Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The New Terror: Hamas, Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda
The New Terror: Hamas, Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda
The New Terror: Hamas, Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda
The surprise attack on Pearl Harbor (1941), the Oklahoma City bombing of the Murrah
Federal Building (1995), and the September 11th Attacks (2001) altered American mentalities.
They were the only times in modern American history that operations of mass death were
perpetrated on the American home front – war and terror as a personal experience was brought
into the lives of everyday Americans. Attacks similar to those, and sometimes worse, occurred
regularly throughout the world. The seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca (1979), the
hijackings of EgyptAir 648 (1985) and Pan Am 103 (1988), the Sarin gas attack in the Tokyo
subway (1995), the Madrid train bombings (2004), bombings in London (2005), Hyderabad
(2007), Jaipur (2008), Issers (2008) are only a small sampling of events. Each strike planned and
Apart from Pearl Harbor, these and similar events are labeled acts of terrorism. Pearl
Harbor is considered, however, the act of a dictatorial regime along the same lines as the
atrocities of Pol Pot or Saddam Hussein. Academic definitions often do not label as terrorist acts
those perpetrated by nations.1 Defining terrorism in the modern era will be important to
understand its raison d’être in order to improve the situation – both for the actors and receptors
of terrorist acts. The rise of modern terrorism in the Middle East is a complex issue with
multiple facets. The failure of Pan-Arabic nationalism, the rise of Islamism, the continued
imperialism of the Great Powers, and the rise of Islamic fanaticism all played a critical role in its
1
See Charles L. Ruby, “The Definition of Terrorism,” in Dimensions of Terrorism, ed. Alan O’Day (Burlington,
VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 16; Thomas J. Badey, “Defining International Terrorism: A Pragmatic Approach,”
in Dimensions of Terrorism, ed. Alan O’Day (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 23; Jack P. Gibbs,
“Conceptualization of Terrorism,” in Dimensions of Terrorism, ed. Alan O’Day (Burlington, VT: Ashgate
Publishing, 2004), 54; Paul J. Smith, The Terrorism Ahead: Confronting Transnational Violence in the Twenty-First
Century (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2008), 10.
Bailey 2
development. The three most commonly known terrorist groups from the Middle East are
Hamas, Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda; and it is through these three organizations that I will
demonstrate my thesis.
definition, thereby hindering international cooperation.2 Thomas Badey in his argumentation for
a utilitarian definition remarked that academic definitions are too complex and contradictory to
be used for practical purposes. At the same time he argues against political definitions for their
vagueness, which are made to fit a multitude of actions – again rendering it useless for analytical
purposes.3 Instead Badey maintained that a utilitarian definition provides academic rigor and
political exigency, accounts for common usage, and follows an historical perspective.4 Despite
the lackluster of Badey’s own definition, it provided a framework to judge a definition for its
fear by human beings for the purpose of securing or maintaining control over other human
beings.”5 Within Cooper’s definition are three primary issues: massive fear; conducted by
An area of common agreement amongst scholars of terrorism is that its method is the
implementation of fear. Death and extreme suffering, along with a multitude of other actions are
capable of instilling that fear. The terrorist though need not directly attack to introduce fear, but
merely the threat can have the same impact.6 Terrorist acts affect the collective psyche, creating
an irrational fear. For example, a person has a greater chance of dying in an automobile accident
2
Smith, 11.
3
Badey, 22
4
Badey, 23.
5
H.H.A. Cooper, “Terrorism: The Problem of Definition Revisited,” in Dimensions of Terrorism, ed. Alan O’Day
(Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 3.
6
Cooper, 6.
