Cleland and Shimada (1998) Paleteada

5
PALETEADA POTTERS: TECHNOLOGY, PRODUCTION SPHERE,

AND SUB-CULTURE IN ANCIENT PERU
Kate M. Cleland and Izumi Shimada
ABSTRACT Production of the utility pottery type called paleteada first appeared in the
Lambayeque region during the Early Middle Sicán (Early Later Intermediate Period). The
producers developed the "elegant" paddle-and-anvil technique that forms and decorates
vessels. In Batán Grande, their pottery displayed paddle-stamped Sicán imagery during that
culture's brief florescence, then was decorated with a broad range of geometric motifs up to
the Spanish invasion. Changes in form of prehistoric paleteada were not connected with
cultural succession in the region, although there is possible evidence that the organization of
paleteada production was changed under the Chimú and Inka domination. Paleteada was
ubiquitous between Piura and Chicama, then diminished toward Moche and Virú, where
moldmade utility ware dominated. The vestigial industry that remains today appears to
exemplify the natural state of self-supporting potting households during periods of political
autonomy in the prehistoric Lambayeque region. Today, paleteada is produced by domestic
industry only in a few small villages of the far North Coast of Peru. Potters articulate their
craft with other subsistence, be it agriculture or fishing. We propose the existence of a
paleteada sub-culture in antiquity that co-existed with the Sicán, then persisted as a distinct
entity among the working classes up to historic times. Ethnoarchaeological research clarified
that modern potters manage their production in balance with other functions in the same
space, and that site formation of the domestic workshop is complicated by the mixture of
various tools and processes that transform the surroundings. These serve to erase evidence of
ceramic production. Subtle traces remain; archaeologists should look for them at ancient
sites.
SPANISH ABSTRACT La cerámica paleteada fue producida por alfareros que vivieron en
la región de Lambayeque durante la época Sicán Medio a inicios del período Intermedio
Tardío (ca. 900 d.C.). Estos alfareros desarollaron la técnica de la paleta y el yunque de
manera elegante con la cual formaron y decoraron las vasijas. Durante el breve período de
auge de la cultura Sicán, las imágenes en el paleteado representaron diseños propios del
estilo Sicán. Luego de este período y hasta la Ilegada de los españoles, los alfareros del
paleteado continuaron usando su amplio repertorio de motivos geométricos. Los cambios en
la producción de cerámica paleteada no estuvieron vinculados con los sucesivos cambios
culturales en la región. No obstante, ciertas evidencias indican que la organización de la
producción de cerámica paleteada fue modificada bajo el dominio Chimú e Inka.
Omnipresente entre Piura y el valle de Chicama, el paleteado disminuyó su presencia hacia
el sur en los valles de Moche y Virú en donde la cerámica utilitaria hecha en molde fue la
dominante. En este artículo proponemos que antiguamente existió una sub-cultura de
alfareros productores de cerámica paleteada quienes co-existieron con la sociedad Sicán.
Luego de este período, el paleteado persistió como elemento distintivo en el ámbito de la
clase laboral Ilegando así hasta épocas históricas. La cerámica paleteada es producida hoy en
día a nivel doméstico. Esta sólo se realiza de manera aislada en aldeas del extremo norte de
Paleteada Potters: Technology, Production Sphere, and Sub-Culture in Ancient Peru
la costa peruana. Los alfareros articulan su industria con otras actividades de subsistencia
como la agricultura o pesquería. La industria paleteada de hoy en día parece ser vestigio de
una época en la que existieron familias alfareras auto-suficientes que vivieron dentro de
períodos
MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology, Supplement to Vol. 15 (1998)

de autonomía política en la región de Lambayeque. Investigaciones etnoarqueológicas han
mostrado la forma como los alfareros manejan su producción de manera balanceada en relación a
otras funciones que se realizan en el mismo espacio. De igual modo, la formación del espacio
donde funciona el taller doméstico es un hecho complejo ya que se mezclan varias herramientas
así como múltiples procesos que transforman los alrededores. Esta situación ocasiona que las
evidencias de producción cerámica desaparezcan. Así, las huellas que quedan son muy sutiles por
10 que deberían ser buscadas
de manera cuidadosa en los sitios (Donnan and Mackey 1978) and Virú
arqueológicos. valleys (Collier 1955; Kroeber and
Muelle 1942). I
Introduction Given the abundance, wide

distribution, and apparent longevity of
Paleteada, archaeologically and
paleteada, there has been a long-
historically known domestic pottery
standing interest in identifying its
formed and decorated principally by
time-markers and defining its
use of paddle-and-anvil techniques,
sociocultural significance (Fig. 2).
appeared in the La Leche—
Ethnographic study of modern
Lambayeque region of Peru by Early
paleteada potters has contributed
Middle Sicán times (ca. A.D. 950). The
accounts suitable for evaluation
ware rapidly supplanted existing utility
against archaeological evidence to
pottery of the Batán Grande area in
determine whether or not direct
both quantity and range of forms, then
historical analogy may be applied
prevailed throughout the Chimú and
(Bankes 1985; Camino 1982;
Inka occupations of the region prior to
Christensen 1955; Collier 1959;
the Spanish conquest. Domestic
Sabogal Weisse 1982; Shimada 1985a,
industry paleteada production
1994a).
continues in several rural villages:
Mórrope and vicinity, situated Proyecto Arqueológico de Sicán (Sicán
northwest of Lambayeque; Simbilá Archaeological Project) studies of
near Piura; and Chulucanas near Vicús prehispanic paleteada have
in the upper Piura valley. Ancient emphasized documenting how it was
paleteada was widespread along the made, identifying its chronologically
northern North Coast between the sensitive attributes, reconstructing the
Pariñas and Jequetepeque valleys (Fig. organization of paleteada production,
1) (Bankes 1985, 1988; Ishida 1960; and placing paleteada in
Kroeber and Muelle 1942; Lanning socioeconomic context, beginning with
1963; Lothrop 1948; Shimada 1985a, its first appearance in the area during
1994a), while smaller amounts have Early Middle Sicán. Understanding
been found as far south as the Moche dynamics of prehistoric relations of
112
production and sociocultural relations

of peoples before, during, and after
Sicán cultural hegemony are basic
research goals of Project initiatives in
the La Leche—Lambayeque region
11
2
(Shimada 1985b, 1985c; Shimada et al.
1981). Broader reconstruction of the
range of organization of Sicán
production provides the framework in
which paleteada studies articulate at
the most basic level with Project goals.
This leads to discussing paleteada
within a broader range of Sicán
material culture in terms of the
organization of production and social
relations represented by the objects,
their use, and deposition in the
archaeological record.
It is argued here that the appearance of

paleteada products, potting tools, and, most
likely, paleteada pot-
113
performing basic segmentary tasks in mining

Fig. 1. Northern North Coast of Peru, showing and smelting was made up of workers
key Sicán archaeological sites and modern recruited for part-time labor service to the
paleteada potting villages. See also Fig. 1, central authorities, or of a full-time non-
Chapter 2 for geographical details. Drawing by agricultural labor force. The factors and
Izumi Shimada.
Fig. 2. Late prehistoric paleteada
sherd deposit in floor context at
Huaca del Pueblo Batán Grande,
Trench Ill, 1982. Photograph by
Izumi Shimada.
ters in the Batán Grande area

was part of a major
socioeconomic transformation.
The Sicán ethnic leadership
consolidated economic, political,
and ideological power after the
breakdown of Moche V
domination of the Lambayeque
region around ca. A.D. 750 (see
Shimada 1994b). The simple and
elegant techniques that produced
paleteada may well have been
brought south from the Piura
area by individuals migrating
(see comments below) into the
Batán Grande region, where, by
Early Middle Sicán, precious
metal production (particularly of
tumbaga sheets) was well
developed, and arsenical bronze
production was growing to an
industrial scale.2 Our fieldwork
has documented the existence of
at least two arsenical bronze
smelting centers and one
precious metal workshop as well
as the prevalence of mechanisms involved in bringing paddle
metalworking debris at Middle potters and/or their technology to Batán
Sicán sites throughout the Batán Grande Grande during and possibly after Early Middle
region (e.g., Shimada 1995b; Shimada et al. Sicán are unclear. Ethnohistoric evidence of
1982; Shimada and Merkel 1991). In the enforced migration of ethnic craft specialists to
broader socioeconomic context, growth of the new locales under the Chimú and Inka
labor force involved in mining, metallurgy, Empires may suggest possible antecedents of
and metalworking during the Sicán florescence the practice (D'Altroy 1992; Shimada 1992b;
impacted the labor supply for subsistence and Topic 1990), or be interpreted literally as a late
non-metal craft production. This would have and limited practice.
been the case whether the labor force
114
Paddling as a Technological
Tradition in North Coastal Peru
115
Fig. 3. Two small ollas with different paleteada
motifs from Late Middle Sicán Burial Xll
PINTURA BLANCA Huaca del Pueblo Batán
Paleteada Potters: Technology, Production Sphere, and Sub-Culture in Ancient
Grande, Peru
Trench Ill, 1982. Draw-
WHITE PAINT
ing by Izumi Shimada.
PALETEADO
PADDLED an exception among modern
Simbilá potters, who do not use a base
mold. Rims, and necks and rims in the
case of jars or ollas, are hand-
modeled from coils on ancient and
modern paleteada. Vessel chamber walls
are still formed by adding clay
fillets or thick coils above the base.
Paddle strikes accomplish vessel
shaping or wall consolidation when
applied against a small anvil pressed
upon the interior surface. Impact
limited to the domestic unit may
o 3 be readily
incorporated in
production of
paleteada for
CM exchange.
Paddling contrasts strikingly
against the anvil, commonly a

handheld, relatively flat and smooth
cobblestone, or even the hand itself,
effectively removes air PALETEADO
pockets and fosters bonding of
tempered clay coils or slabs.
Although paddle strikes, when wielded
by modern skilled potters, are quite
consistent in strength, as astutely
observed by Kroeber and Muelle
(1942), vessel wall thinning is more
116 effectively accomplished by scraping
with sherds or gourd pieces.3 Thus,
household production techniques
Comparing indirect technological Arnold in this volume),

evidence from examination of ancient allows the ability to
vessels or direct observation of modern duplicate the same image,
potters at work yields highly consistent but at the cost of
results that justify reference to imposing complexity on
paleteada potting as a technological labor organization and
tradition in northern Peru. This additional space demands.
technology has long been contrasted Mold potting fosters
with press-molding of utilitarian segmentation of labor and
pottery, which prevailed in the same increases the toolkit to allow for
period south of the Jequetepeque production of molds. Mold technology
valley up to the Spanish conquest also works against the flexible
(Collier 1959; Kroeber and conditions and scheduling within
Muelle 1942; Schaedel which paleteada potting can be
1979). The physical accommodated in households where
features of ancient one potter starts, develops, and finishes
paleteada and the observed each vessel.
process of creating a
modern vessel document use For as long as paleteada has been produced,
of the paddle-and-anvil workshop-level variability in the potting
principle in the same toolkit could be expected between
ways. In this paper, the synchronous production units as potters
designation "paleteada" recognized a particular advantage from adding
subsumes vessel shaping, or substituting tools used in the process. The
paste consolidation of the tool inventory, however, when it includes a
vessel between base and bowl form for base formation, shell, gourd,
rim, and decorative sherd or other small scraper, paddle, and anvil
stamping of at least the stone, remains simple, small, and highly
upper chamber. Bases of portable. Current and archaeologically studied
paleteada vessels were paddles together document use of paddles with
formed in antiquity by use both sides plain, or with one side plain and one
of concave potter's plate with one or more motif templates, or with
or application of a mold, motif templates on both sides. Despite some
as is the case today. modern substitutions of materials (see below),
Lanning (1963) reported there is remarkable consistency between the
press-molding of utility observed modern paleteada toolkit and those
ware, which Schaedel noted that would have been necessarily utilized to
was predominant south of produce the archaeological vessels we have
the Chicama valley (1979), studied.
while paleteada was
prevalent from Paleteada vessel decoration was readily
Jequetepeque northward at applied by simply turning a mixed-surface
least to Piura, and has paddle to its relief side, or switching from a
been documented as far plain paddle to another incised with a motif
north as Túmbes (Lanning template. The resulting relief design was
1963). Press-molding, usually limited to the vessel shoulder,
which may or may not regardless of size or function of the vessel
represent actual mass (Fig. 3). The potter was thus able to
production (see Cummins accomplish nearly all steps between forming
1994, also in this volume; the vessel base and applying the rim by
117
repeating paddle strikes against an anvil. behavioral, social, and material

Kroeber and Muelle (1942) long ago had organization of pottery production
sufficient understanding of the late prehispanic within individual households, and how
paddle-and-anvil technique on the North Coast it articulates with other daily and
to point out that its decorative aspect is what seasonal activities.4 Archaeological
sets it apart. With addition of decoration by implications of the Mórrope study deal
paddle template came the finishing of the with direct historical analogy of
vessel chamber by repeating the same process production techniques and organization
that shaped it; a process that could be carried of production, and site formation
out by the same potter, simply by turning over processes. Shimada's findings about
or switching paddles when the wall was the dynamic quality of the "built
adequately formed. It is that extra step, the environment," in this instance the
application of motifs by paddling, that three-dimensional space used for
identifies paleteada as a pottery style and, as potting and other activities over time,
argued below, a production sphere and sub- raise questions about identifying
culture in Sicán society. remains of three-dimensional activity
areas in the largely two-dimensional
Given the advantages of limited toolkit and the
archaeological record. His
effectiveness of its application, it is not
observations also lead to questioning
surprising that the paddle-and-anvil technique
assumptions commonly made about
was maintained for centuries prehistorically.
"productivity" and "specialization"
Its survival into modern times, however, is
with regard to ancient domestic
strongly indicative of a family and cultural
industry potting.
identity bound up with the potter's occupation,
and leads us to suggest paleteada potters may Mórrope was a traditional Muchik
have been a distinct sub-culture in Sicán village at the time Heinrich Briining
society. Today, paddle-and-anvil technology photographed local residents making
persists as the primary vessel formation pottery there in the late nineteenth
technique of potters in Mórrope, Simbilá, and century (Schaedel 1988).5 Located near
Chulucanas. Some of these potters apply the termini of two seasonal rivers that
paddle motif templates to decorate their flow into the southern edge of the
vessels (normally after the vessel formation), Sechura Desert, Ríos Hondo and
which represents the true persistence of the Motupe, the modern village of
paleteada tradition. The young learn paleteada Mórrope numbered about 4,000
potting by asking questions of their elders and persons, with 10 extended families (by
helping with lower-risk phases of the process surname) in or outside the village
(see below). This acculturation method further engaged in paddle potting at the time
justifies regarding paleteada potting as a of Shimada's study. 6 The Mórrope
generation-to-generation tradition that may District as a whole suffers from
once have been indicative of a sub-cultural perennial water shortages for
identity. agriculture, while its geology offers
conditions more favorable to potting. 7
Ethnoarchaeological Study Slack water from occasional flooding
deposits fine clay throughout this
of Pottery Production in poorly drained area. Only at times of
Mórrope, Peru heavy precipitation in the adjacent
The ethnoarchaeological study Andean highlands and during El Niño
conducted by Izumi Shimada among events do local rivers carry any
paddle potters of Mórrope had as its significant amounts of water, and only
principal aims clarifying the then might agriculture be favored. In
118
sum, Mórrope has exactly the sort of

environmental conditions that would
be expected to stimulate the
development of community-level craft
specialization, especially potting (see
Arnold 1985; Shimada 1994a).
In general, the Mórrope District is
characterized by chala environment (Pulgar
1987). Natural vegetation is
119
largely limited to dispersed growth of algarrobo households and only three surnames in the
(Prosopis pallida), zapote (Capparis angulata), campiña of "La Colorada," northeast of
and vichayo (Capparis ovalifolio). 8 Small Mórrope. Before 1943 they were clustered in
subsistence-oriented chacras (agricultural an area called "La Ollería" some 2—3 km
plots), houses, numerous small prehistoric northwest. Although today no potter resides in
mounds covered by shells, and some active La Ollería, its name is derived from the
sand dunes are other notable features of the familiar olla, or cooking pot, and may refer to
Mórrope landscape. In spite of the above where such vessels were made, sold, or have
limitations, the principal economic activities of simply accumulated. 12 The "maestro" of the La
Mórrope inhabitants are agriculture and fishing. Colorada potters, who was born in 1913,
9
Mórrope is also well known for traditional describes what seems to have been long
chicha (lightly fermented maize beer) established economic specialization by
production (Schaedel 1988:117-122). settlement and barter arrangement.13
There are several dispersed enclaves of pottery- Potting is primarily an adult male task,
producing households in and around the town although there are at least two known cases of
of Mórrope. Shimada conducted much of the women (one daughter and one wife) mixing
field observation and interviewing in the "old" clay and making pottery. Active potters at the
part of town along west sides of the Río time of the survey noted that they learned by
Mórrope. Six households (representing four watching, asking questions, and being given
surnames) out of approximately 25 in the informal, hands-on training by their family
settlement produced pottery. Marriages members, primarily fathers or uncles. No
between potting families residing in or around formal apprenticeship or forced training is
Mórrope are relatively common. As Bankes indicated. Equipment is usually passed on from
(1985:269) observed, pottery making "has been one generation to the next, although from time
and still is kin-based." These families produce to time new base molds and paddles are made
various forms and sizes of paddled wares, from to replace worn or broken ones.14
traditional 20, 10, and 5 gallon tinajas used
typically for water storage and chicha cooking, Production Stages in the Potters'
cooling, and storage to modern flowerpots and
cooking bowls that are only about 10—15 cm Terms
high (Fig. 4). The small vessels are sold in Mórrope potters were asked to distinguish the stages of
urban markets as far away as Lima. The potters production, primarily of large tinajas, for which both
also sell or barter wares loaded on donkey pack generalized form and specific function (carrying and
trains in rural settlements. Four large tinajas or storing of liquids) persist from prehistoric times.15
more smaller vessels can be loaded per donkey Shimada's questions about stages and organization of
(see fig. 3 in Shimada 1994a:299; photo in the processes elicited critical information relating to
Schaedel 1988: 1 17). 10 perceived risks and cognitive aspects of their
technology (for a developed and ethnographically
Three potting households were established in based approach to cognitive mapping of the potting
the "new" section of Mórrope near its east process, see van der Leeuw 1991, 1992). Morropanos
(main) entrance after the 1972 El Niño flood. recognize three major production stages, each of which
These families concentrate on making small poses risks that can be offset by knowledge and
vessels, primarily flowerpots, to be sold in experience on the part of the potter: (l) procurement of
urban markets in Lambayeque and Chiclayo.11 raw materials, (2) actual pottery making (vessel
The third enclave of potters, formed following formation), and (3) firing.
the 1943 El Niño flood, consists of nine
120
Procurement of Potting Materials

