota), cisco (Coregonus artedi), lake
pretation/evaluation and reporting (Stratos Inc., 2015). trout (Salvelinus namaycush), lake whitefish (Coregonis clupeaformis),
In response to its members’ concerns regarding oil sands impacts to northern pike (Esox lucius), and walleye (Sander vitreus). Commercial
fish and impacts of fish stocking programs on the ecology of Cold Lake, and recreational fishing pressure affected sport fish species in the lake,
Cold Lake First Nations (CLFN) collaborated with the research team to and some species have showed signs of over-exploitation in the past
develop a CBM program that would address these concerns as well as (AENV, 2006). In an attempt to allow recovery and because of limited
CLFN capacity development goals. CLFN defines capacity development commercial viability of fish populations in several lakes, commercial
to include both the capacity of individual members to conduct mon fisheries in Alberta were closed in 2014 (AEP, 2016). To supplement
itoring work and the capacity of the Nation to engage in the issue of natural reproduction heavily impacted by historical overfishing and a
fisheries management. The CLFN program was intended to develop a collapse associated with DDT applications in the area by the military in
community-supported, low cost methodology that would address the 1960s and 1970s, lake trout were stocked in Cold Lake. Stocking
community concerns regarding trout genetics, whitefish and trout dy began in 1974 and ended in 1987 (Sterling, 1998). Rainbow trout are
namics, and fish health and safety for consumption, and that could now stocked annually in the Medley River just north of Cold Lake by the
remain in operation for long periods of time. The current study fit Cold Lake Fish Hatchery.1
within this initiative although only comprised part of the work under
taken with CLFN to establish their monitoring program.
3. Methods
2.2. Cold Lake First Nations: a brief introduction
Set within the broader research program presented in Section 2, this
study included two parallel but highly interconnected studies with our
Cold Lake First Nations (CLFN) is a 2960-member community, 1322
partners in CLFN using (1) a cultural consensus study of local fish
of whom reside within five reserves (See map Fig. 1). Governed by an
health and abundance and (2) toxicology research. While the studies
elected Chief and Council, CLFN is a signatory to Treaty Six, an
were conducted separately, their interconnections were discussed both
agreement with the Canadian Crown. While predominantly Denesųłįne
at community meetings and through ongoing communications with the
(or “Chipewyan”) in its origins, CLFN's name uses the plural “Nations”
CLFN team.
to reference several distinct groups amalgamation during the history of
the band's formation. Denesųłįne (Denésoliné or Dënesųłiné) are a Dene
Aboriginal people in Canada, whose ancestors were the Taltheilei 3.1. Cultural consensus study
(Parlee, 2011) and who are known in historical records as “Chi
pewyan”. Many CLFN members engage in traditional land and water- In the summer of 2018, members of the research team, including
based activities including hunting, fishing, berry picking and collecting one local researcher from CLFN, one CLFN staff and one university-
medicines although access to and integrity of their traditional territory based researcher (NDB) conducted a cultural consensus study (Blair and
beyond reserves has historically been, and continues to be impacted for Lovecraft, 2020). This study was designed in partnership with the CLFN
a number of reasons. Importantly, for instance, a Federal Air Weapons research team, including consent protocols and best approaches to re
Range in much of their Traditional Territory was created in 1952, re spect community interview protocols. We also received ethics clearance
sulting in the forcible eviction of CLFN members (see Fig. 1), and from the University of Saskatchewan (BEH# 17-253). Consensus ana
prevented them from freely accessing their ancestral homelands and lysis measures each individual's cultural competence (or knowledge of a
exercising their traditional activities. The resulting “damage to the cultural truth), and predicts the culturally correct answers (Borgatti and
community was not only financial, it was psychological and spiritual” Daniel, 2011). Thus, consensus analysis aims to: (1) determine whether
(Indian Claims Commission, 1993, p. 118; CLFN, 2013). It took 50 years there exists a cultural truth in a certain group, (2) assess the compe
for CLFN, Canada, and Alberta to enter into the Primrose Claim Set tence of individuals with respect to their cultural truth, and (3) de
tlement and Access Agreement, providing members with limited legal termine an “answer key” to a particular topic. It is important to note
rights to enter the Weapons Range to exercise their traditional land use that our study was exploratory recognizing that competence, as mea
(CLFN, 2013). sured here, was highly contextual and in no way reflected an
The region is also recognized as one of three oil sands production
regions with large reserves at a depth of about 500 m below ground 1
The Cold Lake Fish Hatchery, operated by Alberta Environment and Parks,
(Alberta Culture and Tourism, 2020). The expansion of oil sands de
opened on 23 May 1987. It is located on English Bay, 26 km north of the town
velopment, as a result, has substantially eroded CLFN members’ ability of Cold Lake. The hatchery produces fish to enhance walleye populations and to
to participate meaningfully in traditional activities (CLFN, 2012). Al sustain or introduce trout populations in provincial lakes. It can produce 16 to
though written accounts of CLFN connections to fish and fisheries in 25 million walleye fry, 1.4 million walleye fingerlings (in conjunction with a
Cold Lake are limited, CLFN team members and informal conversations satellite pond at Lac La Biche), 1.4 million rainbow trout and 550,000 lake trout
with elders during the research process highlighted that fish were once annually (Alta. For. Ld. Wild. n.d.).