Bailey 3
than in a terrorist attack, and yet Americans fear terrorists more than their cars. Charles Ruby
correlated it to the fear of a soldier in battle, in which death is ever present and out of the
soldier’s control.7 In order to maintain this heightened anxiety and fear, terrorists are forced to
seek more grandiose displays of violence. The acts cannot be repetitious, but need to grow in
intensity because society itself continues to grow number with each successive act and the
of non-state agents. International law ensures the application of the label to non-state entities by
providing great leeway for governments to police their populace and even to coerce them.9 The
belief that states are not terrorists is a repeated mantra lacking argumentation, yet emphatically
proclaimed. Cooper affirmed the concept of non-state actors only. In arguing against the
terrorist-freedom fighter dichotomy, however, he claimed that the nature and quality of the act
alone should define it as terrorism.10 A similar argument was also put forward by Ruby in
advocating a behavioral model for terrorism.11 If the act is constitutive of terrorism, then the
actor is irrelevant – the only exception being if the actor was nature, which would nullify the first
and third parameters of the definition that requires the instilling of fear for the sake of an agenda.
Terrorists have an agenda that seeks to alter the status quo in some way. In the final
analysis, these agendas are political. They can be wrapped in the mantle of religious ideology,
but they want a societal change – a political change. In addition, the perpetrators often see the
terrorist act as an act of war, which helps to provide legitimacy from their own perspective.12
7
Ruby, 15-16.
8
Cooper, 6; Smith, 4-5.
9
Cooper, 5.
10
Cooper, 4, 7.
11
Ruby, 20.
12
Ruby, 16.
Bailey 4
Often terrorists believe that demonstrating the ability to attack without impunity or to die for a
cause will spark a revolution. Terrorism then becomes political discourse at the end of weapon.13
The method is fear, the result is political activity, and sometimes it works.
The 1980s witnessed the hegemonic rise of Hezbollah, Hamas, and Al-Qaeda. Each
Palestinians attacked Israel, Israeli reprisals were inflicted on the refugee camps and the
surrounding regions. Tensions mounted. When Israel invaded southern Lebanon in 1982,
widespread discontent against Israel and the government in Damascus coalesced into the
resistance force of Hezbollah.14 Hamas formed directly out of the failure of the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO) to secure a Palestinian homeland and to defeat Israel. Hamas is a
descendant of the Muslim Brotherhood, and as such, views the PLO’s failure as a result of their
secular approach.15 Al-Qaeda was a response to the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, but its
existence was dependent on other factors too. Al-Qaeda saw the Soviets only as a symptom of a
larger problem – the failure of Arab states. In its opinion, Middle Eastern governments had
failed to represent or defend the interests of its people, exemplified by the abandonment of
Islamic rule. These states were seen as too week to improve – dependent on the support of non-
Muslims – and yet too strong to be overtly conquered. A two-pronged attack against the non-
13
Smith, 12.
14
Eitan Azani, Hezbollah: The Story of the Party of God from Revolution to Institutionalization, (New York:
Palgrave Macmillian, 2009), 48-59.
15
Matthew Levitt, Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad, (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2006), 8.
Bailey 5
Muslim puppet masters and the radicalization of the local Muslim populace was seen as the only
Immediate causes provide only a snapshot and not a fuller historical perspective on the
rise of modern terrorism, which the long-term view can provide. Despite the categorization
provided, each cause is not within a vacuum and often overlaps, is interrelated, or is causal. A
brief example is the distinction between Islamism and Islamic fanaticism. An individual who
supports Islamism advocates rule by Islamic law and custom (Qu’ran, Shari’ah, and Sunnah),
which can be done through political discourse. Islamic fanaticism on the other hand favors
The weakening of Britain and France from the Second World War (1939-1945) provided
the opportunity for the mandate states to exercise independent authority. Syria, Lebanon, Iraq,
and Egypt were left with an identity problem. A solution began to emerge: Pan-Arabism. Pan-
Arabism is a form of modern nationalism, which sees all Arabs as a common people with a
common culture and language, and thus should be united as a single nation. Pan-Arabism was
strongest in Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser and to a lesser degree with the Ba’athist regimes
Initially the Pan-Arabic movement gained support amongst the Arab population of the
Middle East. Under Nasser in Egypt, the movement was seen to stand against the former great
power by nationalizing the Suez Canal in 1956 and Britain was unable to resist. When Britain
allied with France and Israel to militarily retake the canal, they were stopped by the
condemnation of both the Soviet Union and the United States. Nasser though seized the
16
Mohammad-Mahmoud Mohamedou, Understanding Al Qaeda: The Transformation of War, (Ann Arbor, MI:
Pluto, 2007), 45-53.