Clay deposits suitable for pottery making are common
in the Mórrope District, yet potters typically obtained
clay either from the family's chacra, which may be near
or several hours away, or by exchanging cash or goods
for clay from another community member's plot. 16 The
ubiquitous aeolian sand is easily collected, but must be
transported to workshops either by burros or carried by
children in small batches put in cloth or plastic bags.
Fluvial sand, which may be coarser, and therefore
desirable as temper for larger vessels, is also available
from the Río Mórrope. Adequate water for potting is
available from the river, irrigation ditches, public and
private wells and is brought by women and girls, or
young boys with burros. Selection and transport of clay
the sizes of vessels to be formed with smaller ones
is critical and controlled by the potters with assistance
requiring somewhat less sand. Systematic mixing is
from their successors. Sand and water, on the other
done by simply stomping or using the feet like wedges
hand, may be brought by anyone, which permits other
to create parallel rows of ridges and troughs (Fig. 5).
members of the family to participate in low-risk
This task, which may take up to an hour, is tiring but
aspects of potting.
critical. Thorough and careful mixing assures an even
Preparing the pottery fabric involves crushing the dried distribution of sand temper and moisture, which in turn
clay lumps (by stomping with feet and hitting lumps gives the clay mass the proper plasticity and texture.
together), wetting the clay, then thoroughly mixing it Elder potters used to let the mixed clay rest for a week
with sand. Crushed clay is placed inside a large wide- or two, while younger potters tend to wait for only few
mouth vessel, to which water is added and left for days. This difference may well explain in part why
several hours to a few days. After mixing with a older vessels last better (do not exfoliate like modern
wooden stick, soaked clay is placed on a bed of sand vessels). A longer "rest" period assures a more even
over heavy cloth or a goat hide on the floor, and, in and thorough distribution of moisture—that is to say,
turn, covered by sand. The clay:sand ratio used by the clay mixture is more homogeneous and
Mórrope potters varies from roughly to 5:2 depending manageable.
to some degree on
Vessel Formation
Fig. 4. A range of vessel sizes
The potting workshop may be physically contiguous to
and forms commonly
produced by the Mórrope other portions of the house and is usually reserved for
potters described in this paper. that use. An adobe-lined hearth for heating water or
Drawing by Izumi Shimada. small-scale cooking may be present. Shimada recorded
one instance of using the same space at different times
for potting and chicha brewing (see below). The focal
121
50
CM
and only permanent feature of the Mórrope

pottery workshops is the workstand, usually a
tall, wide-mouth water storage vessel in
upright position filled with dirt and partially
buried in the ground (Fig. 6). The buried
vessel, or substitute (in one case, a 5 gallon
metal can), provides a stable, adjustable base
on which to begin the three-stage vessel
formation process by molding the base. Molds
are essentially thick-walled vessels the same
size as the vessels to be produced (Fig. 7). 17
The mold is placed upside down on the
workstand and the clay mass is placed on top,
then the clay is pounded and spread over the
mold with a maso, a hardwood implement
junction with an anvil, usually an oval
shaped like a flattened banana. Additional clay
quartzite river cobble (these anvil stones are
is added and continuously beaten in rhythmic,
usually 8—10 cm wide, 10—12 cm long, and
alternating downward and upward movements
4—5 cm thick, and about 0.4 to 0.75 kg in
while the potter rotates around the stationary
weight) held in the hand inside the vessel to
workstand. This movement wears a distinct
even out the walls and roughly shape the
circular groove in the ground around the base
vessel. In cases where potters decorate the
of the workstand (Fig. 8).
vessel, lighter (thinner) paddles with simple
Once formed, the base is separated from the geometric incisions are used together with an
mold and placed upright on the workstand for anvil stone to impress designs on the exterior.
developing, shaping, and consolidating the At this point, a large vessel is dried for all or
chamber. Coils or fillets of clay fabric are part of a day in a shaded, well-ventilated
added for building the walls (Fig. 9). A heavy storage room or under a ramada to harden
palmeta or plain paddle (Fig. 10) is used in enough for adding the rim coil to finish the
con- vessel (Fig. 11). Smaller vessels may not
require this preliminary drying. After the rim is
added, shaped with the fingers and smoothed
by wiping with a wet cloth, the vessel is
formed and needs to be dried enough for firing
(Fig. 12).
122
An experienced potter can roughly form (i.e., consumed obtaining fuel depends on the size and
complete the body without rim) up to 50 small number of vessels to be fired, number of persons and
flowerpots or 10 large (20 gallon) tinajas per burros available for gathering, and the distance to
potting day. Output might be calculated to firewood sources. 20 Firewood, alternatively, may be
provide the quantity suitable for a planned purchased. In addition, the well-desiccated manure of
firing, the third and most risk-laden stage of goats, burros, cows, and other animals as well as dried
the process. The technique and sequence grasses and vichayo are gathered or bought to fill gaps
described above produces highly consistent left in firewood covering the vessels to be fired.
vessels, despite the variabiliFig. 5. Potter using To prepare the kiln, the potter and helpers, usually
his feet to mix clay and sand on a goat hide male relatives, dig an elliptical depression about 20—
placed on the floor. Note the systematic 30 cm in depth or clean and/or modify an existing
concentric ridges created by his right foot oven. The oven varies in size depending on the number
which he uses like a wedge. Photograph by and size of vessels to be fired, but is commonly about
Izumi Shimada. 3.5—5 by 3—4 m. Potters in the village of Mórrope
build kilns close, even contiguous to their workshops
(Fig. 13).
Walls of surrounding structures block drafts that might
affect temperature control during firing. Potters living
ty inherent in handmade pottery. Two dozen 20 gallon in the countryside, however, who may have more of a
tinajas with median height of 71 cm and body diameter choice about where to build kilns, opt to keep their
of 48 cm produced by a maestro showed less than 2 cm homes free of smoke and ash by digging them as far as
variation in height and body diameter. 40 m away.
Vessel Firing: The Riskiest Stage of Pottery Vessels ready for firing are transported from the
storage place to an area close to the oven by available
Production members of the household. Vessels are preheated by
Firing was consistently cited as the most critical stage
of pottery production. Riskiest decisions related to
firing are left to the household's most experienced
potter, but younger potters participate in the process.
Factors such as daily production or number of
accumulated, dried vessels, available manpower to
gather fuel, storage space, and market or cash demands
influence frequency and timing of firing. With regard
to vessels themselves, the major decision concerns
when drying is complete. 18 A whitish color on the
vessel exterior usually signals adequate drying; the
reason for its appearance is undetermined. Once pots
are available and a firing is scheduled, the critical
stages consist of gathering fuel, preparing the oven,
transporting dried vessels to the kiln site, preheating
vessels, loading the kiln, thorough covering of the kiln,
and deciding when to let the coals cool down.
Gathering large quantities of quality fuel is a major
task. The main hardwood fuel used by the potters is
zapote, which is in diminishing supply. 19 Time
123
aligning them on or beside an 8 to 10 m long ridge and

1 to 2 m wide ridge of smoldering cattle and donkey
dung (called guano) and hot ash.21 Smaller pieces of
firewood are placed at the bottom of the oven. Large
preheated vessels are then placed upright in the oven,
and the open spaces between them, as well as along the
perimeter of the oven, are filled with layers of smaller
vessels (Fig. 14). The number of layers varies with the
size of the vessels involved. There might be up to five
or six levels of small flowerpots alone, but different
sizes are commonly mixed in firing, and some potters
who live near each other share the risk and economy of
a common firing.
Fig. 7. The mold of
Vessels are then carefully and thoroughly covered by a large tinaja
compared with the
fired, fin-
centimeters ished
product. Drawing by
Fig. 6. Outdoor pottery-making stands in household Izumi o
workshop in the hamlet of La Colorada. One stand
supports the inverted mold near paddles at the base of a 40 Shimada.
post. At left is the water container with pieces of cloth
used for "wiping" and smoothing the neck and rim.
This photograph was taken by Izumi Shimada during
the potlarge pieces of long-lasting firewood, which in
turn are covered by layers of large sherds (near the
edges) and small sherds (on top) (Fig. 15). Lastly, the
sherd layer is covered by dung, except for an opening
left at one end of the oven for lighting the fire. Actual
firing may last anywhere from eight hours for small
flowerpots to three full days for large vessels. The fire
dies out within several hours but the kiln is left intact
until the red "coals" are
ter's lunch break ca. 1:00 p.m.
124
Fig. 8. Plane-table map of pottery wor

Mórrope. This map was made ca. 11 a.m. while pottery
was
being made. sleep until the
Drawing by firing is done,
Izumi and only the
Shimada. experienced
actually take
care of the kiln.
Such a degree of
concern is
thoroughly
understandable
consumed and when one
the whole kiln realizes that up
cools down to 90% of the
enough to fired vessels may
permit handling have to be
the fired vessels. discarded due to
complete
Usually the
UNFIREDbreakage or
highest VESSEL
temperature and cracks that
STORAGE
the most stable develop during
and critical firing firing. However,
condition is a loss of 4—8%
achieved just as of vessels
the fire begins to through
die down and breakage and
the firewood cracking is
becomes red normal. The
coals. The shallow pit kilns
potters of Mórrope,
themselves though not fuel-
emphasize the efficient, do
importance of a attain
long period temperatures
during which the well over 800 0
kiln gradually and up to ca.
0000
cools down both 1000—1100 0 C
for thorough (Salazar
firing and to Rodríguez et al.
avoid cracks or 1993) for
breakage. For a thorough firing
long firing, a 24 of large
POTTERY WORKSHOP hour watch is tinajas.22
AND LIVING AREA maintained to Scheduling of
VILLAGE OF MORROPE assure even firing is highly
2 4 5 distribution of variable from
heat and air. The one potter to
potter does not another. 23 Most
125
potters fire duces flowerpots for dispersed nature of the households, and vice
before the nearby urban markets Mórrope clay sources, versa, even for domestic
accumulated lot year-round laments the for example, implies industry potting. The
exceeds six to difficulties of making that specific "waster" sherds selected
seven dozen 10 pots during the wet determination of for use in firing at
gallon tinajas, or months of December to archaeological clay Mórrope represent a
fewer 20 gallon
March or April. The sources in similar fairly limited range of
tinajas. More
heaviest rains, or environments would be vessel shapes and sizes,
typically,
however, a aguacero are, in fact, problematical. It might being mostly from the
single firing lot is rare. In general, most be more productive to large vessels rather than
about three or potters in the older part follow strategies to from the full range of
four dozen 10 or of town and in the differentiate dispersed wares actually being
20 gallon tinajas, countryside produce vs. localized production fired (tinajas to
with or without during much of the year, through chemical flowerpots). This
several dozen while engaging in either content of pottery and suggests that
small fishing/shellfish sampling of regional estimations of sizes and
flowerpots. gathering and/or, more clays to establish forms based on wasters
commonly, farming. In profiles, as suggested by found in and around
Scheduling ofPotting fact, many of them Arnold ( 1994).
The considerable identify themselves as Identification of the
variation in scheduling farmers rather than paddle potter's
of Mórrope pottery potters. The nature of workstand as described
production is plotted the markets also by Shimada as an
here in terms of one influences scheduling, imbedded large tinaja
calendar year (Fig. 16). as Shimada found that with a circular path
Thefrio (cold spell) and rural potters who barter worn around it may
lluvia (thick fog or or sell their vessels offer a useful analogy in
drizzle) were the two locally tend to work identifying prehistoric
major factors fewer months, in potting sites.
mentioned as contrast to town potters Differentiation of base
influencing production who sell their products mold and finished vessel
in urban markets, even fragments, on the other
schedules of individual
as far away as Lima. hand, might prove very
potters. A potter living
difficult, unless entire
in the Pueblo Joven of
Mórrope who proFig. Implications for molds with smoothed
edges were found. The
9. Wooden paddle Archaeological resemblance of base
(maso) being used to
form the body of a
Research molds to basins or large
Shimada's plates might likewise
large tinaja over a
ethnoarchaeological cause them to go
mold. Photograph by
study of Mórrope unrecognized.
Izumi Shimada.
potters raises questions
Kiln location as
about archaeological
documented, especially
recognition of
in the countryside,
production sites and
cannot be assumed to be ovens may be highly
stages. The small and
contiguous to misleading, due to
126
selection of large His wife spent often three

sherds as refractive much of the underestimated dimensions
kiln covers. remaining or simply
daytime ignored in the
The Mórrope
preparing chicha largely two-
potting study
in the same dimensional
also provides
room (compare documentation
evidence of the
Fig. 13, a and and analysis of
time-dependent
b). 24 This associated
and vertical or
finding calls artifacts in situ.
"stratified" use
into question Not all artifacts
of space and
criteria for that we find on
attendant
recognition of the excavated
changes in the
activity areas in floors are
composition and
ancient societies floorcontext
configuration of
where space artifacts, but
artifacts found
available for may have been
in a traditional
specialized hanging from
pottery-making Fig. 11 .
"built the ceiling or on
workshop. Finished vessels
environment" surrounding
Consider the dry under a
was at a walls. In such
case of one ramada in a
premium. typical site
Mórrope potter household
Vertically formation
who prepared potting
stratified and processes as
clay on a goat workshop in the
time-adjusted house collapse,
hide in a room settlement of La
(e.g., diurnal vs. objects that
with a sandy Colorada.
nocturnal, dry were stored at
"floor" early in Photograph by
vs. wet season) various heights
the morning. Izumi Shimada.
use of space is and related in
become
deposited on or
near the floor.
They are thus
found primarily
in two-
dimensional
association.
Their original
chronological
significance in
being used at
different times
of the day or
year becomes
127
difficult to ing of depositional or that they are skilled in levels are constrained by
establish "archaeological the craft of pottery assumptions that "part-
without the cues formation" processes making, but at the same time specialists" and
given by (e.g., Schiffer 1972) by time, do not specialize "multiple occupations"
finding groups considering the use of on a full-time basis. worked only in
of objects all three dimensions of Much like the Collique household- or cottage-
hanging up space as well as diurnal potters transplanted to level production.25
above the vs. nocturnal or seasonal Cajamarca as mitimas Archaeological
activity floor, use of limited "built (Espinoza 1969—70; definition of
while another space." Shimada's work see Hayashida, this productivity may be
group may be in Mórrope indicates volume), they are even more problematic.
assembled on that ethnoarchaeological potterscum- In Mórrope,
the floor. studies can address agriculturalists or productivity, if
these issues, by potters-cum-fishermen measured in quantity of
Overall, archaeologists
providing such data as who have the ability and vessels made by each
need to improve
potting household, is
highly variable. Output
is influenced by the
number and nature of
the consumers, whether
dis-
three-dimensional means to be largely self-

