PolSci Draft End

National Law School of India University
POLITICAL SCIENCE - 1
EDMUND BURKE ON REVOLUTION:

LESSONS FOR CONTEMPORARY
POLITICS
SUBMITTED BY:
DIVYANSH MISHRA
I.D. NO. 2465
I YEAR B.A., LL.B. (HONS.)
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................................3
CHAPTER 1: BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION..................................................................4
CHAPTER 2: BURKE ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION......................................................10
CHAPTER 3: BURKE ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION...................................................12
CHAPTER 4: LESSONS FROM BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION ....................................14
CHAPTER 5: NAXAL MOVEMENT- AN ANALYSIS THROUGH BURKE’S PERSPECTIVE ....15
CHAPTER 6: KASHMIR ISSUE- ANALYSIS THROUGH BURKE’S PERSPECTIVE .................17
CONCLUSION...........................................................................................................................19
REFERENCES............................................................................................................................20
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INTRODUCTION
Edmund Burke is often referred to as the founder of the modern conservatism. Edmund began
his career in literature with a satire named A vindication of Natural Society, and went on to
write a book on aesthetic, called A Philosophical enquiry into our Ideas of Sublime and
Beauty. However, in the year 1765 his literary career gave way to a political one and he was
then elected to the House of Commons. Beginning from 1770 until the the glorious American
Revolution, he was the London agent for the state of New York in America and attributed the
instability and the unrest in the American colonies to the aggressive and intrusive policies of
the British government. His concerns regarding the British misgovernance lead him to
campaign against the policies and the activities of the East India Company and he was further
responsible for the impeachment of Warren Hasting as the governor general of India in the
year 1788. His most famous work is his critique on the French Revolution, Reflections on the
Revolution in France which was published in the year 1790.1
The pioneers of modern conservatism are often called Edmund Burke. Edmund started his
literary career with a satire called The Natural Society Vindication and went on to write an
aesthetic book called The Metaphysical Study of our Sublimity and Beauty Ideas. In 1765,
however, his literary career became political and he became a Chamber of Commons elected.
He was London’s New York State Agent in America from 1770 to the glorious American
Revolution and contributed to the violent and coercive policies of the British government the
chaos and anarchy in the American colonies. He was also responsible for Warren Hasting ‘s
prosecution as the general governor of India, in 1788, when he was concerned about the
British misgovernment which led him to campaign against the policies and activities of the
East India Company. His most famous work is his condemnation of the French Revolution,
Thoughts on the French Revolution, published in 1790.
The project aims at studying Edmund Burke’s views on revolution and the lessons that can
help us better comprehend the issues in the contemporary politics. The Project is divided in 5
chapters. The first chapter deals with the views of Edmund Burke on political revolution and
1
Ian Adams and R.W. Dyson, Fifty Major Political Thinkers (2nd Edn, Routledge 2007) 88.
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the systematic theory of revolution inferred from various letters, speeches and works of
Edmund Burke. The first chapter deals with the various causes, courses and outcomes of a
revolution in accordance to Edmund Burke. The second and the third chapters deal with the
views of Edmund Burke on the French and American Revolution respectively, and explain
the disparity between the stances of Edmund Burke in case of both the revolutions. The
fourth chapter summarises the lessons for the contemporary politics from Burke’s views on
revolution. The fifth chapter deals with the analysis of the Naxalite movement in Indian in the
light of the lessons from Burke’s view on revolution. Finally, the sixth chapter attempts to
analyse the Kashmir issue in the light of those lessons.
The aim of this project is to research the groundbreaking views of Edmund Burke and the lessons that
can help us understand today’s issues. The project consists of 5 parts. Edmund Burke ‘s views on
political revolution and Edmund Burke ‘s systemic theory of revolution are dealt with by Edmund
Burke in his first chapter. In the first chapter, Edmund Burke addresses the different causes,
directions and consequences of a revolution. Chapters two and three deal with Edmund Burke ‘s
views on the French and American revolutions and describe the difference in Edmund Burke ‘s
positions in both the revolutions. The fourth chapter summarises Burke ‘s observations into current
politics.The fifth chapter explores Burke ‘s views on revolution in terms of a study of Naxali movement
in Indian. Finally, in the light of those lessons, the sixth chapter tries to examine the Kashmir problem.
CHAPTER 1: BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION
Edmund Burke, through his political philosophy, contested the idea of reform through
revolution. He considered revolution to be a leap away from the known into the unknown.
He advocated for a gradual reforms approach without hampering the present state of the
various institutions and customs. He argued that the society is a result of the multitude of
developments that occurred through the course of history. Burke perceived society as a
complex organism beyond the comprehension of any one individual or a group of individuals
from a single generation. In a nut shell, the society is the product of the nexus of the the
individuals presently living and those who lived in the past; and, a revolution aims at the
destruction of this very nexus. 2
Burke criticised the notion of change through revolution through his political theory. He
thought revolution was a jump from what was understood to the unknown. He called upon the
different institutions and customs to move forward with incremental changes without
hindering the current situation. He believed that culture is the product of the many changes
that have taken place in history. Burke viewed society as a dynamic entity beyond the
2
Ian Adams and R.W. Dyson, Fifty Major Political Thinkers (2nd Edn, Routledge 2007) 88.