17
William L. Cleveland and Martin Burton, A History of the Modern Middle East, 4th ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview
Press, 2009), 323-344.
Bailey 6
opportunity to proclaim it as a victory for Arabs over the new enemy, Israel – halting its
continued expansion. The claimed credit increased Nasser’s status, as well as belief in the Pan-
Arabic doctrine.18
Besides unification of all Arabic people, the other central plank to Pan-Arabism was
secularization. Though Arabs were predominantly Muslim, there also existed a substantial
minority of non-Muslim Arabs. In order to unite them all, secularization and modernization
were important tools. Secularization required the privatization of Islam and the decrease of the
wider Islamic influence in society.19 Regional and local goodwill, gained through military action
and propaganda, provided the necessary support to achieve the aims of Pan-Arabism. Its appeal
The association of Pan-Arabism with Nasser was so complete that if he failed, so did the
system. Cracks began to appear with the creation of the United Arab Republic (UAR) in 1958.
A united Arabic state was the stated goal of Pan-Arabism and so the union of Egypt and Syria
(both Pan-Arabic states) was logical. It also extended an invitation to Iraq, a Ba’athist state, to
join as well. Iraq’s refusal to join signaled a rift in Pan-Arabism – the leaders of each state
desired it as long as they controlled the subsequent state. It instilled doubt on whether Pan-
Arabism was the goal or the cloak for traditional nationalism. Egyptian dominance eventually
led Syria to stage a coup and ended the UAR after only three years.20
The failure of the UAR did not end the appeal of Pan-Arabism because Nasser remained
popular because of his stand against Israel. The economic reforms initiated were not working
and dissent within Egypt intensified, which resulted in governmental crackdowns, especially
18
Cleveland, 308-313
19
Cleveland, 307, 310, 315-321
20
Cleveland, 313-315.
Bailey 7
against the Muslim Brotherhood who were seen as the primary instigators.21 The final collapse
coincided with the Egyptian defeat in the June War of 1967. The Egyptian Army proved
inadequate to defeat the Israeli Defense Force, despite decades of modernization.22 Pan-Arabism
was defeated too. It had looked to Western technology and methods and in the minds of Arabs
was found wanting. It was thought that only an Eastern solution could solve an Eastern problem.
The Muslim Brotherhood with its call to a revitalized Islam and Shar’iah-rule was seen as the
Its principal rival for power within the PLO was the Fatah political party. Fatah is not a Pan-
Arabic movement, but a nationalist movement that seeks to unite all Palestinians regardless of
religion. It too therefore is a secularizing agency and seen in the eyes of Hamas as the same as
Nasser’s agenda, which will, according to Hamas, inevitably fail and leave Palestine in a worse
situation. Hezbollah, as its own name implies, desires a theocracy. Since its establishment, it
has aligned itself with the revolutionary elements of Iran and desires to establish the same in
Lebanon.23 Sayyid Qutb, an intellectual for the Muslim Brotherhood who was executed in 1966,
enumerated the underpinnings of Al-Qaeda. The West was seen as the source of decadence and
laxity that was becoming prevalent amongst Muslims in the East. The Muslim leaders had
become apostates for abandoning strict Islam and so Qutb saw it as the duty of Muslims to
The influence of Western powers is seen within the Pan-Arabic movement, but also in the
direct actions of Western governments. Islamist and Islamic fanatics perceived a continuing
21
Cleveland 306-307.
22
Cleveland, 339-343.
23
Augustus R Norton, Hezbollah: A Short History, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 35-41.
24
Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11, (New York: Vintage Books, 2006), 28-
37.