understand- mapping of artifacts sufficient. Although
Fig. 10. Range of tools over the course of a day "part-time specialists"
used in vessel
formation by Mórrope and a season, and "multiple
potters: narrow occupations" may be
(mazos) and wide Problems involved in
conceptually tenable,
(palmetas) paddles, archaeological
are archaeologists
and cobblestones used identification of craft
capable of identifying
as anvils. Photograph specialization are
by Izumi Shimada. these situations in the
particularly acute at
field (see also Rice
domestic industry
1987)? Discussions of
levels. For example,
craft specialization at
Mórrope potters are
various organizational
specialists in the sense
128
persed local people who barter or urban shoppers inferences about the decision-making processes of
who demand flowerpots as well as or instead of ancient craftsmen. Heavy dependence on indirect
traditional vessels. Additionally, although each evidence of production and archaeometric data of
household has only one actual potter, the amount discarded products or byproducts compounds this
of assistance available to him by household varies. problem. As Lemonnier (1992) so astutely points
The stages that immediately precede firing are out, understanding constituent materials alone
significantly affected by the number of does not enable prediction of the technological
"productive" offspring and other relatives. Pottery choices made for transforming them into useful or
production, fishing/shellfish gathering, and beautiful objects, due to socially conditioned
agriculture form a dynamic equilibrium and the factors acting upon available alternative
relative importance or duration of any component techniques. Eliciting insights of professional
is subject to factors that cannot be readily potters or metalsmiths working with traditional
controlled, among them availability of irrigation crafts and techniques would be highly valuable at
water, harvest quality and size, and El Niño events. various stages of archaeological analysis and
A good harvest of maize, however, could increase interpretation (cf. Ehrenreich 1991; Shimada
the amount of chicha that could be made by a 1995b).
potter's wife for sale or barter. It is difficult to
ascertain whether archaeological interpretations Modern Paleteada Potters of
of "productivity" approximate potential or
achieved productivi ty. Mórrope: The Basis for Direct
Elsewhere Shimada has called for a "holistic
Historical Analogy
perspective" on resource procurement, use, and We regard the ethnographic evidence gathered by
manufacturing activities (e.g., Shimada 1985b, []c, Shimada (1985a, 1994a) and others (including
1995b). This perspective encompasses the entire Bankes 1985) as selectively suitable for direct
process of resource use and manufacturing historical analogy. For various reasons we infer
activities through mundane to ritual uses of the that the Mórropano potterymaking tradition dates
products. Though for heuristic purposes back to the prehispanic era. The paleteada
archaeologists may distinguish "stages" in craft techniques used for vessel formation and
production such as metallurgy and pottery making, decoration today in Mórrope appear to be
they are in reality closely interdependent and essentially the same as those of the prehispanic
integrated. Although Mórrope potters clearly era, although decorative stamping today is
defined stages of pottery production, they did so confined in Mórrope to a few potters who utilize it
within a unifying framework of risk assessment on flowerpots and small ollas. Although this study
from start to finish. Yet, too often, archaeological questions the very idea of recognizing parttime
studies of ancient craft production focus on a specialization in the archaeological record, the
single stage or detach a segment from these documented use of domestic space for part-time
integrated processes, which may result in potting over time in Mórrope provides strong
questionable perception or projection of indices of direct historical analogy between prehistoric and
"productivity" and scale and complexity of modern domestic industry production of paddle-
associated sociopolitical organizations. and-anvil tinajas and ollas.
Further, archaeologists who lack personal Like their ancient counterparts, vessels of varied
experience or expertise in the craft under study forms and sizes produced by the potters in the
often feel qualified, nonetheless, to make Mórrope District are fairly porous due to the
relatively coarse
note that
countrys
ide
a potters
produce
more
tradition
al,
heavier
vessels
made of
"rougher
" clay,
that is,
coarser
paste.
Country
b side
potters
argue, in
turn,
ADOBE
that
town
pottery
c
Fig. 12. Formation of a tinaja rim by adding and is of
shaping a clay coil. Photograph by Izumi Shimada. lower
2
quality,
123 Fig. 13. Plane-table maps of a small pottery
breaking
workshop in Mórrope showing how the artifact ADOBE WALL
more
composition and configuration changes during the often
course of a day. (a) Shows the workshop and
easily
paste. They than
are well their
suited for the own.
intended Both
uses of groups,
vessels however
produced in , agree
this area— that the
liquid ancient
storage, pottery
chicha of los
preparation, gentiles
cooking, and was
flower more
planting. 26 elaborat
The Mórrope ely
town potters decorate
130
DUN Fig. 14. Cross-sectional
SHERDS—••
G view of a charged and
LARG Shimada.
EBOWL
S
TINAJAS
—
TWIGS—
d and better preparing clay 6. vertical support 25. area where

made. to be used later (post) chicha is
The in the day; (b) 7. wooden paddles cooked
potting shows the 26. large tinaja
8. olla with cloth
toolkit same area at for sifting
for wiping
reflects a ca. 11:00 a.m. ground
vessels
mixture of when his wife 9. stone anvil maize
traditional is busy 10. sacks of fine 27. recently
and modern preparing sand made
materials,
chicha, with (c) 11. tinaja mold on vessels
but the
the nearby potting stand drying
traditional
open-air kiln. 12. sand piled on a 28. large cloth
predominate
(see below). This workshop cloth for mixing
The general is considerably sand and
13. mold for
issue of risk smaller than wet clay
smaller tinaja
assessment that shown in 29. large
14. large tinaja
by potters Fig. 8 and tinajas for
containing
relates today mainly fermenting
moist clay
as in the past produces small chicha
15. tinaja full of
to resource flowerpots.
water 30. large
procurement, Note the
16. stick for mixing sherds for
scheduling proximity of
clay covering
of the workshop
17. large cloth with kiln
production, to an open-air
pile of wet, 31. bags of ash
and kiln. Drawing
definition mixed clay and 32. ash pile
by Izumi
and sand 33. area where
Shimada.
prioritization 18. tinaja for vessels are
Numbered
of storing cooked preheated
features are as
production chicha before
follows:
steps. 19. storage area for firing in
1. fired
Acculturatio vessels cooked chicha kiln; note
n of young rows of ash
2. entry 20. cooking ollas
potters Paleteada and
follows an 3. algarrobo 21. firewood
22. hearth Sicán
oral and beam
23. table 24. open Material
"hands-on" 4. 5-gallon
practical vessel for Culture:
can
tradition. 5. wooden mixing ground
at ca. 9:00 a.m. bench maize with
when the potter is water
131
"pological archaeological sites studied by the potting

paleteada were Proyecto Arqueológico from
and limited by de Sicán from 1978 to late
Chronologica reliance on the present enable more Moche
surface comprehensive and and
l Definition, collections and comparative data possibly
Relations of lack of analysis than was earlier
knowledge or possible in previous times. 27
Production, understanding archaeological studies. Lanning
and of associated
The plain
(1963)
northern North reported
Sociocultural Coast pottery
paddle-and-
the
Relationships anvil
types from presence
technique
Members of the Sicán through of plain
was used as
Proyecto ChimúInka paddled
a vessel-
Arqueológico de times. wares
shaping
Sicán have studied and
We offer a working process in
excavated paleteada paddled
characterization and both the
in terms of its wares
chronology of Piura and
documentation of decorate
changing features of Lambayeque
typologically useful d by
prehistoric paleteada areas prior to
and chronologically steps
pottery in the Batán the
meaningful features other
Grande region based appearance
(Cleland n.d.; Elera than use
on a well-dated of true
n.d.a; Pickett of a
sample excavated paleteada,
1981), while paddle
from the deep, which, by
examining it for in the
stratified site of definition,
direct evidence of archaeol
Huaca del Pueblo incorporates
how it was made ogical
Batán Grande motif paddle
and decorated, and collectio
(HPBG) and also on stamping as
for indirect ns he
nearby sites (Fig. decorative
evidence to be studied
17). Chronological technique.
inferred on the from
control for this study Plain
organization of near
is excellent, due to paddling
production and Sechura,
radiocarbon dates was used in
associated social in the
from numerous the Batán
relations (Cleland lower
stratified primary Grande area
n.d.; Cleland and Piura
context charcoal in tandem
Shimada 1986, valley.
samples. HPBG was with other
1994; Hayashida He
occupied from ca. techniques
1994, 1995, also in dated
A.D. 450 to modern suggestive
this volume; paddle-
times (ca. A.D. of more
Shimada 1985b, c, decorate
1950). The broader complicated
1990; Tschauner et d wares
contexts of stages and
al. 1994). Prior from
domestic, industrial, decision-
efforts to near
public, and making
characterize Piura
restricted elite Sicán processes in
132
later than the relativel d material appeara

plain y dated farther south nce of
Sechura no (Kroeber and true
paletead
a sherds
at
HPBG
was in
an
immedia
tely post
—
Moche
V
context
(ca.
A.D.
800).
One
bears a
relativel
paddled earlier Muelle y large
wares of his than the 1942) or interloc
Sechura beginnin included king
phases D— g of the sites farther geometr
E. While it Middle south along ic
remains Horizon with Piura design,
uncertain , survey similar
whether contemp (Ishida to that
paleteada orary 1960). The of a
originated in with late totality of pressAN
Lambayeque Moche their NUAL
, Piura, or V. illustrated PRODU
elsewhere, it Paletead motifs have CTION
should be a motifs been SCHED
noted that have documented ULE IN
forming been in the Batán MORR
utility vessel illustrate Grande area, OPE
chambers by d by where a
M
paddling Lanning much wider
o
predates (1963) range of n
paleteada in and motif types t
both regions, other and sizes is h
and that all investig known (see s
paleteada ators below). Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May
June July Aug. Sept.
surface- who Od. Nov. Dec.
The first
collected by surface Hot Summer
documented
Lanning was collecte Cool Winter
133
Occa
siona
Fig. 16. northeast wall of Batán Grande
l Schematic Huaca Las pyramid 29
Rajn
s representation Ventanas, a major
of the
Paletea
da was established in the Batán
"scheduling" of P molded low-
Potter A o
major t relief Moche V
economic t sherd 28 We can
e
activities for state
r
potters y confidently
c interviewed for that by A.D.
this study. M
900, the
a
Fig. 15. Open-air k beginning of
i
kiln being prepared n
the Early
for firing. The g Middle Sicán
basal layer of dried cultural period
grasses and twigs
is already in place. (Table 1),
Vessels to be fired F paleteada was
a
will be placed r firmly
directly on this m
bed. The large established in
i
black sacks on the n the
margin of the kiln g Lambayeque
contain dry animal region. The
dung that will Fis
constitute the h ware may very
topmost layer. The i well have been
large fragments of n
g accepted for
tinajas around the / kitchen and
kiln will be used as S
a refractive kiln h
storage use
cover under the e before it was
dried dung. l
fully accepted
Photograph by: l
Izumi Shimada. f as a vehicle
i suitable for
s
h food offerings
buried with the
dead. The
G earliest
a
t documentation
h of paleteada as
e
r grave offering
i known thus far
n
g comes from an
Early Middle
134
Sicán cemetery in precious domination of enabled or

outside the metals or as the region is depended on
Grande region the principal addressed in-migration of
about the time motif on fine, specifically in craft (and
of the Middle burnished analyzing perhaps even
Sicán pottery.30 The paleteada agricultural)
florescence. By question of the sherds from labor.
then, the relationship Huaca del
Overall, analysis of
masked central between the Pueblo (HPBG) archaeological
figure, or arrival of and nearby paleteada from about
HUACA DEL PUEBLO BATAN GRANDE

TRENCH 4 83, EAST PROFILE
FLOOR4.
ROOM 38
F5,R38/F11,
R33
Fi,R41
R41
6, R41
CM
Fig. 17. Complex stratigraphy at Huaca del Pueblo Batán Grande, Trench IV, east profile. Drawing by
Izumi Shimada.
"Sicán Lord" paleteada sites. More
A.D. 850—1450 has
(Fig. 18), in potters or their generally, the
been conducted on
Sicán technique and expanding samples from the
iconography the timing of Sicán economy deep stratigraphy of
was depicted Sicán cultural may have the tell-like Huaca del
135
Pueblo (HPBG), with paleteada consumed at HPBG, as Chimú Shimada 1985,

occasional samples at this commoner site succeeded Sicán and 1992a; Shimada
incorporated from in prehistoric times. 31 as Inka succeeded 1985b, c, 1990).
other Middle Sicán Motif and paste Chimú as the Briefly: bottle
sites, including Huaca analysis of paleteada dominant culture in bases increased
Las Ventanas, Huaca from Huaca del Pueblo the region. in height, and
La Botija at the Sicán (HPBG) was conducted A cursory cut-out,
Precinct (Shimada on a sample of 630 overview of champlevé
1990), and the Late sherds, or one-third of time-sensitive geometric
Horizon site of Tambo a collection of 1860 attributes in motifs
Real (Hayashida, this sherds from Early burnished appeared on
volume). We note Middle Sicán through bottles is late Middle and
general chronological Chimú and Chimú-lnka adequate to our Late Sicán
trends in motifs, cultural stratigraphy. It present bases; vessel
paddles, and rim was important to purpose of chambers
Table 1 . Chronological framework for Batán Grande cultural succession
Date Relative sequence* La Leche Valley culture
A.D. 1470-1532 Late Horizon Chimú-lnka
A.D. 1375-1470 Chimú
A.D. 1350-1400 Sicán-Chimú Transition
A.D. 1100-1350 Late Sicán
A.D. 900—1100 Late Intermediate Middle Sicán
A.D. 800-900 Early Sicán
A.D. 750-800 Moche-Sicán Transition
A.D. 550-750 Middle Horizon Late Moche
A.D. 200-550 Middle Moche; Late
A.D. 100-200 Gallinazo
100 B.C.E.—A.D. 100
Early Moche; Gallinazo
Gallinazo
400-1 OO B.C.E. Early Intermediate Undefined
(Late Formative)
1200—400 B.C.E. Early Horizon Cupisnique (Chólope)
(Formative)
2200-1200 B.C.E. Initial Period Undefined
pre-2200 B.C.E. Preceramic Undefined
*Dates agree generally with Rowe and Menzel (1967).
shapes. In addition to study a long sequence illustrating the became
these general in order to look for separate proportionately
changes, the variety of change at the critical chronologies of smaller and
motif types and their culture successions at fine and more spherical,
lack of correlation to Chimú and Inka. This paddled wares. except during
paste type at HPBG archaeological The blackware Early Middle
attest to the evidence strongly bottle Sicán, when a
persistence of small supports stasis in chronology has squat,
and independent organization of been detailed oblate
production units production of the elsewhere sphere was
supplying the paleteada consumed (Cleland and common;
136
spouts l diagnostic of
increased e f the "Sicán
in height a Lord" appeared
and became S c
more during the
i e
slender c Chimú and Inka
from Early á f domination of
Middle to n r the region
Late Sicán, o (Narváez
and face- d m 1995). Only
neck e
imagery was during Early
p H
expressed i u Middle-Middle
initially c a Middle Sicán
as an t c (ca. A.D. 900-
anthropomor i a 1000) did
phic bird o there appear
head in n d
Early to be any
e
Sicán, then o l linkage
appeared as f between
the P imagery of
previously t u ideologically
mentioned h e charged
masked face e b
through burnished
l
Middle " o bottles and
Sicán, then S Batán domestic
disappeared i Grande, Trench paleteada, and
entirely c this was
Ill, 1982.
from á
Drawing by limited to
n
Kathryn M. secondary
L Cleland and elements on
F Izumi Shimada. bottles, as
i will be
g explained
. below.
1 Three general
8 classes of
.
2 paleteada
designs were
A
n identified
C archaeological
o
E r M ly, with all
a d the neck area three set
r " apart in both
l of Late Sicán
y bottles. A content and
m chronology.
a similar
M personage Class G (for
s
i k without the geometric)
d e "winged eyes" consists of
d d small,
137
abstract important to this smelting, which was

elements, and study is the fact that a
may be geometricmotif
curvilinear or groups persisted once
quadrilinear introduced at HPBG,
in form (Fig. albeit with great
19). The variability. Motif
earliest of elements may appear Fig. 20. A
these at HPBG in isolation, as sample of
are simple, 4 cm continuous chains, or trianglebased
including in combination with and connected
frets, hooks, other elements, a geometric (G)
and diamonds motifs termed
Closed elements, diachronic variability "dentate." All
that have a that supports
square, diamond, are from Late
dot within. persistence of many Sicán contexts
circle, triangle, and
All geometric independent at Huaca del
D-shape, may be
paleteada Pueblo Batán
solid, open, or production units.
motifs are Grande (from
concentric and Diversity within rubbings).
derived from
multiple. When common motif Drawing by
the following Kathryn M.
configured in chains, groups such as
short lists of Cleland.
they may be bordered dentate, an arbitrary
analogous
by one or more term for a chain of
linear/quadril
parallel lines. solid triangles, also
inear and
supports multiplicity
curvilinear Typologies of of production units principal
forms: paleteada motifs have without centralized activity
Linear/Quadrilineabeen attempted by supervision (Fig. 20). performed at
r various investigators
Late Middle Sicán the site during
line or zig-zag (Cleland n.d.; Elera Middle Middle
n.d.a; Ishida 1960; was the peak period
of paleteada and Late
square or diamondKroeber and Muelle Middle Sicán.
(hatching) 1942; Pickett 1981). deposition at HPBG.
This may be due to Cached
triangle All these recognize
the relationship of paleteada ollas
fret 15 to 20 geometric
paleteada to that may have
groups, but are
Fig. 19. Examples of
simple and compound
paleteada forms based on
the basic geometric shapes: line or zigzag, square or diamond, triangle, fret, rolling wave, dot or circle, D-
shape, hook or spiral.
Drawing by Kathryn M.
Cleland.
arbitrary breakdowns subsistence and other