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understanding of any person or community. In a nut-shell, culture is the result of the ties
between the present and past people; and a revolution seeks to break this connexion itself.
Burke didn’t lay down a theory of revolution per se. He opposed the the idea of systematic
theories on epistemological grounds. He opposed various ideas regarding politics,
colonialism and revolution prevalent in his time. Burke’s views on revolution have been
constructed by the perusal of various such criticisms put forward by him.3
Burke did not set out a new philosophy per se. He rejected the concept of epistemologically
formal theories. He rejected many theories that existed in his time surrounding politics,
colonialism, and revolution. By reading various such critiques, Burke ‘s views on revolution
have been built by him.
A common contention raised by various political scientists and scholars is that Burke’s
conception of revolution was excessively based on the conspiracy theories. Therefore, he is
incapable of providing a convincing explanation for the occurrence of revolutions.4
A popular claim posed by different political scientists and scientists was that Burke ‘s view of
revolution was overly focused on theories of conspiracy. It is also unable to clarify the
occurrence of revolutions with certainty.
However, these contentions have been put to rest by Michael Freeman in his article titled
‘Edmund Burke and the Sociology or revolution’5. Freeman argues that conspiracy theory
does play a role in Burke’s idea of revolution; however, conspiracy was neither the sole nor
sufficient reason behind revolution. He believed that the role played by the conspiracies in
Burke’s conception of revolution was a secondary one.
However, in its article ‘Edmund Burke and the Sociology or Revolution,’ Michael Freeman
reassured these arguments. Freeman believes that Burke ‘s concept of revolution is based on
conspiracy theory; but conspiracy was not the only or enough explanation behind the
revolution. He thought that Burke ‘s view of revolt was subordinate to that of the
conspiracies.
3
Michael Freeman, ‘Edmund Burke and the theory of revolution’(1978) (6)(3) SAGE <
https://www.jstor.org/stable/190806> accessed on 5 April 2019.
4
Francis P. Canavan, The Political Reason of Edmund Burke (Duke University Press 1960)
5
Michael Freeman, 'Edmund Burke and the Sociology or Revolution," Political
Studies, 25 (1977), pp. 459-473.
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Burke classified the reasons of revolution into three. The first is the great discontent arising
due to reasons that cannot be pre-empted or prevented by any human. Second, the
indifference and the mistakes of the governments/authorities that further fuel the discontent
amongst the masses. This, if continues, leads to a feeling of despise and distrust amongst the
masses towards the government and the constitution. Only when the aforementioned
conditions have taken place, the conspiracy theory plays a role. The conspiracies by the
revolution leaders make the people despise their own constitution and the authority.
Therefore, according to Burke, the conspiracies come into effect only when the society is
unstable due to the other aforementioned reasons.6 Burke’s point was that conspirators do not
cause revolution out of nothing. The grievances and the indignation amongst the masses
provides the ground to the conspirators on which they cause the revolution. The conspirators
merely add fuel to the fire aroused by the oppressive government or authority.
The groundbreaking reasons were listed by Burke in three. The first is the great discontent
which occurs for reasons which no man can predict or predict. Secondly, the ignorance and
errors of governments and authorities, which fuel mass discontent. This, if continued, leads
the masses against the government and constitution to a sense of contempt and mistrust. The
theory of conspiracy only plays a role when the conditions described above are fulfilled. The
conspiracies of the leaders of the revolution make them disdain their own constitution and
their own authority. According to Burke, conspiracies only take place if the organisation is
dysfunctional for the above purposes. The argument of Burke was that conspirators did little
to revolt. The grievances and the anger among the people are a foundation for a revolt for the
conspirators. The plotters only add fire.
Burke’s theory of revolution although cannot be found comprehensively in his any one
particular work, can be inferred from his letters, speeches and publications. Burke’s theory of
revolution, however, has been generalised by scholars and structured into causes, course and
outcomes of the revolution.7
Although Burkes Revolutionary Theory is not entirely feasible in his work, his letters,
speeches and publications can be taken from it. But Burke ‘s revolutionary theory has been
generalised and organised in causes, courses and consequences of the revolution by scholars.
6
Edmund Burke, “The work and the correspondence of Edmund Burke” (Vol. 5 Nabu Press 2012)Vol. V, pp.
526-527.
7
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CAUSES
Edmund Burke believed that for any revolution to take place, the primary condition is the
presence of radical and widespread grievances. In his Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe, Burke
demarcated real/practical grievances from the false/ speculative grievances. Further, it is the
practical grievances that cause a stir amongst the masses. He contends that the poor are the
real judges for the practical grievances. This is because the poor people are the ones most
affected by the policies and the decision of the government; they are the one who face the
maximum oppression from the authorities. However, Burke believes that the poor people are
neither good judges of the reasons nor the solutions of the practical grievances. Burke suggest
that the best judges for the causes and the solution of these real grievances are, what he calls,
“Substantial, Sober and rational part of the population.”8 He argues that the poor people are
incapable of reason. This distinction between the unintelligent poor and the other segment of
the society capable of reasoning lays the ground for theorising the course of a revolution by
Edmund Burke.