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N.D. Brunet, et al. The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
Fig. 1. CLFN traditional territory (Denne Ni Nenne) in green with weapons range indicated. Reserve lands are in pink.
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Table 2
Responses to survey statements regarding fish and Cold Lake. Respondents ‘Disagreed’ or ‘Agreed’ to the following statements (% of n = 20) and culturally correct
answer key revealed by our analysis – ‘correct answer’ identified in gray.
Statement Agree Disagree Missing
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all (95%) believed CLFN fishermen and elders have important knowl
edge that can help manage fish in Cold Lake. Approximately 85% be
lieved harvesting fish by the CLFN keeps fish in Cold Lake healthy.
None of the respondents believed Cold Lake is being over-fished by First
Nations people. Three-fourths believed there are more lake trout in
Cold Lake now than 25 years ago. 80% believed that recreational use of
Cold Lake impacts CLFN fishing for their families, that contamination
from oil development affected fish quality in Cold Lake, and that the
health of fish affected the health of other animals. Almost all (90%)
believed fishing allows you to feel connected to your culture.
4.1.4. Inferential consensus analysis of survey responses 4.2.1. Trophic levels of two key species- whitefish and lake trout
For 20 of the 26 statements, there were significant differences (p < Zooplankton had lower δ13C (mean = −31.3 ± 0.2‰ SD) than
0.05) from a 50:50 Agree/Disagree ratio suggesting strong consensus benthic invertebrates (mean = −22.9 ± 2.1‰ SD) (Fig. 2), sup
among respondents. The only statements that were not different from porting the use of δ13C as a tool to separate feeding areas for fishes in
50:50 Agree/disagree, and hence the most contested among re Cold Lake. The two fish species had δ13C values that fell within this
spondents, were: ‘There are more unhealthy fish in Cold Lake now then range defined by the baseline organisms, and both species had in
25 years ago’, ‘Catch and release practices help to make sure there is dividuals that spanned the range of Proportion littoral (Fig. 2) from
enough fish for everyone’, ‘Hatchery lake trout are an important part of 0.02 to 1.05, with similar mean values (Lake trout = 0.49 ± 0.13 SD,
CLFNs fish harvest’, ‘Hatchery lake trout are bad for native trout po Lake whitefish = 0.58 ± 0.26 SD). This signified that the two species
pulations’, ‘Lake trout are smaller in size now than they were 25 years had overlapping habitats and each had individuals that were feeding in
ago’, and ‘Lake trout are eating whitefish (or High lake trout numbers nearshore and offshore areas.
mean low whitefish numbers)’. The large number of significant differ Zooplankton had slightly higher δ15N (4.9 ± 0.1‰) than benthic
ences suggests that the questions were not answered randomly by re invertebrates (3.3 ± 1.3‰) (Fig. 2). Lake trout had higher TP
spondents (Table 2). We assessed cultural consensus by verifying if (mean = 4.6 ± 0.2 SD) than lake whitefish (mean = 3.9 ± 0.2 SD),
responses respected the convention whereby the largest eigenvalue is and TP increased only weakly with body size in both species (Lake
three times larger than the next largest (See Borgatti and Daniel, 2011 trout: r2 = 0.21, p = 0.061, n = 17; Lake whitefish: r2 = 0.14,
for details). In our study, the mean ratio of all participant scores was p = 0.224, n = 12, data not shown). Largest trout were approximately
larger than three (ratio=3.419). This provided evidence that the one TP above whitefish, suggesting a predator–prey relationship
sample shared a cultural truth regarding Cold Lake. UCINET provided a (Fig. 2).
top value of 5.836 and a second largest value of 1.107.