2 cm
of overlapping and activities in
highly similar connection with
forms.32 More arsenical bronze contained
138
ceremonial changes Grande, Trench occurs

offerings at the continued to IV, 1983. regardless
Drawing by of time
abandonment of occur in mass- Kathryn M.
the smelters produced Cleland. period. We
were found moldmade interpret
with a furnace bottles, the
set (Fig. 21); however, as irregularit
regular food champlevé 2 y of L-G
motif
consumption bases
activities during dominated placement
the work day during Late cm as evidence
may account for Middle Sicán, that they
paleteada and then Sicán were
sherds in the Lord face-neck applied by
area. At least imagery totally concentric paddles,
ten discrete disappeared circles, or rather than
motifs appeared from the spout combination by more
during Middle base of the s, all of conventiona
which often l "stamps"
Sicán, among distinctive tall-
run 4 to 5 that are
them dentate, spouted Late
open triangle, Sicán bottles. cm in usually
and zig-zag. diameter. pressed at
Group L-G There is a about a 90
There was no
(large trend degree
apparent
geometric) toward angle to
innovation in
motifs are closer the vessel
Class G motif
likely to occur vertical wall at
elements after
as more widely placement highly
about A.D.
spaced single of these regular
1100. Spacing
imprints, which larger intervals.
between motif
indicates that geometric Lanning
repetitions
paddles were motifs in (1963)
tends to
single-motif late noted this
decrease over prehistoric sort of
templates for
time when times, distinction
this group.
earlier and later while between
Examples of L-
Class G are horizontal paddle
G motifs
compared. overlap decoration
include large
Vessel rims, and
frets,
rather than the "medallion"
motifs Fig. 22. An stamping in
decorating the example of the comparing
chambers of the "creature" motif
with salient Simbilá
same vessels, stamped
tongue, from a
were the locus paleteada sherd, wares with
of readily Early Middle paleteada
observable Sicán strata, bearing
change. 33 Major Huaca del
larger
Pueblo Batán
139
motifs in gy and reflect Several design bottles in the

the Piura beliefs, elements of Brüning Museum
area. symbols, valued Group L reflect in Lambayeque,
objects, and what we believe all located on
Group L sociopolitical to be central the upper
(logograph offices in cult imagery of vessel chamber
ic) is material the Sicán, (Fig. 23) 34
made up of remains of including a Abbreviations
representa ceremonial fantastic of this theme
tions of activities. The creature with are represented
themes or physical tail, flaring on paleteada as
objects dimensions of tongue, and just the head,
that Group L motifs, peaked crown or or just the
relate including size headdress staff and
directly and vertical depicted in sphere. The
to Sicán and horizontal profile between Sicán creature
motif was
short-lived on
paleteada,
appearing in
only an
estimated 40 to
50 years of
stratigraphy at
HPBG. Early
Middle Sicán
and, more
especially,
Middle Middle
Sicán appear to
have been
fairly short
style periods
spacing on two spear- as well, but we
ideolo- vessels, are shaped staves, lack precise
very similar to each associated evidence at the
Fig. 21. Middle Sicán site for this
smelting furnace set early L-G with a sphere
with in situ plate- motifs. Group L floating in assertion.
covered paleteada appears in space (Fig.
ollas inferred to be Early Middle 22). We have
dedicatory offerings
at site abandonment. and Middle observed
Huaca del Pueblo Middle Sicán abbreviated
Batán Grande, Trench and occurs very versions in
IV, 1983. Photograph rarely in later high relief on
by Izumi Shimada. excavated unprovenienced
contexts in the Early Middle
Batán Grande Sicán burnished
area. blackware
140
Other Group L larly to the to Middle suggesting a

motif examples creature motif, Middle Sicán, restricted
include animals with up to two ca. A.D. 1050- spatial as well
identified as cm between 1100. as temporal
"iguanas" and vertical distribution
"toads," both
of which also
occur on rarer
Early Middle
Sicán double-
spout-andbridge
blackware
bottles as
bridge adornos.
Single- and
double-spout
bottles figure
among Group L
paleteada
motifs (Fig.
24).35 The motif
was applied
spatially
simiFig. 23. An impressions, (see example,
Early Middle Sicán but the The masked Fig. 25). Low-
bottle bearing the impressions may personage relief faces
"creature" motif in overlap identified very similar to
low relief on the upper horizontally. above as Sicán these motifs
vessel chamber. The bottle and Lord on face- appear on the
Courtesy Brüning creature motifs neck blackware upper chamber
Museum, were close in bottles of both fine
Lambayeque. Scale in time at HPBG, throughout and mass-
cm. Photograph by with the latest Middle Sicán produced
Kathryn M. Cleland. creature sherd has a Group L blackware
occurring one motif cognate bottles, where
stratum below known thus far they may be
the earliest from three regarded as
bottle sherd. 36 representations auxiliary to or
There appears , all on a mere
to be no more paleteada reflection of
relationship of sherds from the the principal
Sicán or Sicán Precinct. image that
subsequent Nothing similar dominates from
culturally has been found the spout (Fig.
charged imagery at HPBG or 26). This
to paleteada other sites possible
motifs after outside the connection of
the transition Precinct, paleteada L
141
motifs and Huaca del power, as bottle

secondary Pueblo characteriz bearing a
elements from Batán Grande, ed by replica of
Sicán Lord multiple DeMarrais this object
themes appears Sicán strata, et al. was widely
to have been Trench IV, (1996), distributed
limited to 1983. while it and, like
Early Middle Drawing by was surely the
Sicán and the o2 central to veritable
transition to Kathryn the object, was
Middle Middle M. Cleland. official buried with
Sicán. Again, religion the dead.
the timing is and We regard
consistent with cm associated finding the
other evidence public same image
of the limited events. on
political,
articulation of Both paleteada
religious,
paleteada and paddles and sherds an
or
Sicán-derived molds intriguing
hereditary
images. appear to collocation
social
have met of what is
The Sicán Lord power. The
perceived
mask may have ubiquity
needs to
been the and
duplicate
society's most homogeneity
and
prized and of the
disseminate
recognized hallmark
the icon
symbol of icon of the
for a short
office, whether Sicán Lord
period that
its produced by
ended by
connotations molds
Middle
were legitimized
Middle
differentially and
Sicán. The
weighted in reinforced
veritable
the
golden mask
prestige
was
and power
restricted
of the
in
Middle
distributio
Sicán
n to the
religious
principal
terms of polity
occupant of
(Shimada
Fig. 24. Sicán certain
1992b). It
doublespouted classes of
served as
bottle motif on elite
the kind of
paleteada symbol that
tombs. The
sherd from face-neck
reinforced Fig. 26.
blackware
political Transitional
142
Chicha production
and storage were
reported as major
functions of the
tallnecked tinajas and
vat-like tinajones
made by modern
paddle potters in
Mórrope (Bankes
1985; Shimada
1976).
Early Middle to Fig. 25. Sicán Lord— known in any

Middle Middle like logographic dedicatory context
Sicán bottle motif from a thus far.
bearing the paleteada sherd
Finding this
Sicán Lord— excavated from
ideologically charged
like low-relief Huaca Las Ventanas
symbol on utility
motif on upper (upper left). Scale in
pottery seems less
vessel chamber. cm. Photograph by
incongruous when
Scale in cm. Izumi Shimada.
one considers that
Courtesy food and drink may
Brüning have been prepared in
Museum, larger vessels prior to
Lambayeque. being offered in
Photograph by smaller ones in ritual
Kathryn M. contexts, such as the
Cleland. dedicatory closing of
the copper alloy
smelting site noted
above. More
important, Central
Andean
regarded as the most ceremonialism
ideologically charged incorporated the
of Sicán images with drinking of chicha
the humblest class of (maize beer), thus its
pottery. The larger preparation and
paleteada vessels storage might be
these sherds appear to expected to be
represent were not ideologically charged
buried with the dead, (see Moore 1989;
ever, nor are they Morris 1979;
Shimada 1994b).
143
The pars pro toto elements. He figures on burnished soon widely

principle so apparent suggested that parts or bottles suggests an distributed, at least as
in Olmec iconography elements of a theme acceptance of Sicán far south as the
of ancient might evoke the entire ideology by paleteada Chicama valley (Glen
Mesoamerica complex. A brief producers at a point in Samillán after original
(Joralemon 1971) was appearance on time, and may by Kathryn M.
applied in a similar paleteada of Sicán document a pars pro Cleland.
manner to Moche art iconographic elements toto application of its
by Donnan (1976, usually found in imagery.
1978) in terms of relationship to a set of Massproduced Russell, pers. comm.,
themes and their principal and auxiliary burnished bottles were 1994), which may
PALETEADA DESIGN GROUPS OVER

TIME
>
z
110
LATE EARLY
STRATIGRAPHY OF HUACA DEL PUEBLO BATAN
GRANDE
Fig. 27. Graph of motif type distribution among paleteada pottery from Huaca del Pueblo Batán
Grande: G represents geometric; L-G represents large geometric; and L represents logographic motifs.
Drawing by César
144
account for the lack of publication of

continued decoration comparative
of paleteada with material from
elements of Sicán other sites. We
Lord iconography. suggest that the
There is also the observed trend
possibility that from
etiquette or a stronger representational
set of sumptuary rules Group L to
contraindicated use of purely
Sicán Lord or other geometric
images on utility Group G, and
objects, even in cases the diminishing
of ceremonial food space between
offerings and ritual- design imprints
related preparation on paleteada at
and consumption of the site are
chicha. In the latter characteristics
case, the violation of general style
would have ceased change. Such
once producers and trends would be
consumers alike expected to
understood the apply
sociopolitically regionally.
sanctioned contexts of Several
representation or use representational
of principal Sicán
images.
Paleteada motif
history at
HPBG is
presented
briefly here as a
site-specific
record based on
sherds
representing
470 individual
vessels (Fig.
27). The result
can be proposed
tentatively as a
general
chronology for
the La Leche—
Lambayeque
area, pending
145
Andean Ceramics four motifs in two template sections on each
side. The most complex paddle recovered
archaeologically thus far, however, bears one
template per surface (Fig. 30). Several sherds at
HPBG show overlap of different motif
templates 38 Thus far, we have not found any
paddle with a large geometric (Group L-G)
motif.
Paste analysis of HPBG paleteada was limited to
Fig. 28. Ceramic paddle bearing rectangular-motif

template. Courtesy Brüning Museum, Lambayeque. L.,
12.7 cm. Photograph by Izumi Shimada.
Fig. 29. Badly eroded ceramic paddle showing

repetition of compound geometric motif. Courtesy
motifs including "sunbursts" that appear unrelated to Brüning Museum, Lambayeque. Photograph by Izumi
Sicán themes are what remain in Group L after Middle Shimada.
Middle Sicán. Group L-G (large geometric) persists,
but is relatively rare.
Paddles used to decorate paleteada evolved recording inclusion color and fabric texture visible
over time, although we know this mostly from with a 10-power hand lens. Of more than 40 pastes
motif configurations, rather than from finding identified for all classes of pottery from the site, four
actual paddles in archaeological contexts. were found to account for 95% of the paleteada
Whether logographic or simple geometric impressed body sherds. The four paste types occur
motifs are involved, early paddles were likely throughout the time span for prehistoric paleteada.
to bear a motif singly or repeated in chains, as Powdery clumps of inclusions in white, yellow, or a
shown on a rectangular-motif paddle from the rusty orange occur sporadically in two of the pastes
Brüning Museum in Lambayeque (Fig. 28).37 and in the majority of other cases. Neither paste type
Later paddles incorporated repetitions of one nor presence/absence of the powdery clumps shows
icon or parallel chains of the pattern (Fig. 29), temporal or motif-associated patterning. While the
while later still, paddles sometimes included limited pastes might suggest a consistency in sourcing,
146
the lack of paste-to-motif association argues for final step in finishing rims—wiping the shaped surface
nonstandardization and dispersed production units. to generate fine lines parallel to the rim—is, of course,
The alluvial sand or gravel temper sources of the visible on the objects themselves. With the possible
Batán Grande area are rather consistent in mineral exception of functionally determined wall thicknesses
content (Alan Craig, pers. comm., 1982). A small and mold-derived vessel bases, most aspects of
sample of HPBG sherds including a paleteada was paleteada production are intrinsically disposed to
subjected to thin-section and heavy minerals analysis generate variability, as opposed to stan dardized wares.
at the Museum Applied Science Center for This would be expected of handmade pottery from
Archaeology (MASCA) laboratory at the University of independent domestic industry units.
Pennsylvania, with the result that sherds from different
classes proved Sicán Economy and Production
Spheres
Placing Sicán paleteada production in broader context
requires us to summarize the nature of the developed
and metallurgy-dependent Middle Sicán economy that
spanned the period ca. A.D. 900 to
1100. Survey and Fig. 30. Two-sided
ceramic paddle fragment surface-
collected by Izumi Shimada in Sector
Ill, Cerro Huaringa. Drawing by
Kathryn M Cleland and Izumi
Shimada.
3 cm
highly uniform in mineral content (MASCA n.d.).
Petrographic and related neutron activation analyses of
Cupisnique sherds from Batán Grande also indicated
basic homogeneity and local origins of the pastes (see
Shimada et al. in this volume).
Rim shapes of paleteada vessels at HPBG follow the
general trends seen in such major classes as cooking
ollas (rounded pots with incurving rims), small jars excavation in the La Leche
(with outflaring rims), and neckless ollas or urns valley (1978—1995) by
(which are finished with a simple lip). The diversity of Proyecto Arqueológico de Sicán
rim shapes suggests that potters were free to decide have built on a basic
rim form, and confident enough of their clientele to understanding of Sicán as a
risk subtle variations within a functional range. It was society with surplus agriculture enabled by
found that, within functional classes, rim changes in extending and revitalizing irrigation networks
prehistoric paleteada could only be characterized which linked the contiguous valleys of La
generally and qualitatively over time.39 By applying Leche, Lambayeque, and Zaña (Kosok 1959;
ethnographic evidence, we infer that prehistoric Shimada 1982). By the first centuries of our
paleteada potters also made rims manually by building era, the middle La Leche valley was thoroughly
up coils before consolidating and shaping them. The occupied by Gallinazo population (Shimada
147
1994b; Shimada and Maguiña 1994), which we The florescent Sicán culture was based on
regard as the descent group for much of the integration and control (monopoly) of regional
region's existing labor force at the time of Sicán and interregional economies directed by the
hegemony. The Gallinazo were eclipsed by administrative class at the ceremonial city of
Moche IV and V politically, but remained in Sicán. Large-scale irrigation agriculture
the region following the end of Moche V afforded the surpluses that supported non-
domination at about A.D. 700—750. Sicán agricultural labor, 40 and enabled industrial-
economic power and prestige were partly scale arsenical bronze production, which
obtained through external trade that extended to underwrote trade with coastal Ecuador for
Ecuador and Colómbia. Public works in the exotic status and ritual goods such as
form of massive monumental architecture and Spondylus and Conus shells (Shimada 1985b, c,
large quantities of sumptuary goods of precious 1987, 1990, 1995a). The Sicán political
metals (gold, silver, and tumbaga alloys), exotic economy and religion were mutually
shells and stones (including amber, turquoise, reinforcing. Membership in the Middle Sicán
and emerald) found in deep shaft tombs, attest religion appears to have assured access to status
to the high prestige of the Sicán elite and the and sumptuary goods in forms and media
offices they held. determined by social class, with control of their
production, procurement, and/or distribution
vested in the central authorities. It is inferred
HI-JACA I-ORO, PERU
TOMB - 1-'91
O 10
CM
Fig. 31. Elaborate double-spout Early Middle Sicán bottle