Edmund Burke found the nature of radical and widespread grievances to be the prime
condition for any revolution. Burke demarcated the actual / practical complaints from
falsified / speculative complaints from his Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe. In addition, the
realistic complaints are due to the masses. He believes that the poor are the true judges of the
realistic complaints. The poor are the ones who are most affected by government policies and
decisions; they face the utmost persecution by the governments. Burke claims, however, that
the weak do not judge the causes or address the realistic complaints. He suggests that the
poor people are incapable of reason. Burke stated that the best judges for the cause and
remedy of such real grievances are “substantial, sober and rational part of the population.”
This disparity between the unintelligent
COURSE
With regards to the course of a revolution, Burke talks about two other groups of individuals
which he refers to as ‘Counter- elites’ and ‘artful men.’ 9 The artful men are the people who
exploit the indignation amongst the masses, due to the widespread real grievances, by
identifying the wrong and false causes and providing inappropriate remedies. The ‘counter
8
Edmund Burke, “The work and the correspondence of Edmund Burke” (Vol. 4 Nabu Press 2012) 533.
9
ibid.
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elites’ as referred to by Burke refers to the talented and agitated middle class who have turned
against the ruling class because of their believe that deserve a higher share in the economic
outcome than they are currently receiving.
As to the course of a revolt, Burke speaks regarding the other two classes of citizens, what he
terms the ‘counter-elites’ and the ‘artistic men,’ the professional men who manipulate the
masses’ outrage by finding false causes and offering incorrect remedies. Burke’s so called
‘counter elites’ apply to the talented and agitated middle class who have turned against the
ruling class because of their conviction who they deserve a higher share of the economic
success.
Edmund contends the result of the real grievances amongst the masses would depend on the
the path led by which of the two sects, the sober and the artful, will be followed by the poor
people who are the real judges of the real grievances. He says the revolution would occur
when the poor or the oppressed people choose one of the two paths, the counter elites and the
artful men.10
Edmund argues that the outcome of the real mass grievances will depend on the course that
the two sects – the sober and the professional – would follow through with the bad, the true
judges of actual grievances. He says the revolt will happen if the poor or marginalised prefer
one of the two ways, the contrasting elite and the crafty.
First, when the government or the authority is unsympathetic towards the practical/real
grievances of the oppressed, the poor oppressed people follow the artful men. These are the
leaders who manipulate the masses in order to satisfy their self-interest. They see the
revolution as an opportunity to replace the current authority. 11
First of all, the poor, marginalised people obey the skilful men when the government or
authority is dissatisfied with the real / practical complaints of the repressed. These are the
leaders who exploit the masses to serve their own needs. You see the revolution as a chance
to overthrow the existing authority.
Second, when the rationale and sober men are themselves in a disarray, the oppressed won’t
look up to the former for reform. This state comes when the ruling class has been marred by
moral decay or conflicts within. In the aforementioned circumstances, the oppressed would
turn to the “counter elites” for solutions. However, according to Edmund burke, this would be
detrimental to the society. He argues that the counter-elites are bereft of reason and rationale.
10
Michael Freeman, 'Edmund Burke And The Sociology Of Revolution' (1977) 25 Political Studies.
11
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The social origin of these counter-elites does not suit them to be good rulers. Even though,
the oppressed will follow the path of revolution under the influence of these counter elites,
this would result in only further misgovernment. 12
Secondly, the marginalised would not look for change when the reasonable and sober men
themselves disorganise. This condition is when moral degradation or internal tensions have
marred the ruling class. The marginalised would look to the “counter elites” for remedies in
the above circumstances. But this is to the detriment of culture, according to Edmund burke.
He suggests that the opposite elites lack purpose and justification. They are not successful
leaders because of their social history. While under the control of these counter elites, the
marginalised would take the route of revolt, this will lead only to more misrule.
OUTCOME
In essence, Edmund Burke believed that a revolution in all probability will replace the current
established institutions with a tyranny and a totalitarian authority.
Burke believes that a revolution replaced an established institutional structure with an untried
talent in power. He firmly believed that society was not the product of a single generation, it
was the result of a reflections of the long intricate history onto the present. A society not only
consisted of the people living in the present, but also, those who lived in the past and framed
the present structure of the society. Further, the wholesale destruction and demolition of the
present structure, although might come as appealing and expeditious way of reforms to the
oppressed, it would neither be appropriate nor helpful.13
Essentially, Edmund Burke argues that a revolution would most likely substitute dictatorship
and authoritarian power for the present existing institutions.
Burke argues that an institutional system of untried talent replaced a revolt. He strongly
believed that civilization was not the result of one generation; it was the result of a reflection
on the present of the long, complicated past. A society consisted not only of people living
now, but also of people who used to live and frame the new structure of society. In addition,
the wholesale destruction and dismantling of this current structure would be neither necessary
nor beneficial, while it may be an enticing and expeditious means of transforming the
oppressed.