4.2.2. Fish toxicology
4.1.4. Competence of individuals and answer key Concentrations of trace metals ranged from a low of below detection
UCINET also provided the “competence” (or an individual's (<0.002 µg/kg) for U in both species to a high of 32.4 µg/kg for Fe in
“knowledge” of the shared cultural truth). The competence reflects the lake trout (Table 3). Several metals, including Ag, Cd, Co, Mo, Ni and Sb
probability that a given respondent knows the culturally ‘correct’ an were below or just above detection. Most metals were similar between
swer. While we may have expected higher competence in older fishers the two species with the exception of Hg, which was higher in lake trout
because of their experience with the fishery, we note that both the likely owing to its higher TP (Table 3). Mean concentrations of Hg were
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indicated in conversation and during community meetings that high many decades of failed ‘integration’ (Cruikshank, 2005; Cuerrier et al.,
levels of contamination by oil and military activities on water and fish 2015) by breaking down the dichotomous view of traditional versus
were associated with increased incidences of human health issues in scientific knowledge which compartmentalises worldviews and, ac
cluding cancers and digestive issues. The association between industrial cording to many, perpetuates exclusion and oppression (Agrawal, 1995;
contaminants and the incidence of cancer has been explored in other Nadasdy, 1999). Although achieving this in practice is challenging
Oil Sands communities where cases overall were found to be higher given the institutional frameworks within which environmental mon
than expected although causal effects were not clear, which our results itoring is embedded, there has been progress in this area
also seem to indicate (Alberta Cancer Board, 2009). We believe that this (Yunupingu and Muller, 2009)
widely shared understanding is rooted in some measure of truth, and is A Multiple Evidence Base approach has many strengths, including:
further supported by the PAH results. A justified lack of trust in settler the acknowledgement of power asymmetries between Indigenous
governments, including provincial fisheries management strategies and knowledge and science (Derkzen and Bock, 2007); and the recognition
actors may also underpin these views. Other systemic problems ex that each knowledge system cannot be fully translated into one another
acerbating trust issues were also identified by CLFN members including (Tengö et al., 2012). For example, in Australia, the concept of ‘caring
poor communication by regional fisheries biologists regarding the for Country’ is often translated into ‘Indigenous land and sea manage
status of local fisheries, misinformation being perpetuated within the ment’; which often neglects that “Country encompasses biophysical,
community, and most importantly, a lack of resources invested in re spiritual, cultural, kinship relation, survival, and ancestral domains”
search to address local concerns regarding long term human health (Austin et al., 2018: p. 377). Other examples of other Indigenous-led
impacts of industrial and military activities in the area (see approaches to knowledge co-production are also documented: Two-
Westman and Joly, 2019). Eyed Seeing (Bartlett et al., 2012); Ethical Space (Ermine, 2007); Two-
Given this, CLFN members were eager to be heard and were Way Knowing in Australia (Muller, 2012; Preuss and Dixon, 2012) and
searching for possible explanations for changes in the severity and types more recently, ScIQ in Nunavut, Canada (Aaluk et al., 2019). These
of local health issues experienced by themselves and family. Consuming approaches are much more than a matter of using different knowledge
fish, although considered relatively safe both locally and according to types: they often focus on the revitalization of Indigenous ontologies
our toxicological research, was still considered a possible culprit. A and epistemologies in order to support the consideration of Indigenous
potential explanation for this could be a widely held community un identity and livelihoods (Bang et al., 2013; Kovach, 2010;
derstanding that finding one deformed fish (externally or internally) Johnson et al., 2016). In our work, emerging challenges with regard to
and other subtler cues can be indicators of overall population health differences between scientific findings and traditional knowledge were
and associated risks for consumption. Similarly, Ostertag et al. (2018) confronted openly and resolved through dialog, at times tense. Al
found that harvesters through extensive experience and observation can though likely imperfect, the resulting shared understanding provided
establish if belugas are healthy where scientific tools may fail to detect our central narrative validated by CLFN members during community
obvious issues. Apparent contradictions in traditional vs scientific ap meetings and through the development of this manuscript.