148 with six adornos on upper chamber, two more
on bridge. The principal figure wears a cap with four points, but the face is similar to the familiar spout
masks of single-spout vessels. Despite the apparent quality of this vessel, it was covered with copper alloy
to prepare it for interment with the principal decedent. East Tomb, Huaca Loro, 1991—1992. Drawing by
César Samillán.
that these office holders or their agents Sicán crafters, and their output was the most
brokered the transfer of agricultural surplus to controlled in distribution.
the citizenry, controlled production and
distribution of the most valuable materials, and Nucleated Workshop Production
fostered social cohesion by sharing limited Nucleated workshop production was located away
forms of official symbols with commoners. from domestic units of any class and carried on by
There was sufficient wealth and power to differentially skilled workers who repeated segments
mobilize labor to support corporate of the production process under supervision of skilled
construction of massive chamber and fill adobe and knowledgeable specialists. The degree of worker
pyramid monuments (Cavallaro and Shimada independence from the central authorities was
1988; Shimada and Cavallaro 1986) in the variable, depending on the value of the raw materials
Sicán Precinct, and to sustain the production of and/or finished goods. Elites had an interest in
precious metal luxury goods for the elite controlling the ideological content of goods produced
(Carcedo and Shimada 1985; Shimada 1995a; in nucleated workshops, even when not involved in
Shimada and Griffin 1994). Understandings of control of the raw material or product line.
Sicán production for elites became clearer
following the recent elite tomb excavations by Domestic Industry Production
Proyecto Arqueológico de Sicán at Huacas Domestic industry production was physically located
Loro and Las Ventanas (Shimada 1995a; in or near the domestic unit, members of which were
41
Shimada and Griffin 1994). We identify three responsible for all stages from procurement of raw
generalized and distinct Sicán production materials through finishing products. Neither raw
spheres. Multiple lines of data have been materials nor finished product were of interest to
obtained from studying the objects themselves, central authori ties. Crafters controlled knowledge of
ancient production sites, modern analogous all phases of their production and operated
technological practices, or replication independently of the central authorities.
experiment, which is informed by all three
other lines of data. Sicán organization of Sicán Sumptuary Production
production as understood thus far is placed Our understanding of Sicán sumptuary production is
along a scale determined by physical location based on a limited amount of excavated remains from
of the workplace, value of goods produced, inferred workshops and indirect evidence from the
control of production by central authorities or interdisciplinary study of the finished objects (e.g.,
supervisors, and degree of independence of Gordus and Shimada 1995; Merkel et al. 1995) and
producers. This scheme was developed for the their archaeologically documented distribution, which
Sicán, for which these factors vary along the is limited to three deep shaft tombs at the Sicán
scale in the same direction, with considerable Precinct.42 All Sicán sumptuary production was
variability in the middle range. The categories carried out by attached specialists, as defined
are briefly summarized below. generally by Brumfiel and Earle (1987), but there is
evidence of significant subsets within Sicán
Sumptuary Production sumptuary production that merit specific
Sumptuary production was located in and around elite characterization. These are based on differential skill
compounds away from commoner housing, and of craftsmen, differential value of constituent
involved the most valuable raw materials and finished materials, or detail and nature of imagery executed on
products. It was carried on by attached specialists the objects. Within any known class of Sicán
directly supervised by elites or their agents. Its master sumptuary objects are exquisitely made prototypes
craftsmen were responsible for producing the material and less well crafted copies, or parts of a complex
objects that fall with the Sicán aesthetic locus (see object will show unequal mastery of finishing
below). Producers were the least independent of techniques (Shimada and Griffin 1994). A two-tiered
149
hierarchy of attached craft specialists is proposed, the lower elite tombs excavated at Huaca Las
consisting of master craftsmen and others (Shimada Ventanas in 1991 and from the West Tomb at
and Griffin 1994). In order to differentiate these, we Huaca Loro in 1995 (Gordus and Shimada
apply the terminology of sumptuary master craftsmen 1995; Merkel et al. 1995; Shimada 1992a, c,
and sumptuary craftsmen. The latter worked with the 1995a) 43 A tiered production and distribution of
most valuable media but failed to match the goods is thus apparent within the highly
accomplishments of master craftsmen in giving them controlled and limited Sicán sumptuary
form, finish, and detail. Sumptuary craftsmen below production sphere apart from the master
mastercraftsmen carried out the time-consuming tasks craftsman vs. craftsman distinction. Differential
that required less decision-making and worked on the distribution of elite goods among the nobility
less visible parts of objects (e.g., gold sheetmetal appears to be based partly on the value of the
making). constituent material. The object inventory and
composition of metals differed significantly
The most exclusive and restrictive craftsmanship
among the Huaca Loro and Las Ventanas
provided the most valuable of sumptuary goods
tombs, indicating possible differences in offices
and is appropriately termed the Sicán "aesthetic
held by the principals. Copper-rich precious
locus," a concept defined ethnographically by
metal alloys (generally classed as tumbaga)
Maquet in terms of material and non-material
appear to have been distributed to lesser elite
culture (1979, 1985). As we are only concerned
families or to have served as appropriate media
here with material objects, the Sicán aesthetic
for symbols of particular offices, while purer
locus is defined as those areas of material
gold and silver were reserved for more-elite
culture subjected to the highest standards of
families or offices. Overall, however, the range
quality control, and requiring sufficient
of craftsmanship exhibited in the totality of
investment of time and effort to finish goods
masks or the totality of double-spout bottles in
made of the highest quality materials to the
the East Tomb indicates that a mixture of
standards of the society's most exacting
detailed and exquisitely made prototypes
consumers, the ruling elite. Aesthetic-locus high
supplemented by somewhat simpler or less well
karat gold objects (18 to 14 karats) and the finest
made copies was acceptable.44
quality pottery were identifled among the
Certain of the masks, goblets, tumi knives of
contents of the Huaca Loro elite Sicán tomb
precious metals, and even the best burnished
excavated in 1991—1992 (here called the East
bottles studied thus far attest, by their
Tomb). Different levels of craftsmanship were
craftsmanship, to the more demanding
identified, however, in comparing examples of
requirements of elites.45 In fact, along with
nearly identical gold objects and again in
Moche counterparts, the Sicán precious metal
comparing similar blackware double-spout
objects represent the apex of the pre-Columbian
bottles within the tomb. Such a mixture of
metalworking in Andean prehistory. It is these
objects by master craftsmen and their less
aesthetic-locus objects that bear the most
skilled subordinates in the East Tomb indicates a
detailed renderings of Sicán Lord iconography.
concern for quantity and substance of goods,
This class of metals and the analogous class of
even if poorer in quality, as well as a desire to
ceramics are only part of the Sicán
have examples of the most expertly crafted
aestheticlocus material inventory, but serve to
examples.
document the more highly valued output of a
There was a significant contrast in the more broadly defined sumptuary production
composition sphere, which produced materials
of the metal in East Tomb high karat gold commissioned and consumed by elites, and
objects and the sheetmetal and ornate objects totally supported by them.
made of tumbaga or other alloys recovered from
150
It is appropriate to separate metal from ceramic ceremonial activities, including burials, are available
sumptuary production, due to the apparent for study. Arnold and Nieves (1992) caution that
difference in value of the finished products, and assessing "standardization" of pottery production in an
the greater technical knowledge required to area requires comparison, first of all, and specifically
produce objects in metals. The existence of comparison of materials manufactured by the same
ceramic imitations of vessel forms executed in techniques and having the same function 46 We regard
gold or tumbaga attests to the primacy of this as good advice for dealing with assessment of
precious metals among the material survivals of skill, as well. Costin and Hagstrum (1995:633)
the Sicán aesthetic locus. Metal vessels were recently acknowledged the problematic nature of
imitated in a less valued material, ceramic separating discussions of pottery "standardization"
fabric, and under simpler technical from potters' "skill," while recognizing that the
requirements. Dual production of fine vessels in situation may be special for elite wares, which are, by
metal and ceramic fabric was noted by Muelle nature, supposed to be different, or unique 47 Bey
(1943) while the ancient connoisseurship of (1992) both recognizes a recurring relationship
metals was asserted by Rondón (1966) upon between specialization and standardization and points
comparing similarity of metal and ceramic out that it may not necessarily apply.
container forms. The technological traces of
purely functional metalworking techniques on Nucleated Workshop Production
gold or tumbaga vessels may have contributed A range of evidence has been garnered to document
non-functional decorative elements such as the the variety of Sicán nucleated workshop production.
beveled hemisphere of Moche V, or an incised The organization of copper smelting was documented
hemisphere on Middle Sicán bottles. The by direct evidence from actual excavation of
spheres converge, however, in the workshops at HPBG and Cerro Huaringa. Copper
sheetmetalcovered double-spout bottles smelting and crafting of bronze objects involved
excavated at all three elite shaft tombs valued raw and finished materials, even if not as rare
mentioned above. as gold, silver, or tumbaga. Certain classes of bronze
The sumptuary ceramic production sphere consists of items were distributed to at least some groups of
the finest Sicán wares, mostly bottles, some of which commoners. Single-spout Sicán Lord bottles represent
appear to have no mass-produced analog. Sicán more widely distributed classes of material goods that
masked head vessels, which Shimada suspects may required supervised production, but which were were
have been inserted into sockets atop the roof or on generally available to the common people.
pillars as architectural ornaments, and a four-footed Organization of production of mold-made commoner
mask-faced anthropomorph are among the rarest pottery was reconstructed primarily from indirect
known forms. Double-spouted polychrome bottles evidence of production techniques and processes
with intricate architectural motifs on the bridge are remaining on archaeologically recovered vessels.
also rarely found. The finest blackware bottles bearing "Nucleated workshop" production as defined in
the face-neck Sicán Lord image may show hand- Rice's synthesis (1987) of van der Leeuw's (1977,
modeled and finely incised decoration. The Sicán Lord 1984) and Peacock's (1981, 1982) ethnographically
themes depicted are, however, similar to those of established models for ceramic production extends to
blackware bottles that were mass-produced for the cover the middle range of Sicán organization of
laboring classes, although there is more detail on the production 48 Massproduced, moldmade burnished
finer ones. We are able to infer differential skill bottles bearing Sicán Lord images occur in elite as
requirements for potters who made Sicán blackware well as non-elite burials, and sherds occur in trash
bottles based on apparent differences in the potters' deposits and architectural fill. While lower in quality
performance. This is only possible because than aesthetic-locus objects, these bottles are
comparative examples, all moldmade, all functioning nonetheless standardized according to canonized
to convey Sicán ideological information and used in relationship of spout height, base height, chamber
151
shape, and decoration (Cleland and Shimada 1985, documented in 1995. The unnamed site situated
1992a). In comparison to aesthetic-locus pottery and near the hamlet of Arbol Sol some 5 km east of
metals, Sicán Lord imagery is somewhat simplified Mórrope is dominated by a low conical mound
on this class of bottles. Mass-produced Sicán bottles whose surface is sprinkled with broken ceramic
commonly occur in commoner graves with arsenical molds. Scattered looters' pits have exposed a
bronze objects, many of which appear to be non- thick deposit of ashy soil containing mold
utilitarian, or utilitarian but rarely used. Bronze fragments and charcoal bits as well as an adobe
objects are end-products of multiple supervised wall. Some 30 surface-collected mold fragments
production stages from ore mining through smelting represent a wide range of small vessels such as a
to metalworking, all of which require a class of single-spout bottle with a Sicán Lord image at
experts for process, quality, and distributional the spout base, a plate with annular base, and
control. Mechanisms for control of raw materials, flask-shaped and globular jars, both with press-
intermediary products such as copper prills and molded decorations of religious themes. There
ingots and worked bronze objects by central are subtle but recognizable stylistic differences
authorities is inferred for Middle Sicán, as commoner in the rendering of the Sicán Lord images from
burials show unequal distribution of bronze objects those found at the Sicán Precinct. This workshop
among the nonelite. Casting of bronze items and may well have been attached to the nearby site
sheetmetal working both required knowledge and of Huaca de Barro.
technical supervision. It is likely that the central
authorities supported supervisors of production and Domestic Industry Production
distribution, if occupied full-time in those activities, The ever-present paleteada pottery is evidence of
and laborers for the duration of their stints at smelting a distinct production sphere that functioned at
furnaces or other segmentary sites in bronze the opposite end of the scale from sumptuary
production (Shimada 1985b). crafts. The indirect evidence for documenting
As was the case in production of sumptuary metal or production techniques and a paleteada
pottery goods, it is appropriate to differentiate pottery chronological sequence distinct from the major
nucleated workshop production from arsenical bronze cultural style successions was detailed above in
smelting and production of bronze objects. This is the discussion of archaeological paleteada.
due to the more segmentary nature, greater labor Reconstruction of the details of prehistoric
intensity, and technological complexity of metallurgy techniques, organization of production, and
and metalworking, as well as the difference in value inferences about intensity of production and site
of the raw materials and finished objects. Except for formation processes are largely based in direct
the likelihood that elites were concerned with the historical analogy to ethnographic findings by
ideological imagery reflected on commoner goods Shimada (1985a, 1994a), Bankes (1985), and
that were produced in nucleated workshops, there is others. In addition, prehistoric contexts of
no basis for suggesting that central authorities consumption of paleteada are well documented,
exercised any controls over production and including food preparation in household or
distribution of the singlespout Sicán bottles that occur supra-household units, storage, dedicatory
in a wide range of burial contexts. These appear to offerings at an abandoned smelting site,
have been virtually unrestricted in distribution, while mortuary furnishings, and intentional discard in
elites may have exercised their only related interest in dumps and architectural fill.
provision of prototypes from sumptuary workshops to The primary archaeological evidence for the
permit mold makers to produce imitations. existence of a Sicán household industry—scale
Many of the above inferences pertaining to of production is that the distinct burnished bottle
moldmade Sicán pottery can be tested at the and paleteada potting industries generated
inferred Middle Sicán ceramic workshop attribute change at different times. With one
possible exception, the secondary bottle motif
152
congruence with paleteada motifs in Early Culturally transformed environmental restraint
Middle Sicán, their changes stand as operated through the scheduling of the potters'
unarticulated events. These two pottery classes primary subsistence activity, and possibly
thus provide separate sets of chronological through brokered access to combustible
markers for domestic and elite pottery, as well as material. The interplay of weather and human
evidence of differential production sectors in the subsistence scheduling is, of course, apparent
society. It is a case in point to support McNutt's as well. Paleteada pottery was produced in
warnings against frequency seriation based on greatest quantities, according to this
mixing fine and domestic wares (1973). reconstruction, during the season following the
harvest. Natural aridity of much of the northern
When ethnographic analogy is combined with
North Coast would have been expected to
archaeological evidence, it becomes possible to
enable post-harvest potting except possibly in
more fully infer the intensity of Sicán era
the wettest weeks during rare El Niño rains.
paleteada production as seasonal, or part-time
Potting households would have accommodated
at the level of the production unit, or several
the need to stockpile production by allotting
production units cooperating in firing. As
space for storage to meet wet season demand,
modern paleteada potters produce at different
as replacement would have been needed more
times of the year based on their complementary
or less continuously throughout the year. At the
economic activities in agriculture or fishing, we
same time, potting production would have been
infer similar scheduling for independent
uneven, according to workshop unit scheduling
craftsmen in antiquity. Paleteada potting may
or that of several production units sharing fuel.
have been practiced much of the year, weather
permitting, with different workshops active at Ancient paleteada potters are inferred to have
different times. distributed finished wares through exchange for goods
or services with other members of the working classes,
Techniques of production were, in physical
who were the direct consumers of paleteada. It is
terms, relatively simple and could be mastered
inferred that the classes who did not cook or carry
for all stages of item production by one person
liquids or dry foodstuffs about for themselves or others
working alone, or in cooperation with other
had no economic interest in the production and
members of the household. Multi-purpose
distribution of paleteada. Paleteada producers are
residential space could be given over to the
hypothesized to have been more welcome in the
activity as appropriate, and most evidence of
florescent Sicán economy than less skilled workers,
the activity would be removed upon completion
due to their apparent ability to support themselves for
for the season. All decision making related to
at least part of the year. There is currently no basis for
the environment, whether natural, or that
arguing that paleteada potters were full-time craft
transformed through human control, had
persons, although ancient demand for replacement
economic consequences, and it is at this level
vessels would have been sufficiently high to occupy
that the complexity of an ancient paleteada
many households during slack seasons for agriculture.
potter's knowledge becomes apparent. Natural
environmental constraints appear to have been It is further inferred that HPBG was not part of a
limited to weather and availability of paleteada potting community during Middle Sicán, due
gatherable combustible materials for firing, as to a competing, fuel-intensive industry, i.e., copper
raw materials for pottery fabric were readily alloy smelting. It is also unlikely that paleteada potters
available locally. Llama dung, as a possible settled in or near the excavated area of HPBG, even
fuel, was abundantly available as attested by its after abandonment of the smelters in use during
use as fill in Huacas Moscón, Rodillona and Middle Sicán. Two smelting centers were operating at
Las Ventanas. nearby Cerro Huaringa and Cerro Sajino from at least
the Late Intermediate through Late Horizon.
153
Considerably larger in scale of production than the
HPBG workshops, these centers thus consumed even
more of their shared hinterland's fuel resources than
the smaller Middle Sicán counterparts. Cerro Huaringa
is located some 3 km north of the Cerro Blanco copper
mine (Shimada et al. 1982), a resource that, once
exploited on a large scale, would have influenced
location of directly related industries such as smelting,
and complementary industries such as manufacture of
utility pottery.
The most direct evidence of paleteada potting— tools
and wasters—has not been found at HPBG; in fact no
paddles have been found yet archaeologically except
in late, centralized production sites (see Hayashida
1994, 1995, also in this volume; Tschauner et al. 1994)
that suggest state appropriation of some of the region's
potting labor. Similarly, paddles and other physical
evidence of paleteada ceramic production are
conspicuously absent at the Middle Sicán workshop
near Mórrope mentioned above, suggesting that
paleteada and moldbased ceramic production were
spatially segregated.
The significance of paleteada paddles may have
extended to sub-cultural identity. Since a motif-
bearing paddle could be easily curated and moved at
times of marriage or migration, and since the marks
may have helped identify the works of individual
households, these objects may have been of symbolic
importance to their
154
owners. It is likely that any such significance of potters with a highly portable technology suitable to
paddles would have diminished with long residence of establishing a household industry are hypothesized to
the production or ethnic group in a region. As have moved in to exchange their labor in agriculture or
paleteada, or paleteada influence, traveled south to the public works for secure subsistence in the surging or
Moche and Virú valleys the variety of motifs appears expanding Early Middle Sicán economy. As potters,
to have been lost. Thus far, only the hatching motif has their economic interests were clearly interdependent
been illustrated in archaeological studies of those on other sectors, while their potting activities remained
valleys (Bennett 1939; Collier 1955; Donnan and outside the scope of elite control or interest. Their
Mackey 1978). Here again, archaeological evidence contribution to agricultural or public works production
suggests a diminution of the style as either paleteada is another matter, and it is inferred that their non-
potters, apparently few in number, migrated potting labor fell within the purview of centralized
southward, or the decorative style was merely imitated regulation. It is inferred that parttime household-level
on local wares, as appears to be the case in press- potting enabled the paleteada potters to have an "edge"
molded imitations of paleteada motifs south of over other laborers in the form of an extra basis for
Jequetepeque (Schaedel 1979). As Arnold (1994) economic security. An additional advantage is inferred
emphasizes, motor habits and skills associated with the with regard to attitudes of local settlers toward in-
paddleand-anvil technique cannot be mastered readily. migrating groups: in a growing economy such as Early
Either way, the cultural significance of the semi- Middle and Middle Middle Sicán, additional laborers
autonomous potters north of Chicama was gradually who were also pottery producers would be more
lost. desirable than the non-specialized laborers who
competed with indigenous working classes without
Social Organization of Sicán Paleteada offering any separate means of supporting themselves.
Production: Working Model It follows that paleteada potters were a distinct
Since relations of production are, like technology, best subculture in Sicán society. They were set apart
understood ethnographically, modern studies of by a simple, portable production technology
paleteada potters in the Lambayeque village of with its own unique motor skills and habits. It
Mórrope and elsewhere have been consulted for the could have been practiced by anyone, but was
insights they might lend to understanding past instead only practiced by certain individuals,
conditions. Shimada's ethnoarchaeological study of part of whose identity was bound up in this
Mórrope potters focused on eliciting the potter's occupation. They were further distinguished by
perception of production stages, assessment of risk, an isolated organization of production,
and spatial and temporal aspects of potting activities. localized in households, and possibly limited to
His work disclosed critical economic decisions made certain settlements, that could be mobilized to
by potters. Their concerns regarding fuel, firing, and meet demand when conditions for potting were
complementary livelihoods are basic, and would have adequate to optimal. There is ethnohistoric
applied to ancient potters if they, too, were largely self support for the existence of specialized potting
supporting. Archaeological evidence supports the villages (Rostworowski 1975; Netherly 1978;
hypothesis that paleteada production was self Ramírez 1981), while pottery production loci
sustaining, exempt from centralized control or direct appear to have been set apart at the provincial
elite support. Inka sites of Tambo Real and La Viña near
It is inferred that an existing laboring class either Batán Grande (Hayashida, this volume).
widely accepted the products of a potting technology Finally, paleteada potters stood apart in
introduced at the beginning of Sicán florescence, or perpetuating a distinct style despite three major
that large numbers of an ethnic group familiar with state or imperial cultural successions from
paleteada arrived to form part of the labor force in the Sicán through Chimú and Inka. Lanning (1963)
region at that time. Whether relatively few or many, noted a similar trend in the far northern
paleteada in remarking upon the lack of Chimú and rim in antiquity; thus we infer the same
and Inka influence late in the Piura sequence, order of production was followed.
although he did not suggest that paleteada
Critical decision making by potters today concerns
potters were a sub-culture in social, economic,
materials selection and fabric preparation, fuel, firing,
and political terms.
and complementarity of livelihoods. These basic
The first such insights leading to hypotheses of decisions would have applied as well to ancient
the social organization of paleteada potters paleteada potters if, like Mórrope potters, they were to
came out of studying the chronology of paddled a considerable extent self-supporting. The evidence
wares at HPBG and other regional Sicán sites. supports the hypothesis that paleteada production
Paleteada production could then be considered during Sicán and later prehistoric cultural periods was
in the broader context of Sicán production exempt from state control and from direct state
spheres, using comparative understanding of support. All members of these ancient societies were,
production of metals, precious and base, the of course, ultimately controlled by the elite in charge
finished products crafted from these metals, and of irrigation networks, but this was an indirect control
the making of fine and mass-produced non- for independent crafters, who probably farmed
domestic pottery. Finally, more complete marginal areas if engaged in parttime agriculture.
reconstruction of the paleteada production
Ancient societies with pronounced class
sphere was accomplished by ethnographic
stratification are likely to be characterized in
analogy to modern paddle potters in the region.
terms of a bureaucratic model that may
Arnold's (1985) treatment of potting in terms of
oversimplify the relations of production by
systems theory proved helpful in raising
ignoring exceptions. In the case of the Sicán, it
essential questions of environmental constraints
may not have been in the interest of the ruling
and seasonal limitations on decisions made by
class to assume total support of a producer
potters. Upon integrating the archaeological and
class that had traditionally been able to provide
ethnographic data, it became possible to argue
at least supplementary subsistence on its own.
strongly for the hypothesized autonomy of
Nor may it have been in the interest of certain
paleteada production by a persistent sub-culture
crafters to assume the risks inherent in
within the Sicán polity.
attachment to the bureaucracy, namely, loss of
Conclusion knowledge of multiple subsistence skills, loss
Recent archaeological findings and modern of direct access to arable land, reliance on a
studies of contemporary paleteada potters have variable surplus production, and lack of choice
been combined to characterize ancient in actions taken by a potentially coercive
paleteada potting. Modern potters classify the central power. If, indeed, the paleteada potters
potting process into three major phases brought with them a kin identity or an ethnic
constituting resource procurement, formation of history of successful migration due to their
the vessel, and firing. The actual forming of self-sufficiency, an ideological impetus may
vessels consistently begins by the potter also have worked against assimilation into a
molding the base, then adding clay coils or centralized production and distribution
fillets which are consolidated by paddling and complex. At present it is clearer that paleteada
slow rotation by the potter to form the chamber. production was accepted by the Sicán people
Only then are designs stamped with paddles than that paleteada producers accepted the
around the upper shoulder, if decorated. The totality of Sicán culture or participated in its
rim is shaped from coils and added at the end. ideological life.
Examination of archaeological paleteada Sicán production spheres have been identified:
confirms the same treatment of base, chamber, sumptuary, with sub-types based on the performance
156
level of the attached crafters, and on the value of such workshops. Field work at HPBG was supported by the
distinct classes of materials as precious metals and National Science Foundation, National Geographic
elaborate pottery; nucleated workshop production, Society, UCLA Graduate Division, UCLA Department
with variant forms based on the value of products and of Anthropology, and a Lounsbury fellowship of the
complexity of production steps, and concomitant American Museum of Natural History; while recent
degree of dependence or independence on central excavations of Batán Grande elite tombs and
authorities; and household industry production, which associated studies have been generously supported by
implies complementary livelihoods for self- the Shibusawa Ethnological Foundation, Tokyo. None
sufficiency. The maintenance of three distinct degrees of the work would have been possible without the
of producer involvements with the state would appear continuing welcome the Proyecto Arqueológico de
to function best in a time of regional peace and Sicán enjoys in the modern village of Batán Grande,
prosperity. and without the competent assistants from Batán
Grande and La Zaranda. Archaeological paleteada has
This complexity of production spheres is most
passed through the hands of all the members of the
pronounced in Early Middle to Middle Middle Sicán, a
Project who have participated in survey or excavation
period of economic development and growth without
since 1978. While they are, in toto, too numerous to
indications of warfare or severe environmental stress.
acknowledge individually, we thank especially Carlos
With attenuation of Sicán prosperity and power at
Elera and Frances Hayashida, who contributed
Batán Grande by Late Sicán, sumptuary production
substantially to our present understandings and
diminished or disappeared, while nucleated workshop
characterization. The interpretations are entirely our
production persisted, as before, with dependence on
responsibility.
technical expertise. Paleteada production continued
independently, as no such expertise was required, Notes
except as imperial administration under the Chimú (see 1. Paddle-stamped utility jars were part of a Late Chimú
Tschauner et al. 1994) and later Inka conquerors (see gravelot excavated at Moche (documented as Burial LC 3, Donnan
Hayashida 1994, 1995, also in this volume) may have and Mackey 1978:350-353). Collier (1955:110-1 11) recognized
Tomaval (contemporary with Middle Sicán in the Lambayeque
relocated and reorganized some independent potters to
area) reduced paddle-stamped ware designated Niño Stamped by
supply imperial outposts in the region. the Virú Valley Project as related to the more abundant and varied
paleteada of Lambayeque, which he believed began earlier.
The sub-culture of the paleteada potters has persisted Although a late paleteada olla (globular vessel with flaring rim
through vocation, acculturation, tools and techniques, and/or short neck) with "cross-hatched" motif is illustrated by
and remaining in the region. The specific cultural Bennett, he did not write about its distinctive manufacture or
decoration (1939).
identity of the ancient people who first struck paddle
motifs on vessel shoulders may have been lost with 2. Sicán bronze production was industrial in scale in terms
of amounts of metal goods produced (cf. Shimada 1985b, c;
changing socioeconomic interaction under the Sicán Shimada 1992a), although the organization of production
state, subsequent conquest by the Chimú and Inka, and documented for Middle Middle—Late Middle Sicán at Huaca del
Spanish, through participation in the modern cash Pueblo Batán Grande might be more correctly termed nucleated
economy. We argue that the prehistoric and historic workshop at the level of the production unit (Epstein and Shimada
1984; Shimada 1985b; Shimada et al. 1982; Shimada and Merkel
paleteada organization of production of choice was and 1991; Merkel et al. 1995) Redundancy of nucleated smelting
is the domestic industry. For Sicán times and the workshop units is inferred as the basis for industrial-scale total
ethnographic present alike, all evidence indicates that production.
paleteada potters opt for independence. 3. Shimada's (1985a) vessel wall measurements on modern
Mórrope paleteada pottery confirmed the earlier observation
Acknowledgments supporting ancient use of sherd or gourd scrapers to thin vessel
walls once they were consolidated.
Christine Krueger assisted Izumi Shimada with
interviewing for the original Mórrope study. Andrew 4. Fieldwork with Mórrope potters was carried out
intermittently from 1973 to 1978. (For a description of the
Ignatieff, Germán Ocas, and Melody Shimada assisted methodology developed for this study, see Shimada 1994a.)
with measurement and mapping of the potting
157
5. Mórrope is the capital of the ca. 1,300 km 2 that one notable change in the equipment is the
Mórrope District (19,641 inhabitants registered in the replacement of wooden combs with plastic ones. 15.
Tinajas are made today with capacities of approximately
1981 census; Mendoza 1985:30).
20, 10, and 5 gallons, which, on the one hand, reflects
6. Collier (1959:421) also reported that ten kin groups were incorporation of a metric measure that is standard in the
making pottery in Mórrope. Bankes (1985:269—270), however, national economy into design of a traditional vessel, but
cites a 1974 survey that found "a hundred families [that] were very similar sizes were also used in antiquity because
either actively making or had been producing in the Mórrope capacities were then, as now, functionally defined. Bankes
district." (1985:276) documented the continuing use of large tinajas
in Mórrope for fermentation of chicha, while Shimada
7. The District is situated near the southern edge of the
observed boiling of chicha in a large wide-mouthed vat-
Sechura Desert, which was once an extensive, submerged, marine
like pórron.
embayment (A. K. Craig, pers. comm., 1993; Delavaud 1984).
During the Tertiary era (geological era spanning ca. 60 to 2 million 16. Potters who purchased clay were responsible for digging
years ago), this embayment was uplifted and gradually silted in by it out and transporting it to the workshop themselves. Male
a series of rivers with intermittent flows, accounting for the present relatives, usually sons, sometimes helped.
abundance of gypsum, salt, and phosphate. 17. Some potters make a mold specially while others simply
8. At a glance, this desert landscape and thorn forest use one of the finished vessels. In the case of the former, the mold
vegetation might appear similar to the Batán Grande area, but there is essentially a neckless vessel with walls only slightly thicker than
is striking contrast between the marginality of the land around those of vessels.
Mórrope and the upper and lower sectors of the La Leche, where 18. Some potters dry vessels first a few days in the shade,
geological factors and water supply enabled prehistoric irrigation then in the sun. The vessel may be left in shaded storage areas for
agriculture and sustain modern sugar cane (upper valley) and rice up to 2 months before firing. Most potters claim that large vessels
(lower valley) cultivation today. such as 10 and 20 gallon tinajas should be dried in the shade for
9. Important additions to common subsistence crops of about two weeks before firing.
maize, yuca, beans, lentils, and chili peppers are indigenous cotton 19. Zapote is preferred over algarrobo because the former is
in varied shades of brown (Gossypium barbadense; Vreeland 1978, said to produce a "more reddish finish" on the fired vessels and to
1986), alfalfa, and gourds. burn more slowly. Small pots may be fired with brushwood
10. It is not clear whether pottery making was a major (fajina), but large vessels are said to require zapote. Cutting of
activity of this area during the Colonial era (Susan Ramírez 1985, algarrobo is prohibited by law, and so only dead wood can be
also pers. comm., 1990). However, as described later, a recent legally collected.
survey of the Morrope region revealed the presence of a Middle 20. In one case where a Mórrope potter planned to fire
Sicán ceramic workshop. vessels made over a two-month period, his two sons spent four
ll. In his 1984 survey, Bankes (1985:27()) found that four days collecting and cutting firewood. The daily load was carried by
of the young potters had adopted the kick wheel (a four burros—a total of 16 burro loads.
significant break from the traditional technique) to 21. Although it is said to take about one hour to preheat a
produce bowls and flowerpots for urban consumption.
tinaja, preparing the fires and rotating the vessels to assure
12. According to the Alonso (1958), eighteenth century adequate preheating can take several hours, especially if lots are
usage of ollería in Spain extended to a shop or area where large. Laborers may be hired to assist at the kiln site in such cases.
pottery was sold, while seventeenth century usage of the
22. Thermocouple readings as high as 1100 0 C have been
term to refer to a pile or assemblage of pottery was also
documented. The term generally refers to a pottery reported for these kilns, but vitrification is rarely seen (Wagner et
workshop or shop. While the site named La Ollería might al. 1989).
be expected to have been a locus of pottery production or 23. In theory, smaller vessels can be fired within 10 days into
distribution, it is conceivable that it was simply named for drying. One potter fires about every 15 days, another monthly, and
a concentration of pots or sherds. 13. The people of still another every other month. One with stvage some 30 yards
Romero produced yeso (plaster) and agricultural produce, from his home and workshop waits up to 10 weeks between firings.
while La Colorada offered pottery and agricultural
produce, and Caracucho, mareros or marine products and 24. Photographs of interiors of traditional Muchik (northern
agricultural produce. Men from Caracucho would barter North Coast of Peru) houses taken during the daytime early this
fish, caracoles (spiral shells), and conchas (bivalves) for century by the German ethnologist, Heinrich Brüning (e.g., photo
yeso (plaster) in Romero and pottery in La Colorada. on p. 122 in Schaedel 1988), reinforce the above warning against a
widespread supposition regarding artifacts on excavated floors,
14. Equipment is relatively simple to manufacture; molds because he documented vertical associations of artifacts in
are made by covering the exterior of the finished vessel constrained domestic environments.
with moist clay, while paddles are cut out of locally
available algarrobo or zapote wood. Palm-sized anvil 25. Metal (copper) and textile (cotton) production by
stones of proper shape and smoothness are said to be numerous, dispersed, small workshops has been documented or
difficult to find. Shimada agrees with Bankes (1985:270) inferred for state-level prehispanic North Coast societies at Pampa
158
Grande (Moche V; Shimada 1978, 1994b). Also consider the North Coast of Peru, as if to suggests its prestige and favor in other
"segmentary construction" technique of Mochica platform mounds polities.
(Moseley 1975), Batán Grande during Middle Sicán (Shimada
31. This is not to suggest that labor or resource procurement
1985b, c; Shimada and Cavallaro 1986; Cavallaro and Shimada
strategies during the Chimú and Inka imperial dominations had
1988), and Chan Chan (Chimú; Topic 1982, 1990). Modular
nothing to do with paleteada production, for state centers had need
production organization, though typically labor intensive, can be
of utility wares. The production and distribution patterns supplying
quite productive and may be handled by a set of small kin-based
people living or working at HPBG, however, appear to have gone
groups. Shimada (1994b) presents a case from the Moche V urban
on as before.
capital, Pampa Grande, where low-status residents physically
segregated in the southern portion of the city appear to have 32. Variability of paddle templates or variability in the
commuted during the day to dispersed metalworking, weaving, and plasticity of the pottery fabric at the time of impact may account
chicha-making workshops within the city, while clod-busters and for the difficulty in determining when a motif is more triangular
stone hoe tips are commonly found in their residences. He suggests than D-shaped, more a hook than a fret.
that these people who worked away from their households were 33. Utility rim form change is documented mostly on rims
also engaged in agricultural activities either on a part-time or that broke above the part of the shoulder where paleteada motifs
seasonal basis. would have occurred. Motif and rim form associations, with few
26. High porosity effectively relieves thermal stresses caused exceptions in the form of whole vessels or rim sherds intact into
by the sudden fluctuations in temperature that cooking vessels the shoulder, are limited to contemporaneous body sherds and plain
experience, thereby prolonging their useful lives. Porous vessels rims, which cannot be matched to a particular vessel.
are also desirable for liquid storage as they allow evaporation at a
34. Paleteada designs also are generally limited to the upper
gradual rate to cool the contents, while allowing sediments in silty
chamber of domestic vessels, but this may be by coincidence.
liquids to settle, thereby clearing the liquid and retarding seepage.
27. In fact, a recent study indicates that the lower half of late 35. Double-spout-and-bridge bottles have only been
Cupisnique bottles and jars (in the first millennium Before the documented archaeologically from excavated or salvaged elite
Common Era [B.C.E.]; see Table l) excavated at Puémape in the tomb contexts (Cleland and Shimada 1992b; Elera n.d.b; Shimada
lower Jequetepeque valley were probably formed by paddling (see 1992a). Although iguanas and toads became part of the array of
Shimada et al. in this volume). Some large plain jar and urn sherds adorno elements on bottles distributed to commoners by Late
in Moche V stratigraphy at HPBG exhibit regularly spaced Middle Sicán and Late Sicán, they have not been documented on
shallow, oval indentations on the interior that look like anvil bottles distributed to commoners during Early Middle and Middle
impressions. Middle Sicán.
28. See fig. 6, Shimada 1990:314. 36. Interestingly, some of the bottle images have taller bases
than would be characteristic of Middle Middle Sicán; this is in
29. The grave lacked major Sicán-style features on the
keeping with its occurrence above the creature motif, which was
accompanying pottery, unlike several others that were
reflected on Early Middle Sicán bottles. This possible
stratigraphically later in the same cemetery. The grave containing
correspondence is the exception to our inference that style changes
the paleteada olla did, however, contain copper alloy sheetmetal,
in elite and mass-produced burnished blackware bottles were
which suggests participation in the Sicán economy. The adult
unarticulated with changes in paleteada.
female held a cloth-wrapped bundle of copper alloy sheetmetal in
her left hand, while the extended position was like that of Moche 37. The Brüning Museum has one ceramic and one wooden
and earlier Gallinazo burials in the region. Sicán burials are more paddle, each with a single geometric design on each side. The
often flexed or seated. Increased access of commoners to tools and Municipal Museum of Piura has one ceramic paddle that has
ornaments made of copper or arsenical bronze alloys in Early regularly spaced holes on both sides. This is interesting in that it
Middle Sicán is reflected in area graves. Later graves document can create the so-called "goose-flesh" effect that is widely found on
commoners incorporating principal Sicán imagery, copper alloy two-piece moldmade Chimú vessels. The Piura museum also has a
goods, and paleteada cookware along with tools, chalk, pigments, ceramic stamp with no handle that shows the widespread cross-
and textiles as common funerary offerings, but this declined with hatched pattern on both sides.
conquest by foreign powers. Latest graves at HPBG, when the area
was dominated by the Chimú then the Inka, contained relatively 38. Kosok (1965:167) illustrated the kind of paddle that
little in terms of durable offerings, but nearly all had at least one could cause this overlap in his sherds from Huaca Rodillona at the
sooted paleteada olla indicating a food offering. Sicán Precinct. One of the four design panels was actually
subdivided into two variants of a dot and triangle motif; thus one
30. An actual gold mask like this widespread image was could say there were actually five designs on this paddle.
recovered during Shimada's 1991—92 excavation of a Sicán elite
tomb at Huaca Loro (Cleland and Shimada 1992b; Shimada 1992a, 39. An attempt to seriate domestic rims at HPBG by
c, 1995a; Shimada and Griffin 1994). We have characterized and converting their outlines to mathematical functions through
seriated versions of this hallmark symbol and associated motifs in application of a Fourier transformation that characterizes forms in
detail elsewhere (Cleland and Shimada 1985, 1992; Shimada Cartesian space suggested that the method requires further study,
1985a, b, 1990). Abbreviated versions of this iconography, given but failed to sort out groups clearly visible to the naked eye from a
the referent "Sicán Lord" by Shimada, occur widely along the sample of 220 whole jar rims (Cleland et al. 1987). The results of
the rim shape study were inconclusive, and suggest that
159
idiosyncratic variation held higher sway than canonized profile