12
13
ibid 353.
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In the Speech on Economic Reforms14 given in the 1780, Edmund Burke enunciated the
detrimental outcomes of hasty reforms. His views on the outcomes of hasty reforms have
been used by the scholars to shed some light on his theory of revolution. 15 Accordingly,
revolution leads to the establishment of an authority that is oppressive and incompetent. The
various attributes that can be associated to a revolutionary government being: crude and
harsh; imprudent; indigested; contrary to human nature and unjust.
In his account of the French Revolution, Edmund Burke says that the morals of the people
during the revolution, benevolence of the masses and want for feeling for all, were used by
the revolutionary leader in order to oppress the people.
Edmund Burke spoke in the 1780 Speech on Economic Reforms about the negative effects of
hasty reforms. The scholars have been using his views on the consequences of hasty changes
to give some light to his revolutionary theory. Revolution thus led to the development of an
authoritarian and inept authority. Different characteristics associated with the revolutionary
government are: rough and harsh; reckless; indigestible; unfair and against the human nature.
Edmund Burke ‘s account of the French revolution says that the revolutionary leader used the
people’s morality during the revolution, the good-will of the masses, and the urge to feel for
everyone, to exploit the people.
Edmund Burke was of the opinion that the governments established by revolution were no
more secured and competent than the ones that they replaced. 16Further, the revolution
government were established by preaching disrespect and disregard for the established
institutions and authority. Therefore, it would be absurd for the revolutionary
governments/authorities to expect loyalty and submission from the people.17
In order to establish a stable government, the primary requirement is that the authority must
make the subject obey it. Burke laid down the 5 factors that make the people obey the
authority: love, reverence, ideology, interest and fear.18 The safest way for the governments to
14
15
https://www.jstor.org/stable/190806> accessed on 5 April 2019 285.
16
17
ibid.
18
Edmund Burke, Reflections on the revolutions in France (First published 1790 Oxford University press) 194.
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ensure the loyalty of the subject without creating a stir amongst the masses is through love
and respect (reverence) However, a revolutionary government, attaining power by demolition
the old system, can’t be expected to obtain the obedience of the masses through love and
reverence. Further, the ideology based on which the revolutionary government came into
power is of disrespect for institutions. Therefore, the only way in which the revolutionary
government can get the people to obey is through force in order to instil fear in the mind of
the people. 19
Edmund Burke believed that the transitional governments were no more stable and
professional than those they replaced. In addition, by preaching disrespect and ignorance for
existing institutions and authorities the revolutionary administration was existing. It would
therefore be ridiculous to demand obedience and submission from the people for
revolutionary governments/ authorities.
The primary condition for the establishment of a stable government is that the authority
follow the matter. Burke has identified five factors to obedience: love, respect, ideology,
concern and fear. But if a Revolutionary government is willing, through demolishing the old
system, it can not presume that it obtain obedience from the people, through love and
gratitude, the safest way that governments can secure the allegiance of the subject without
stirring the people. In addition, the basis of philosophy
Therefore, in Burke’s view, an authority established through revolution would always be a

tyranny and derive its authority from the fear of the masses. Burke believed that ‘Force was
20
the only resource’ of a government established through revolution. For a revolutionary
government, the violence and deceit that were the means to an end, that is, the welfare of the
masses, become the end itself, whereas, the welfare of the masses becomes the mere pretext.
Further, Burke held a view that the traditions and cultures are important in order to protect
the society from various evils. Revolutions, he believed, destroyed these very cultures and
traditions on which the society rests.21
In Burke ‘s opinion, a revolutionary authority will therefore always be a monarchy and derive
its authority from the fear of the people. Burke claimed that a government formed by the
revolution ‘power was the only resource.’ The violence and delusion that were the means to
19
ibid 172,173.
20
21
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an end for a revolutionary government, namely the welfare of the people, are the end itself,
but the welfare of the people is the only excuse. In addition, Burke considered that cultures
and traditions are necessary to protect society from various evils. According to him,
revolutions have undermined the very cultures and practises upon which civilization lies.
Burke also envisaged that a revolution can have two other possible ramifications. First, the
revolution might lead to a counter revolution. Burke argued that since a revolution establishes
a tyranny, it develops circumstances similar to those that caused the revolution in the first
place. However, he argued, that the occurrence of a revolution will also depend on multitude
of other factors such as the unity amongst the subject and their will to change the status
quo.22Second, the revolution in one country might prompt revolution in other countries. He
believed that the rulers in other countries might tighten the control over their subject and
further exacerbating the situation. This might increase the grievances of the people and lead
them to another revolution. Burke contended that the successful revolution in America was
one of the causes of the French revolution.23
Burke also thought that there might be two more potential effects of the revolution. The
revolution could lead to a counter-revolution first. As a revolution creates a tyranny, Burke
maintains that the revolution first produces conditions identical to those triggering the
revolution. He argued, however, that revolutionary events would rely on various other factors
as the solidarity between the subject and his willingness to reform the state of affairs. Second,
in one country the revolution could bring about an early revolution. He assumed that in other
countries the leaders could tighten their grip and aggravate the situation further. This might
lead to a further revolt, increasing the grievances of the people. Burke argued that America’s
strong revolution was one of the triggers for the French revolution.