Bailey 8
encroachment of Western imperialism in the Middle East. The perception is based on myth and
reality. The myth is that the stated goal of Western powers is the destruction of Islam. The
reality is that during the Cold War, the Middle East was a battlefield between Capitalism and
Communism. The area was of strategic importance in terms of the Truman Doctrine and also as
a transportation crossroads for goods and supplies. In addition, it provided an essential resource
for Western society – oil. Three incidents dominate: Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Afghanistan,
Since the creation of Israel in 1948, it has been a major source of conflict in the Middle
East having engaged in seven wars with its neighbors during its sixty-two year history.
Throughout these conflicts, one of the staunchest supporters of Israel has been the United States.
Placing it in the perspective of the Arab mind, Israel is a foreign occupier resulting from the
waves of aliyahs between the late nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. Often displacing
throughout the mandate period.25 Close association with the United States after statehood made
Afghanistan became a central front in the Cold War. Following the American retreat in
Viet Nam, the West needed to prove it was capable of stopping continued aggression and yet at
the same time not seen as being involved if the operation failed. The Soviet Union provided the
opportunity when it sent troops to Afghanistan in December 1979. The United States, Great
Britain, and Saudi Arabia provided aid and supplies. The result was Soviet withdrawal, but not
an end to the fighting. Thousands of foreign fighters, not affiliated with the principal powers,
flocked into Afghanistan to engage in the struggle against the godless communists. The flames
25
Cleveland, 244-261.
26
Smith, 174-175.
Bailey 9
of jihad were stirred and peace remained elusive. The foreign governments had their own unique
agendas and when those objectives were met simply left the problems behind.27
The invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq on August 2, 1990, created a storm in the
Middle East. In terms of Western strategic importance, Western governments believed Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein’s actions could destabilize the region.28 The threatening posture of
Iraq towards Saudi Arabia paved the way for an invitation by the Saudis to invite American
troops into the country.29 Though initially believed to be a temporary situation, twenty years
later American troops are still present in Saudi Arabia. To Muslims, the Arabian Peninsula is
sacred territory being the land of the two holiest sites in Islam, Mecca and Medina. The presence
of non-Muslims was seen by some as an affront to Islam and as another indication of the corrupt
A discussion of modern terrorism naturally involves Israel. The threat is constant and a
major issue in Israeli politics. In terms of imperialism, the Arab perception needs to be taken
into account. Prior to 1994, Egypt alone recognized the State of Israel because of the domestic
problem recognition created – Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat was assassinated shortly after
recognizing Israel.30 The existence of Israel is an affront for Islamic fanatics. Hamas,
Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda deny the right for Israel to exist. In part it is propaganda to ensure the
continued support of certain segments of the population, but there is also a theological
justification. Israel occupies a section of the Dar al-Islam that was seen to be taken forcibly and
27
Mahmood, Mamdani, Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of
Terror, (New York: Pantheon Books, 2004), 124-133.
28
Cleveland, 482-485.
29
Cleveland, 480.
30
Cleveland, 380-382.
Bailey 10
therefore does not have the right to exist and must be retaken by righteous Muslims in their
eyes.31
Hezbollah and Hamas seek a change in the international political realm. In the case of
seeks to create the first Sunni Islamic Republic in the entirety of the old Palestinian Mandate.
Terror was the method both employed domestically and internationally to pressure foreign
governments to intervene on their behalf. The attacks more recently though have been directed
Al-Qaeda is different as it eschews regional nationalism. It clearly sees the United States
and other Western countries as the reason for the difficulties within the Middle East. The West
is seen as importing corruption, immorality, and a move away from Islam. Emboldened by its
successful attacks, it sees itself as the modern warriors of Allah reclaiming the Dar al-Islam.32
So what does it all mean; is this discussion only an academic exercise or does it provide
an opportunity to improve the situation? An element lacking in the political discourse for the
International War on Terror is the West’s own culpability. A lesson often taught to children is
that it takes two to fight and that neither side is wholly innocent. Real grievances and concerns
exist that are not being addressed by Western powers – the roots of terrorism. The solution is not
for the West to fix all the problems, but to acknowledge its impact and seek ways to improve.