shape or precision in aperture size.
40. At least three intervalley canals operated in the extensive
Lambayeque region: Antique Collique, Raca Rumi, and Taymi (see
Shimada 1982). During the same period, the Antigua Jayanca
Canal on the north bank of the La Leche valley may have extended
to the Motupe valley to the north. A recent survey by Anne Marie
Hocquenghem (1995) in the upper Piura valley documented a
massive 150 km long canal associated with Middle Sicán
occupation along its course.
41. Art historian Paloma Carcedo studied Sicán precious
metal objects in museum collections to determine the range of
metalworking techniques and assess the skill of Sicán goldsmiths
(Carcedo and Shimada 1985; Carcedo 1989). At the time, only
unprovenienced materials were available to scholars. Gold objects
recovered during Proyecto Arqueológico de Sicán excavation of
elite tombs at Huacas Las Ventanas and Loro (1991—92) have
been studied by John Merkel, an archaeometallurgist (Merkel et al.
1995), Adon Gordus, an analytical chemist (Gordus and Shimada
1995), and Jo Ann Griffin, a practicing goldsmith (Shimada and
Griffin 1994).
42. No principal human burial was found in the partially
looted Huaca Las Ventanas tomb. The objects within the
undistubed portion of the burial chamber at the bottom of the tomb
some 12 m below surface were made of tumbaga and arsenical
bronze, rather than high karat gold. Also in the chamber were at
least nine burials of young adult women, some of which were
disturbed. The East Tomb at Huaca Loro consisted of one 12 m
deep chamber containing ca. 1.2 tons of grave goods (mostly metal
objects and scrap metal) and five human burials. The principal
burial at Huaca Loro was recovered with high karat gold,
ideologically charged objects including a Sicán mask. The West
Tomb excavated in 1995 had two levels, antechamber (10 by 6 m
and 12 m deep) with 22 human burials, all young adult women,
except an adolescent of undetermined gender, and central chamber
(3 by 3 m and 15 m deep) with the principal burial accompanied by
two young adult women. The tomb contained numerous painted
and unpainted cloths, mats, llama bodies and parts, pottery, and
some dozen gold and tumbaga objects.
43. For example, each of the principal personages in the two
elite shaft tombs at Huaca Loro wore a face mask. The masks
closely resemble each other in overall size, shape, and design. The
entire mask from the East Tomb, including the realistic nose, was
expertly fashioned out of a single, relatively thick 14 karat gold
sheet. The mask from the West Tomb, in contrast, was made out of
four thin tumbaga sheets laced together with wires. Eyes and nose
ornaments of each mask exhibit similar contrasts.
44. Tumbaga sheetmetal scrap totaling an estimated 500 kg
from the East Tomb with varying thickness, degree of depletion
gilding, and copper-silver-gold ratio attests to productivity and
sophistication in metallurgy (Gordus and Shimada 1995; Merkel et
al. 1995). Variability in craftsmanship and alloy composition found
among objects in the East Tomb is exempli fled by the totality of
masks. It included the large 14-karat gold mask mentioned earlier,
a tour de force of Sicán goldsmithing,
160
Andean Ceramics
and a cache of at least two dozen tumbaga masks that were as a factor in influencing organization of production in
simpler in design and manufacture (Shimada and Griffin 1994). Anasazi gray, white, and red wares at different points in
time. These examples clearly show that the same people
45. For example, a set of gold earspools from the East Tomb made pottery different ways, and this could happen cross-
distinguish themselves in having innovative designs, uniformly culturally for a variety of reasons. The volume includes
high polish, and flawless execution of difficult techniques such as more examples.
granulation and filligree (Shimada and Griffin 1994), while a
double-spout-and-bridge blackware bottle (Fig. 31) shows the most
elaborate grouping of detailed Sicán adornos yet documented
(Cleland and Shimada 1992b).
References
Alonso, M. 1958. Enciclopedia del Idioma:
46. Arnold and Nieves further add that any study involving
culture change should further incorporate a diachronic comparison Diccionario Histórico y Moderno de la Lengua
of like classes of materials. Española (Siglos XII al XX) Etimológico,
47. Costin and Hagstrum's (1995) assessment of potters' Tecnológico, Regional e Hispanoamericano.
"skill" dealt with comparing deviation in wall thickness and Aguilar, Madrid.
completeness of firing across variable forms of pottery from three
distinct production groups. This was a more generalized study than Arnold, D. E. 1985. Ceramic Theory and Cultural
our comparison of functionally like moldmade blackware bottles, in Process. Cambridge University Press, New York.
part because they were only somewhat certain that identical
production techniques had been applied to all three classes. Given
1994. La Tecnología Cerámica Andina: Una
these factors, this is a situational comparison. Potting skill, for the Perspectiva Etnoarqueológica. In Tecnología y
time being, appears to be a subject best treated in terms of a Organización de la Producción de Cerámica
problem-specific or culture-specific focus. Prehispánica en los Andes, ed. I. Shimada, pp. 477
48. Rice (1987) notes that Peacock (1982) made allowance —504. Pontifícia Universidad Católica del Perú,
for the possibility of state or centralized control of nucleated Fondo Editorial, Lima.
workshop production. This is more useful to us than Costin's more
Arnold, D. E, and A. L. Nieves. 1992. Factors
restrictive definition of "nucleated workshop," which specifies that
the goods produced are unrestricted in distribution (Costin 1991; Affecting Ceramic Standardization. In Ceramic
Costin and Hagstrum 1995). While it would be desirable to develop Production and Distribution: An Integrated
a master terminology for cross-cultural application when Approach, ed. G. J . Bey, Ill and C. A. Pool, pp. 93
characterizing organization of production, investigators thus far
have based their categories on their own experience, as we
—1 13. Westview Press, Boulder.
admittedly do here, with the result that no scheme specific enough
to be analytically useful provides for the range of variability
Bankes, G. 1985. The Manufacture and Circulation of
required to apply to every other investigator's experience (see Paddle and Anvil Pottery on the North Coast of
Hayashida 1995 for a detailed critique). Rice's (1987) general Peru. World Archaeology
categories of household production, household industry, individual
workshop and nucleated workshop proved generally applicable in 1988. Paddle and Anvil Potters of the North
the recent collection of ethnographic and achaeological studies of Coast of Peru. In Recent Studies in PreColumbian
ceramic production and distribution edited by Bey and Pool (1992).
In the Bey and Pool volume, integration of production Archaeology, ed. N. J. Saunders and O. de
and distribution was the prevailing theme, with attention Montmollin, pp. 545—553. BAR International
turned more than in most other writing on this subject Series 421. British Archaeological Reports, Oxford.
toward the relationship between the potter and the
distributor and the consumer, or the potter and the Bennett, W. C. 1939. Archaeology of the North Coast
consumer, when the potter is passive or active distributor
of his or her own finished vessels (Bey 1992; Pool 1992).
of Peru. Anthropological Papers, American Museum
While a detailed review of the findings of the volume is of Natural History 37(1). American Museum of
beyond the scope of the present study, it is important to Natural History, New York.
note that several authors presented evidence documenting
contexts of regional variability in pottery production Bey, G. J., Ill. 1992. Introduction. In Ceramic
across a culturally consistent region at one time. Feinman Production and Distribution: An Integrated
et al. (1992), for example, presented evidence from
prehistoric Oaxaca that factors to do with transportability Approach, ed. G. J. Bey, Ill, and C. A. Pool, pp. 1
of pottery account for differences in form and quality of —22. Westview Press, Boulder.
firing of wares (stackable bowls) for distant exchange
within the region with those consumed locally (ollas).
Blinman and Wilson (1992) examine access to resources
Bey, G. J., 111 and C. A. Pool (eds.) 1992. Ceramic Chronology. Paper presented at the Northeast
Production and Distribution: An Integrated Conference of Andean Archaeology and
Approach. Westview Press, Boulder. Ethnohistory. Albany, New York.
Blinman, E. and C. D. Wilson. 1992. Ceramic 1986. Paleteada Ceramics from Batán Grande:
Production and Exchange in the Northern San Juan New Data and Thoughts on Chronology, Form,
Region A.D. 60—900. Integrating Ceramic Function, and Production. Paper presented at the
Production and Distribution. In Ceramic Production Northeast Conference of Andean Archaeology and
and Distribution: An Integrated Approach, ed. G. J. Ethnohistory. Ithaca, New York.
Bey, Ill, and C. A. Pool, pp. 155—173. Westview 1992a. Sicán Bottles: Marking Time in the
Press, Boulder. Peruvian Bronze Age—A Five Part Typology and
Seriation. Andean Past 3: 193—235.
Brumfiel, E. M., and T. K. Earle. 1987. Specialization, 1992b. Classes in Perpetuity: Reflections of
Exchange, and Complex Societies: An Introduction. Early Middle Sicán Social Structure and Economy
In Specialization, Exchange and Complex Societies, in Mortuary Pottery and Practices. Paper presented
ed. E. M. Brumfiel and T. Earle, pp. 1—9. at the Northeast Conference of Andean Archaeology
Cambridge University Press, New York. and Ethnohistory, Hamilton, New York.
Camino, L. 1982. Los que Vencieron al Tiempo. 1994. Cerámios Paleteados: Tecnología, Esfera
Centro de Investigación y Promoción del de Producción y Sub-Cultura en el Perú Antiguo.
Campesinado, Piura. Tecnología y Organización de la Producción de
Carcedo, P. 1989. Anda Ceremonial Lambeyecana: Cerámica Prehispánica en los Andes, ed. I. Shimada,
Iconografía y Simbología. In Lambayeque, ed. J. A. pp. 321—348. Pontifícia Universidad Católica del
de Lavalle, pp. 249—270. Collección Arte y Tesoros Perú, Fondo Editorial, Lima
del Perú. Banco de Crédito del Perú, Lima.
Collier, D. L. 1955. Cultural Chronology and
Carcedo, P., and I. Shimada. 1985. Behind the Golden Change as Reflected in the Ceramics of the
Mask: Sicán Gold Artifacts from Batán Grande, Virú Valley, Peru. Fieldiana:Anthropology,
Peru. In The Art of Precolumbian Gold: The Jan Vol. 43. Chicago Natural History Museum,
Mitchell Collection, ed. J. Jones, pp. 61—75. Chicago.
Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London. 1959. Pottery Stamping and Molding
on the North Coast of Peru. Actas del
Cavallaro, R., and I. Shimada. 1988. Some Thoughts
XXXIII Congreso Internacional de
on Sicán Marked Adobes and Labor Organization. Americanístas, 11:421—431. Editorial
American Antiquity 53:75—101. Antonio Leman, San José.
Christensen, R. T. 1955. A Modern Ceramic Industry Costin, C. L. 1991. Craft Specialization: Issues
at Simbilá near Piura, Peru. Chimor, Año 3:10—20. in Defining, Documenting, and Explaining
the Organization of Production. In
Cleland, K. M. n.d. Field notes, Sicán Archaeological Archaeological Method and Theory, vol. 3,
Project 1982, 1983—84, and 1986 seasons. ed M. E. Schiffer, pp. 1—56. University of
Arizona Press, Tucson.
Cleiand, K. M., D. W. Read and 1. Shimada. 1987. An
Application of a Fourier Analytic Procedure to Costin, C. L. and M. B. Hagstrum. 1995.
Analysis of Rim Shape in Ceramics at Huaca del Standardization, Labor Investment, Skill,
Pueblo Batán Grande, Peru. Paper presented at the and the Organization of Ceramic Production
52nd Annual Meeting of the Society for American in Late Prehispanic Highland Peru.
Archaeology. Toronto, Ontario, Canada. American Antiquity 60:619—639.
Cleland, K. M., and I. Shimada. 1985. Variability in Cummins, T. 1994. La Tradición de Figurinas
Sicán Blackware: Morphology, Decoration, de la Costa Ecuatoriana: Estilo Tecnológico
y el uso de Moldes. In Tecnología y la Producción de Cobre en el Cerro de los