22
Edmund Burke, Reflections on the revolutions in France (First published 1790 Oxford University press) 125.
23
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CHAPTER 2: BURKE ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
Burke’s analysis of the French Revolution attributes the revolution to two factors. First, the
unprecedented prosperity witnessed by Europe on the eve of the French Revolution. Second,
was the division and the antagonisation within the ruling class. In his Letter to William Elio24t
in the year 1795, Burke highlighted the perils of the unprecedented prosperity witnessed by
the European countries during that period. Therefore, he predicted a social crisis arising as a
result of the conflict between the classes during the prosperity. He reasoned that the
unprecedented prosperity resulted into debility and lexness amongst the aristocracy. On the
other other hand, the prosperity led to the emergence of dark designs and bold spirits amongst
the bourgeoisie. The people whom Burke refers as the ‘Men of Talent’, in the light of the
prosperity, began to compare the benefit arising/ dividend with the merits and capabilities of
the claimants. Therefore, there was an emerging social crisis between the ruling class marred
with laxity and debility, and the agitated, talented and aggrieved middle class.25
The French Revolution ‘s study of Burke attributes to two reasons the revolution. Firstly, on
the eve of the French Revolution the unparalleled wealth of Europe. Secondly, there was the
capitalist class’s divide and contradiction. Burke illustrated the perils of the unparalleled
wealth of Europe during this period in his letter to William Elio in 1795. Thus, as a result of
the rivalry between the classes during prosperity, he expected a social crisis. He argued that
unparalleled wealth contributed to aristocracy ‘s weakness and lexicon. On the other hand,
the prosperity contributed to the bourgeoisie ‘s creation of dark designs and brave spirits.
Because of prosperity, those Burke refers to as the “men of talent,” the profit / dividend
started to be contrasted with the merits and abilities of the requesters. An emerging social
crisis has therefore occurred
The second factor that played an important role in the French Revolution, according to Burke,
was the increasing division and antagonisation amongst the ruling class. The French
monarchy in an attempt to seek the loyalty and the allegiance of the subjects/masses
antagonised all other allegiances.26 This is especially true for the nobility, aristocracy and the
24
Harold Jaski, Letters of Edmund Burke (Oxford University press 1920).
25
26
The Correspondence of Edmund Burke, Vol. 4 (Cambridge and Chicago Univer-
sity Presses, 1970), p. 242 hereafter cited as Corr.
Page 13
clergy. In order to gain the loyalty masses, various decisions adverse to the nobility clergy
and the aristocracy were taken by the monarchy leading to the creation of difference between
itself and the aristocracy.27
Secondly, according to Burke, the growing discord and antagonism amongst the ruling class
played a significant role in the French Revolution. In an effort to find the allegiance and
allegiance of the people and masses, the French monarchy antagonised all other loyalties. For
the nobility, the elite and the clergy this is particularly valid. The monarchy took different
decisions contrary to the bourgeoisie and the aristocracy, leading to the contradictions
between themselves and the Aristocracy, in order to win the allegiance masses.
As explained in the last chapter, the French revolution also resulted into the replacement of
the monarchy with a tyranny. In his book Reflections on the Revolution in France, Edmund
Burke goes on to call the revolution in France a ‘military dictatorship.”
It is believed that inter alia the French revolution was a result of class revolution. It was a
struggle between land and, money and ideas. However, according to Burke, in this strugsle, if
the bourgeoisie were the the winner, the aristocracy were not the only winners. The oppressed
poor section of the society had to face the tyranny of the revolutionary government. The
government which Burke calls military dictatorship.28
The French Revolution also led to the substitution of the monarchy for a dictatorship as
described in the last chapter. Edmund Burke continues to call France’s revolution a ‘fascist
dictatorship’ in his book Reflexions on the French Revolution.
The French Revolution is meant to be a product of the class revolution, among other things. It
was a war of ground, money and ideas. According to Burke, however, in this war the
aristocracy was not the only winner, if the bourgeoisie were to prevail. The marginalised,
disadvantaged part of society had to confront revolutionary rule’s tyranny. Burke calls a
military dictatorship. The nation.
CHAPTER 3: BURKE ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Edmund Burke supported the American Revolution. Burke’s views on the American
Revolution can be theorised from his speech on American Revolution29and his Speech on
27
ibid .
28
29
David Armitage, Edmund Burke and the reason of state, Journal of History of Ideas 61(4) : 617-634.
Page 14
concilliation with the colonies30. Burke supported the revolution in America because unlike
the French Revolution, the revolution in America aimed to protect the culture, tradition and
status quo.