At the same time, negotiation by threat and violence has not provided long-term solutions
to problems. Fear subverts reason and must be perpetually maintained for continued adherence.
If that is the case, then terrorism never ends and the formerly aggrieved now become the
31
Raymond Ibrahim (ed., trans.), The Al Qaeda Reader, (New York: Doubleday, 2007), 137-140.
32
Al-Qaeda, “World Islamic Front Statement Urging Crusade Against Jews and Crusaders,” quoted in Gilles Kepel
and Jean-Pierre Milelli (eds.), Al Qaeda in Its Own Words, t ranslated by Pascale Ghazaleh (Cambridge, MA:
Belknap Press, 2008), 53-56.
Bailey 11
oppressors, perpetuating the cycle. Good faith, if it is possible, must exist on both sides in order
International terrorism exists, and if the last three decades have shown anything it is that
current methods are unsuccessful. Political courage is necessary to redefine the parameters away
from us versus them, destroy the enemy, and endless blame on the other. A path needs to be
found that allows for a dialogue to commence and not mere sound bites for public consumption.
Primary Sources:
Al-Qaeda. “World Islamic Front Statement Urging Crusade Against Jews and Crusaders.”
Quoted in Gilles Kepel and Jean-Pierre Milelli (eds.), Al Qaeda in Its Own Words,
translated by Pascale Ghazaleh. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2008.
Kepel, Gilles and Jean-Pierre Milelli (eds.). Al Qaeda in Its Own Words. Translated by
Pascale Ghazaleh. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2008.
Ibrahim, Raymond (ed., trans.). The Al Qaeda Reader. New York: Doubleday, 2007.
Peters, Rudolph. Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam: A Reader. 2nd ed. Princeton:
Markus Wiener Publishers, 2005.
Secondary Sources:
Azani, Eitan. Hezbollah: The Story of the Party of God from Revolution to Institutionalization.
New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2009.
Beinin, Joel. “Is Terrorism a Useful Term in Understanding the Middle East and the Palestinian-
Israeli Conflict?.” In Dimensions of Terrorism, edited by Alan O’Day, 65-76.
Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2004.
Bonney, Richard. Jihad: From Qur’an to Bin Laden. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2004.
Cleveland, William and Martin Bunton. A History of the Modern Middle East. 4th ed.
Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2008.
Cooper, Barry. New Political Religions: An Analysis of Modern Terrorism. Columbia, MO:
University of Missouri Press, 2004.
Esposito, John L. Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2003.
Harik, Judith P. Hezbollah: The Changing Face of Terrorism. New York: I.B. Tauris, 2005.
Jensen, Michael Irving. The Political Ideology of Hamas: A Grassroots Perspective. Translated
by Sally Laird. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
Levitt, Matthew. Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad. New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2006.
Lewis, Bernard. The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror. New York:
Random House, 2003.
Mamdani, Mahmood. Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of
Terror. New York: Pantheon Books, 2004.
Nafziger, George F. and Mark W. Walton. Isalm at War: A History. Westport, CT:
Praeger Publishers, 2003.
Norton, Augustus R. Hezbollah: A Short History. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007.
Palmer, Monte and Princess Palmer. At the Heart of Terror: Islam, Jihadists, and America’s
War on Terror. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2004.
Peters, Rudolph. Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam: A Reader. 2nd ed. Princeton:
Markus Wiener Publishers, 2005.
Riedel, Bruce O. The Search for Al Qaeda: Its Leadership, Ideology, and Future.
Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2008.
Schweitzer, Glenn E. A Faceless Enemy: The Origins of Modern Terrorism. Cambridge, MA:
Perseus, 2002.
Bailey 14
Smith, Paul J. The Terrorism Ahead: Confronting Transnational Violence in the Twenty-First
Century. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2008.
Wright, Lawrence. The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11. New York:
Vintage Books, 2006.