proaches to measuring the relative importance of these events posed an In Eastern parts of Canada, Mi'kmaq communities and organizations
important challenge in applying our approach and are commonly re are also developing capacity building strategies in order to decolonize
ported (e.g. Cott et al., 2018). In listening to these concerns, we also Indigenous resource management (McMillan and Prosper, 2016). A
learnt that the distrust of government extended to the federal con community driven research organization was created to promote co-
sumption guidelines for fish with regard to a variety of toxins including learning in all aspects of community life and environmental governance
Mercury and PAHs. Some felt that these guidelines were not accurate with a mandate to integrate scientific research with Mi'kmaq knowl
for traditional daily consumption of country foods including fish, and as edge acquisition, utilization and protection (UINR, 2009). A common
such, doubted, with reason, that heavy fish consumption could not be theme in these recent efforts has been the emphasis on Indigenous ca
linked to systemic health issues in the community pacity building to design and implement environmental management
(Health Canada, 2007). strategies on traditional lands. Our experiences during this study con
firm that strong community capacity and leadership in research can
5.3. Towards a Multiple Evidence Base approach in the management of lead to more meaningful outcomes when navigating the use of different
CLFN fisheries? ontologies in developing a single monitoring plan (Thompson et al.,
2020).
Although the human dimension of this study used a social science In conclusion, our study revealed that many areas of convergence
tool where responses were predominantly quantified using a reduc exist between community needs, experiences and knowledge, and the
tionist approach (see Smith, 2012 and Blair and Lovecraft, 2020 for results of western science based toxicological and population studies in
some criticisms), participants shared valuable local Indigenous knowl developing a community-led fish monitoring program. These areas of
edge of the current state of fish populations as well as long-term ob agreement could provide the basis for shared dialog, negotiation and
servations. Combining this in-depth local understanding of natural understanding between the many actors involved in regional fisheries
processes with our community-led scientific study of fish population management as communities such as Cold Lake First Nations respond to
health and toxicology yielded some promising results as with previous the many forces of change affecting their traditional territory, culture
studies such as Ostertag et al. (2018) where both scientific and tradi and economy for years to come.
tional indicators have been successfully deployed in monitoring.
Importantly, we found that the use of varied approaches and Funding
knowledge types within this community driven effort contributed to
furthering our understanding of the tangible expression of a Multiple Funding provided through a research agreement with the
Evidence Base approach (Tengö et al., 2014, 2017). According to Government of Alberta, Environment and Parks: 18GRAEM22 to D.C.
Tengö et al. (2014), this approach “proposes parallels where in Natcher. Additional financial support provided by the University of
digenous, local, and scientific knowledge systems are viewed to gen Saskatchewan and the University of Guelph.
erate different manifestations of valid and useful knowledge” (p. 580).
Further, Berkes (2008) argues that both science and Indigenous Acknowledgments
knowledge are “legitimate in [their] own right, within [their] own
context; each has its own strengths…in parallel enriching one another We would first like to thank Nicole Jacko who undertook most of
as needed” (p. 292). This understanding attempts to overcome the the interviews in CLFN and Nicole Nicholls for local project design and
9
N.D. Brunet, et al. The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx–xxx
coordination, undertaking a few surveys and for commenting ex Derkzen, P., Bock, B., 2007. The construction of professional identity: symbolic power in
tensively on this manuscript. We would also like to thank the CLFN rural partnerships in The Netherlands. Sociol. Rural 47, 189–204.
Ermine, W., 2007. The ethical space of engagement. Indigenous Law J. 6 (1), 193–203.
research technician team for harvesting fish and collecting samples for Fache, E., 2014. Caring for Country, a Form of Bureaucratic Participation. Conservation,
analyses as well as our CLFN partners for hosting us and providing Development, and Neoliberalism in Indigenous Australia. Anthropol. Forum 24 (3),
access to their traditional territory. 267–286.
Freudenburg, W.R., 1992. Vulnerable localities in a changing world economy. Rural.
Sociol. 57, 305–332.
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