The American Revolution was sponsored by Edmund Burke. His speech on the American
Revolution and the Speech of Conciliation with the colonies will theorise Burke ‘s views on
the American Revolution. Burke sponsored the revolution in America, for the revolution in
America aimed at safeguarding tradition , culture and the status quo, unlike the French
Revolution.
The seeds of the American Revolution were sown when the policies of the British
government towards the colonies in America started to become aggressive and hostile. The
policies of the British during the period were marked by an increased control on the trade and
the imposition of unprecedented taxes on internal commerce. Further, the policies of the
British colonisers aimed at interfering with the traditions and the cultures of the American
people. Therefore, it can be said that the policies of the British were directed at meddling
with the status quo in the American colonies. Edmund Burke was a conservative politician.
This was the reason behind his support of the American Revolution and opposition of the
revolution in France. Burke was against the idea of radical changes and believed that the
assumption should always be in favour of maintaining the current state of affairs.
The seeds of the American Revolution were seededed by the violent and hostile actions of the
British government against the colonies in America. Increased trade regulation and the
levying of unprecedented domestic trade taxes marked the British politics in the time.
Moreover, British colonisers’ policies sought to mess with American people’s customs and
cultures. It can also be said that British policies are aimed at interfering in the American
colonies with the situation. The conservative politician was Edmund Burke. That was why he
backed the American revolution and the French resistance to the revolution. Burke rejected
the notion of drastic reform and felt that the hypothesis should still accept the current state of
affairs.
Over the course of time, the Americans got habituated to a system of self governance and
limited British intrusion. They developed institutions for conducting internal commerce,
taxation and self governance within the contours set by the British colonisers. In the light of
the presence of such institutions, the policies of the Britishers of meddling with the status quo
30
Jeff Spinner, ‘Constructing communities : Edmund Burke on Revolution’ (1991)(23)(2) Polity <
Page 15
in America and imposing unprecedented taxes on the internal commerce were radical changes
leading to the creation of real grievances amongst the people of American colonies. He
argued that since the American colonnies were distant and made it almost impossible for the
colonisers to integrate them with the British empire, such grievances rising amongst the
people of America would be detrimental for the British empire as well.31
The Americans have grown accustomed to a form of self-government and minimal
interference into Britain over time. The institutions have been built within the contours
defined by British colonists to conduct internal trade, taxation and self-government. Given
the involvement of such institutions, dramatic reforms led to legitimate grievances among the
citizens of the American colonies in the British ‘s policy of interference with the status quo in
America and the imposition on the domestic trade of unprecedented taxes. He maintained
that, as the American colonnades were far off and the incorporation of colonists in British
empire was nearly impossible for the colonisers, such grievances among the Americans often
damage the British empire.
He criticised the British government’s attempts to take complete control over the American
colonies. In his writings and speeches dealing with the policies of the British authority for the
American policies, he articulated his opinions in opposition in any form of transfer of
concentration of power irrespective of the rationale behind such policies. He believed that no
matter whether radical changes and the concentration of power was brought in the name of
Fraternity, Liberty, political sovereignty or even equality, the concentration of power corrupts
the people pursuing it.32 Therefore, it can be concluded that there was no disparity between
the stance taken by Burke regarding the French Revolution as compared to the American
Revolution. The material conditions and the objectives in both the revolution were different.
On one hand, the American Revolution took place to preserve the existing institutions,
traditions and culture, whereas, the French Revolution aimed at the destruction of those
institutions.
He opposed the actions of the British government to take full control of the American
colonies. He expressed his opinions in opposition, any form of the transfer of power
concentration, in his writings and speeches on the policies of the British authority in the
American policies, regardless of the reasoning behind those policies. He claimed that,
31
Edward Zalta, ‘Edmund Burke’ (Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy 2019) <
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/burke/> accessed on 11 April 2019.
32
Jeff Spinner, ‘Constructing communities : Edmund Burke on Revolution’ (1991)(23)(2) Polity <
Page 16
regardless of whether the name of brotherness, democracy, democratic sovereignty or even

equality was drawn to drastic changes and concentration of power, the concentration of
power corrupts the citizens. It can also be inferred that Burke ‘s position on the French
Revolution was not different from the United States. In both revolutions, the material
conditions and the targets were different. On the one hand the American Revolution has taken
place in order to maintain traditional institutions, customs and cultures.
Page 17
CHAPTER 4: LESSONS FROM BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION
1. Radical reforms are often detrimental to the society. The reforms should be gradual.
2. A society is a product of its long and intricate history, traditions and culture.
Therefore, there should be an assumption towards maintaining the present state of
affairs.
3. The root cause of all the revolutions is the presence of real and practical grievances
amongst the people. The grievances of the people are often used by some artful men
to cause a stir amongst the people and lead them to a revolution.
4. When there is indignation amongst the masses, the agitated and talented middle class
might lead the society to a revolution. Therefore, it is important for a society to keep
the middle class happy and satisfied in order to maintain stability.
5. If the government is unsympathetic to the grievances of the people, it leads to further

indignation amongst the masses.