Organización de la Producción de Cerámica Cementerios, Perú. Beiträge zur
Prehispánica en los Andes, ed. I. Shimada, Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden
pp. 295—319. Pontificia Universidad Archäologie 5:379-430.
Católica del Perú, Fondo Editorial, Lima. Espinoza Soriano, W. 1969—70. Los Mitimaes
Yunga de Collique en Cajamarca, Siglos
D' Altroy, T. N. 1992. Provincial Power in the Inka XV, XVI, y XVII.
Empire. Washington, Smithsonian Institution.
Revista del Museo Nacional 36:9—57.
Delavaud, C. C. 1984. Ins Regiones Costeñas
del Perú Septentrional. Pontifícia Feinman, G. , S. A. Kowalewski, S. Banker,
Universidad Católica del Peru, Lima. and L. M. Nicholas. 1992. Ceramic
Production and Distribution in Late
DeMarrais, E., L. J. Castillo, and T. Earle. Postclassic Oaxaca: Stylistic and
1996. Ideology, Materialization, and Power Petrographic Perspectives. Integrating
Strategies. Current Anthropology 37: 15— Ceramic Production and Distribution. In
31. Ceramic Production and Distribution: An
Donnan, C. B. 1976. Moche Art and Iconography.
Integrated Approach, ed. G. J. Bey, Ill, and
UCLA Latin American Center, Los Angeles.
C. A. Pool, pp. 235—259. Westview Press,
1978. Moche Art of Peru. UCLA Museum of Boulder.
Culture History, Los Angeles.
Gordus, A. and I. Shimada. 1995. Neutron
Donnan, C. B., and C. J. Mackey. 1978. Activation Analysis of Microgram Samples
Ancient Burial Patterns of the Moche from 364 Gold
Valley, Peru. University of Texas Press,
Austin. Objects from a Sicán Burial Site in Peru. In
Materials Issues in Art and Archaeology V,
Ehrenreich, R. M. 1991. Archaeometallurgy compiled by P. B. Vandiver, pp. 127—142.
and Archaeology: Widening the Scope. In Materials Research Society Proceedings,
Recent Trends in Archaeometallurgy Vol. 8, Vol. 352. Pittsburgh.
Part 1, ed. P. D. Glumac, pp. 55—61.
MASCA, The University Museum of Hayashida, F. 1994. Producción Cerámica en el
Archaeology and Anthropology, University Imperio Inca: Una Visión Global y Nuevos
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Datos. In Tecnología y Organización de la
Producción de Cerámica Prehispánica en los
Elera C. G. n.d.a. Informe Sobre Cerámica Andes, ed. I. Shimada, pp. 443—475.
Paleteada de Huaca del Pueblo Batán Pontifícia Universidad Católica del Perú,
Grande. Ms. (1980) on file with I. Shimada. Fondo Editorial, Lima.
n.d.b. Características E Implicáncias 1995. State Pottery Production in the
Culturales en Dos Tumbas Disturbadas e Inka Provinces. Ph.D. dissertation,
Huaca La Merced, Complejo Arqueológico University of Michigan. University
de Batán Grande, Lambayeque, Costa Norte Microfilms, Ann Arbor, MI.
del Perú. Pontificia Universidad Católica
Hocquenghem, A. M. 1995. Contribución a la
del Perú. Ms. (1984) deposited at
Elaboración de Una Historia Regional.
Arqueología, Pontifícia Universidad
Actas de as Sesiones de Avances de
Católica del Perú.
Investigación, Academia
Epstein, S. M. and I. Shimada. 1984.
Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, Tomo 3,
Metalurgía de Sicán: Una Reconstrucción de
No. 1•.33-80. Lima,
Ishida, E. 1960. Andes Report No. 1. McNutt, C. H. 1973. On the Methodological Validity
BijutsuShuppansha, Tokyo. of Frequency Seriation. American Antiquity 38:45
Joralemon, P. D. 1971. A Study of Olmec —60.
Iconography. Studies in Pre-Columbian Art
Mendoza, E. 1985. Daños Ocasionados por las Lluvias
and Archaeology 7. Dumbarton Oaks,
de 1983 en Lambayeque. In Presencia Histórica de
Washington, DC.
Lambayeque, compiled by E. Mendoza, pp. 224—
Kosok, P. 1959. El Valle de Lambayeque. 229. Editorial e Imprenta DESA S.A., Lima.
Actas y Trabajos del Il Congreso Nacional
Merkel, J. F. , A. I. Seruya, D. Griffiths, and I.
de Historia del Perú: Epoca Pre-Hispánica
Shimada. 1995. Metallographic and Microanalysis
1:69—76. El Centro, Lima.
of Precious Metal Objects from the Sicán Period at
1965. Life, Land, and Water in Ancient
Batán Grande, Peru. In Materials Issues in Art and
Peru. Long Island University Press, New
Archaeology V, compiled by P. B. Vandiver, pp.
York.
105—126. Materials Research Society Proceedings,
Kroeber, A. L., and J. C. Muelle. 1942. La vol. 352. Pittsburgh.
Cerámica Paleteada de Lambayeque.
Moore, J. 1989. Pre-Hispanic Beer in Coastal Peru:
Revista del Museo Nacional 1-24.
Technological and Social Context of Prehistoric
Lanning, E. P. 1963. A Ceramic Sequence for Production. American Anthropologist 91:682—695.
the Piura and Chira Coast, North Peru. Morris, C. 1979. Maize Beer in the Economics,
University of Politics, and Religion of the Inca empire. In
Fermented Beverage Foods in Nutrition, ed. C.
California Publications in American Ethnology Gastineau, W. Darby and T. Turner, pp. 21—34.
46(2): 135-284. Berkeley. Academic Press, New York.
Lemonnier, P. 1992. Elements for an Anthropology of
Technology. Anthropological Papers of the Moseley, M. E. 1975. Prehistoric Principles of Labor
University of Michigan, No. 88. University of Organization in the Moche Valley, Peru. American
Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. Antiquity 40: 191—196.
Lothrop, S. K. 1948. Pariñas-Chira Archaeology: A Muelle, J. C. 1943. Concerning the Middle Chimu
Preliminary Report. In A Reappraisal of Peruvian Style. University of California Publications in
Archaeology, ed. W. C. Bennett, pp. 53—65. American Archaeology and Ethnology 39(3):203—
Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, 222.
American Antiquity, 13 (4, pt.2), Menasha,WI.
Narváez, A. 1995. El Ave Mítica Lambayeque: Nuevas
Maquet, J. 1979. Aesthetic Anthropology. Undena, Propuestas Iconográficas I. Utopía Norteña, pp. 109
Malibu, California. —123. Special issue on the silver anniversary of the
1985. The Aesthetic Experience: An Universidad Nacional. "Pedro Ruíz Gallo,"
Anthropologist Looks at the Visual Arts. Yale Lambayeque.
University Press, New Haven.
MASCA. n.d. Petrographic Analysis, Observations on
the Inclusion Suite, and Summary Comments.
Report on archaeometric analysis of pottery sample
submitted by Proyecto Arqueológico de Sicán.
MASCA, University of Pennsylvania.
Netherly, P. 1978. Local Level Lords on the North Prehispánico. Revista del Museo Nacional 41:311-
Coast of Peru. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of 149.
Anthropology, Cornell University. University
Rowe, J. , and D. Menzel. 1967. Introduction. In
Microfilms, Ann Arbor, MI.
Peruvian Archaeology: Selected Readings, ed. J.
Peacock, D. P. S. 1981. Archaeology, Ethnology, and Rowe and D. Menzel, not paginated. Palo Alto:
Ceramic Production. In Production and Distribution: Peek Publications.
A Ceramic Viewpoint, ed. H. Howard and E.
Sabogal Weisse, J. R. 1982. La Cerámica de Piura.
Morris, 187—94. BAR International Series 120.
Tomos I y Il. Instituto Andino de Artes Populares,
British Archaeological Reports, Oxford.
Quito.
1982. Pottery in the Roman World: An
Ethnoarchaeological Approach. Longmans, London. Salazar Rodríguez, J. , E. López Carranza, and J. M.
Vreeland. 1993. Medida de las Temperaturas de un
Pickett, C. 1981. Preliminary Comments on Ceramic Horno Artesanal de Mórrope, Departamento de
Analysis: Batán Grande—La Leche Archaeological Lambayeque, Utilizado para la Fabricación
Project. Paper presented at the 46th Annual Meeting Tradicional de Alfarería. Bulletin de l 'Institut
of the Society for American Archaeology, San Français d 'Etudes Andines 22:685—699.
Diego. Schaedel, R. P. 1979. The Confluence of
Pressed Ware and Paddle Ware Traditions in
Pool, C. A. 1992. Integrating Ceramic Production and
Coastal Peru. In Festschrift für Hermann
Distribution. In Ceramic Production and
Trimborn, ed. R. Hartmann and U. Oberem,
Distribution: An Integrated Approach, ed. G. J. Bey, pp. 231—239. Amerikanistische
111, and C. A. Pool, pp. 275-313. Westview Press, StudienÆstudios Americanístas Il. Haus
Boulder. Volker und Kulturen und Kulturen
Anthropos-lnstitut, San Augustin.
Pulgar Vidal, J. 1987. Geografía del Perú: Los Ocho
1988. La Ethnografía Muchik en las
Regiones Naturales. Décima Edición. PIESA, Lima.
Photogrifías de H. Brüning 1886—1925. Cofide,
Ramirez, S. 1981. La Organización Económica de la Lima.
Costa Norte: Una Análisis Preliminar del Período Schiffer, M. 1972. Archaeological Context and
Prehispánico Tardio. In Etnohistoría y Antropología Systemic Context. American Antiquity 37: 156—
Andina, ed. A. Castelli, M. Koth de Paredes, and M. 165.
Mould de Pease, pp. 281—297. Instituto de Shimada, I. 1976. Socioeconomic Organization
Estudios Peruanos, Lima. of Moche V Pampa Grande, Peru: Prelude to
1985. Social Frontiers and the Territorial Base a Major Transformation to Come. Ph.D.
of Curacazgos. In Andean Ecology and Civilization, dissertation, University of Arizona.
ed. S. Masuda, I. Shimada, and C. Morris, pp. 423 University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Ml.
—442. University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo. 1978. Economy of Prehistoric Urban
Rice, P. 1987. Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook. Context: Commodity and Labor Flow in
University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Moche V Pampa Grande, Peru. American
Antiquity 43:569—592.
Rondón Salas, J. 1966. Ferreñafe 1982. Horizontal Archipelago and
CoastHighland Interaction. In El Hombre y
Prehispánico. Ferruñap 111 su Ambiente en los Andes Centrales, ed. L.
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M. 1975. Pescadores, Millones and H. Tomoeda, pp. 137—210.
Artesanos, y Mercaderes Costeños en el Perú Senri Ethnological Studies, No. 10. Osaka.
165
1985a. Pottery Production in Morrope, Tecnología y Organización de la Producción

Peru: Productivity, Specialization, and Space de Cerámica Prehispánica en los Andes, ed.
as Resources. Paper presented at the 50th I. Shimada, pp. 295—319. Fondo Editorial,
Annual Meeting of the Society for American Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú,
Archaeology, Denver. Lima
1985b. Perception, Procurement and 1994b. Pampa Grande and the Mochica
Management of Resources: Archaeological Culture. University of Texas Press, Austin.
Perspective. In Andean Ecology and 1995a. Cultura Sicán: Diós, Riqueza y
Civilization, ed. S. Masuda, I. Shimada, and Poder en la Costa Norte del Perú. Fundación
C. Morris. pp. 357—400. University of del Banco Continental para el Fomento de la
Tokyo Press, Tokyo. Educación, EDUBANCO, Lima.
1985c. La Cultura Sicán: 1995b. Prehispanic Metallurgy and
Caracterización Arqueológica. In Presencia Mining in the Andes: Recent Advances and
Histórica de Lambayeque, compiled by E. Future Tasks. In In Quest of Mineral Wealth:
M. Semillan, pp. 76—133. Ediciones y Aboriginal and Colonial
Representaciones H. Falconi, Lima.
Mining and Metallurgy in Spanish America,
1987. Horizontal and Vertical
ed. R. West and A. K. Craig, pp. 37—73.
Dimensions of Prehistoric States in North
Geoscience and Man Vol. 53. Louisiana
Peru. In The Origins and Development of the
State University, Baton Rouge.
Andean State. Ed. J. Haas, S. Pozorski, and
T. Pozorski, pp. 130—144. Cambridge Shimada, I. , and R. Cavallaro. 1986.
University Press, New York. Monumental Adobe Architecture of the Late
1990. Cultural Continuities and Pre-Hispanic Northern North Coast of Peru.
Discontinuities on the Northern North Coast Journal de la Société des Américanistes
of Peru. Middle-Late Horizons. In The 71:41—78.
Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft
Shimada, 1., and colleagues. 1981. The Batán
in Chimor, ed. M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-
Grande—La Leche Archaeological Project:
Collins, pp. 297—392. Dumbarton Oaks,
The First Two Seasons. Journal of Field
Washington, D.C.
Archaeology 8:405-446.
1992a. Sicán Archaeological Project Report.
Shimada, I. , S. Epstein, and A. K. Craig. 1982.
Willay 37/38:13-19.
Batán Grande: A Prehistoric Metallurgical
1992b. The Regional States of the Coast
Center in Peru. Science 216:952-959.
During the Late Intermediate Period:
Archaeological Evidence, Ethnohistorical Shimada, I. , and J. A. Griffin. 1994. Precious
Record, an Art Outline. In Metal Objects of the Middle Sicán.
Scientific American
I Rengi Preincaici e Il Mondo Inca, ed. L.
Laurencich-Minelli, pp. 49—64, 97—110. Corpus
Shimada, I. , and A. Maguiña. 1994. Una
Precolombiano Series. JACA Book, Milan.
Nueva Visión sobre la Cultura Gallinazo y
1992c. Sicán Elite Shaft Tombs: su Relación con la Culture Moche. In
Broader Sample. Paper presented as Invited Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas, ed. S.
Lecture, Institute of Archaeology, University Uceda and E. Mujica, pp. 31—58.
College, London. Universidad Nacional de la Libertad,
1994a. Producción Alfarera en Mórrope, Trujillo.
Perú: Productividad, Especialización, y
Espacio Vistas como Recursos. In
166
Shimada, I. , and J. Merkel. 1991. Copper 1986. Cotton Spinning and Processing on the
Alloy Metallurgy in Ancient Peru. Scientific Peruvian North Coast. In The Junius B. Bird
American Conference on Andean Textiles, ed. A. P. Rowe,
pp.
Topic J. R., Jr. 1982. Lower-Class Social and
363—383. The Textile Museum, Washington, DC.
Economic Organization at Chan Chan. In Chan
Chan: Andean Desert City, ed. M. E. Moseley Wagner, U. , C. Ulbert, J. Vreeland, and F. E. Wagner.
and K. C. Day, pp. 145—175. University of 1989. Kiln Firing of Clays in the North of Peru:
New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Today and in the Pre-colombian Times. Paper
1990. Craft Production in the Kingdom of presented at the the 38th Meeting of the Mössbauer
Chimor. In The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Spectroscopy Discussion Group, Royal Society of
Statecraft in Chimor, ed. M. E. Moseley and A. Chemistry, University of Essex.
Cordy-Collins, pp. 145—176. Dumbarton Oaks,
Washington, D.C.
Tschauner, H. , M. Vetters-Tschauner, J. Dulanto, M.
Saco, and C. Wester. 1994. Un Taller Alfarero
Chimú en el Valle de Lambayeque. In Tecnología y
Organización de la Producción de Cerámica
Prehispánica en los Andes, ed. I. Shimada, pp. 349
—393. Pontifícia Universidad Católica del Perú,
Fondo Editorial. Lima.
van der Leeuw, S. 1977. Towards a Study of the
Economics of Pottery Making. Ex Horreo , ed. B. L.
van Beek, R. W. Brandt, and W. Gruenman-van
Waateringe, pp. 68—76. Albert Egges van Giffen
Institute of Prehistory, University of Amsterdam.
Pottery Manufacture: Some
Complications for the Study of Trade. In Pots and
Potters: Current Approaches in Ceramic
Archaeology, ed. P. Rice, pp. 55-69. UCLA
Institute of Archeology Monograph 24. University
of California Press, Los Angeles.
1991. Giving the Potter a Choice. In
Technological Choices: Transformation in Material
Culture since the Neolithic, ed. P. Lemonnier, pp.
238-288. Routledge, New York.
1992. Cognitive Aspects of 'Technique.' In The
Ancient Mind: Elements of Cognitive Archaeology,
ed. C. Renfrew and E. B. Zubrow, pp. 135—142.
Cambridge University Press, New York.
Vreeland, J. M. 1978. Algodón "País": Un Cultivo
Milenario Olvidado. Boletín de la Sociedad
Geográfica de Lima 97:19—26.
167
168

Cleland and Shimada (1998) Paleteada

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Cleland and Shimada (1998) Paleteada

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Cleland and Shimada (1998) Paleteada

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

5

PALETEADA POTTERS: TECHNOLOGY, PRODUCTION SPHERE,

Kate M. Cleland and Izumi Shimada

MASCA Research Papers in Science and Archaeology, Supplement to Vol. 15 (1998)

Introduction Given the abundance, wide

production and sociocultural relations

It is argued here that the appearance of

performing basic segmentary tasks in mining

ters in the Batán Grande area

limited to the domestic unit may

against the anvil, commonly a

Comparing indirect technological Arnold in this volume),

repeating paddle strikes against an anvil. behavioral, social, and material

sum, Mórrope has exactly the sort of

Procurement of Potting Materials

and only permanent feature of the Mórrope

aligning them on or beside an 8 to 10 m long ridge and

Fig. 8. Plane-table map of pottery wor

selection of large His wife spent often three

three-dimensional means to be largely self-

d and better preparing clay 6. vertical support 25. area where

"pological archaeological sites studied by the potting

later than the relativel d material appeara

Sicán cemetery in precious domination of enabled or

HUACA DEL PUEBLO BATAN GRANDE

Pueblo (HPBG), with paleteada consumed at HPBG, as Chimú Shimada 1985,

abstract important to this smelting, which was

arbitrary breakdowns subsistence and other

ceremonial changes Grande, Trench occurs

motifs in gy and reflect Several design bottles in the

Other Group L larly to the to Middle suggesting a

motifs and Huaca del power, as bottle

Early Middle to Fig. 25. Sicán Lord— known in any

The pars pro toto elements. He figures on burnished soon widely

PALETEADA DESIGN GROUPS OVER

account for the lack of publication of

Fig. 28. Ceramic paddle bearing rectangular-motif

Fig. 29. Badly eroded ceramic paddle showing

Fig. 31. Elaborate double-spout Early Middle Sicán bottle

idiosyncratic variation held higher sway than canonized profile

y el uso de Moldes. In Tecnología y la Producción de Cobre en el Cerro de los

1985a. Pottery Production in Morrope, Tecnología y Organización de la Producción

You might also like