6. The government established by a revolution is bound to be a tyranny. This is because

it has nothing but fear to gain the allegiance of the people.
1. Society is also hijacked by progressive reforms. The reforms must be radical.
2. A business has a long and complicated history, traditions and culture. The presumption can
also be made that the current condition is being preserved.
Page 18
3. The root cause of all revolutions is the fact that people face true and realistic complaints.
Sometimes, those professional men use the complaints of the people to cause revolution
among the people.
4. The agitated and talented middle class could lead society to a revolution when there is
outrage among the masses. Therefore, to retain stability, it is necessary for a society to keep
the middle class comfortable and satisfied.
5. If it is unwilling to sympathise with people's concerns, it would lead to more outrage

among the masses.
6. The revolutionary government is bound to be a tyranny. It's because it just has fear
Page 19
Page 20
CHAPTER 5: NAXAL MOVEMENT- AN ANALYSIS THROUGH

BURKE’S PERSPECTIVE
The Naxalite movement is an armed political movement in India that claims to continue the
ideological legacy of the Communist Party of India ( Marxist –Leninist). The Naxalite
movement aims at replacing the current ‘Capitalistic government’ with a communist one
through, what it refers to as, the Indian revolution. The Naxalite movement considers the
state to be a weapon in the hands of the rich and the elite section of the society used to exploit
the masses. Therefore, their primary objective is the destruction of the present state and the
creation of a new state in accordance to the principles of communism. The Naxalite
movement exhorts an armed rebellion in order to destroy all the current institutions of the
state including the army and the paramilitary.33
The Naxalitan movement is an armed Indian political movement which claims to continue the
Communist Party’s (Marxist-Leninist) ideological legacy. The goal of the Naxalite
movement is to replace the present ‘capitalist government’ with an Indian communist
government. In the hands of the rich and elite segment of society used to oppress people, the
Naxalite Movement views the state as a tool. Their primary goal is therefore to abolish the
present state and to establish a new state in accordance with the principles of communism.
The Naxalite movement calls for armed revolution to overthrow all the present state
institutions, including the army and the paramilitaries.
Further, the movement aims to transform the society into a more socialistic and inclusive one
through a multitude of radical reforms. These reforms include redistribution of land amongst
the poor farmers and peasants. The objectives of the revolution also include the abolition of
all the traditional institutions and the establishment of new institutions. The movement
further disregards the Constitution of India and aims to replace it with a communist
constitution in the aftermath of the ‘Indian Revolution’. 34
33
Tilak Gupta, ‘Maoism in India’ (Economic and political weekly 2006)
<https://www.epw.in/journal/2006/29/maoist-movement-india-special-issues/maoism-india.html>accessed on 8
April 2019.
34
Bela Bhatia, ‘On Armed Resistance’ (Economic and political weekly 2006)
<https://www.epw.in/journal/2006/29/maoist-movement-india-special-issues/armed-resistance.html> accessed
on 8 April 2019.
Page 21
Moreover, through a multitude of progressive transformations the movement is attempting to

turn society into a more socialist and egalitarian one. These reforms include land
redistribution between marginal farmers and farmers. The aims of the revolution are also the
dissolution and creation of all existing institutions. The movement further disregards India ‘s
constitution, and attempts to replace it in the wake of the Indian revolution with a Communist
Constitution.
In the light of the views of Edmund Burke on revolution, irrespective of the agendas and the
motives, the Naxalite movement would be detrimental to the nation and would lead to the
establishment of an authoritarian government.35 The objective of the Naxal movement of
replacing all the current institutions and the structure of the government with new ones are in
direct contravention of the ideas of Burke. In accordance to the Burke’s theory of revolution,
the current institutions of the society are a result of the long and intricate history of a society
and are best suited for the purpose. Therefore, instead of replacing the government through an
armed revolution, the Naxal movement should become a part of mainstream politics, and try
to bring gradual changes in the current institutions.
In the light of Edmund Burke ‘s views on the revolution, whatever their agenda and
motivation, the Naxalite movement will harm the nation and lead to the establishment of a
government with authority. The goal of the Naxal movement is directly in violation of Burke
‘s ideas, removing all the present institutions and the system of the government. The present
institutions of society are the product of the long , complicated history of a society and best
adapted for the task, according to the theory of revolution by Burke. Therefore, the Naxal
movement should be part of mainstream politics, instead of replacing the government through
an armed struggle, and aim to bring about incremental changes in the established institutions.
Further, according to Burke, an authority established through force would have nothing but
force to seek the allegiance of the people. Such a government, Burke argues, would be nthing
but a tyranny. In his analysis of the French Revolution, he laid down the 5 factors through
which the state can seek the obedience of the subject: love, reverence, ideology, interest and
fear.36 However, since the ideology of the naxal movement is based on violence and
disobedience, the only way they can seek the co-operation of the people is through the
exercise of force. This is certainly true for the Naxal controlled areas in Chhattisgarh and
35
Isaac Kramnic, "The Left and Edmund Burke." Political Theory 11, no. 2 (1983): 189-214.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/191296> accessed on 10 April 2019.
36
Michael Freeman, 'Edmund Burke And The Sociology Of Revolution' (1977) 25 Political Studies.
Page 22
Jharkhand. In these areas, the Naxals often resort to the use of force and extra judicial killings
to suppress any sort of dissent.37
In addition, Burke states that a force-based authority will be forced to obtain the people ‘s
loyalty. Burke claims that an administration of this nature can just be a dictatorship. The 5
factors in which the state would pursue the obedience of the subject in its analysts of the
French Revolution were set out: affection, respect, philosophy, interest and fear. But because
Naxal philosophy is focused on violence and defiance, only the exercise of force can seek the
cooperation of the people. This definitely applies in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand to the Naxal
dominated areas. Naxals also use force and extrajudicial killings in these areas to prevent
some kind of dissension.
Burke was further right to suggest that the quest for absolute power irrespective of the
rationale would corrupt those pursuing it. This is evident in the organisational crisis that the
Naxalite movement is going through. The Naxals are often involved in activities like
ransacking the houses, extorting the people and taking undue advantage of the people through
the use of force.38
Burke was also correct to say that the quest for absolute dominance would corrupt those who
seek it regardless of reason. This is clear in the Naxalite movement ‘s organisational crisis.
The Naxals also participate in activities such as pillage of homes, extortion of people and the
use of force to take unnecessary advantage of people.
Therefore, in the light of the lessons from the Burke’s analysis of revolution, the best way for
bringing the change that the Naxal movement desires won’t be through revolution, but by
bringing gradual reforms by being a part of the democratic institutions and not destroying
them.
So the most successful way to bring about the shift that the Naxal
movement seeks will be through revolution, not through revolution, but
through incremental reforms, not through the overthrow of the democratic
institutions.
37
‘A Spectre haunting India’ (Economist 2006) <https://www.economist.com/asia/2006/08/17/a-spectre-
haunting-india> accessed on 9 April 2019.
38
ibid.
Page 23
CHAPTER 6: KASHMIR ISSUE- ANALYSIS THROUGH BURKE’S

PERSPECTIVE
The policy of the Indian government towards the uprising and the problems in Kashmir is the
epitome of the states indifference towards the problem of the people. Burke believed that
when the state is indifferent towards the real or practical grievances of the people, they turn
to the artful men for leadership. These artful men are unsympathetic to the problems and the
issues of the people and manipulate them in order to further their own interest. This is exactly
what is happening in Kashmir.
The Indian government’s policy on uprising and problems in Cashmir reflects the
indifference of the states to the people’s problem. If the State is oblivious to the real or actual
complaints of the people, Burke believed they shift to skillful leaders. These artful men can
not sympathise with and exploit the concerns and problems of people in order to further their
own interests. That’s what’s going on in Cashmere exactly.
The level of development in the state of Kashmir is abysmal. With approximately 2,600
insurgency incident recorded in the year 2016, there has been a 79% in the occurrence of
such operations. The people are devoid of even basic services such as healthcare, education
and food security.39According to the 2011 census, the literacy level in Jammu and Kashmir
remains as low as 67.16%, with the statistics even more alarming for the valley. 40 Further, the
schools and colleges in the valley remain closed for significant portion of the year due to the
ongoing violence. The statistics are even more horrifying when it comes to the healthcare
facilities in the state. The state has a high infant mortality rate of 51. Further, according to a
report released by the Comptroller and Auditor general, there is a 46% deficiency of
specialist in the state.41
The state of Kashmir has an abysmal level of growth. The incidence of such operations was
79% with approx. 2,600 insurgency incidents reported in 2016. Also basic facilities like
39
‘Kashmir Schools and colleges stayed shut on 60 working days in 2016’ (Hindustan Times 2017)
<https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/since-july-2016-kashmir-s-schools-and-colleges-stayed-shut-on-
60-of-working-days/story-1FlfmjKN23a8osHATOIaFM.html> accessed on 9 April 1019.
40
‘Literacy rate in Kashmir’ (Rising Kashmir 2014) <http://www.risingkashmir.com/news/67-literacy-rate-in-
jk> accessed on 10 April 2019.
41
‘Women of rural Kashmir suffer due to lack of gynaecologists, anaesthetits and nurses’ (Scroll 2016)
<https://scroll.in/pulse/882820/women-of-rural-kashmir-suffer-because-of-a-lack-of-gynaecologists-
anaesthetists-and-nurses> accessed on 10 April 2019.
Page 24
healthcare , education and food security are missing for the people. The literacy level in
Jammu and Cashmir is, according to the 2011 census, just 67,16 percent, with even more
troubling figures for the valley. Furthermore, because of continuing crime, the colleges and
schools in the valley remain closed for most of the year. The numbers in the state’s health
facilities are even more horrifying. Infant mortality rates are 51 high in the state. In addition,
the State Specialists are 46 percent inadequate according to a report issued by the
Comptroller and the Auditor General.
The abysmal living conditions and development in the Kashmir valley lead to practical or real
grievances amongst the people. To add to this, the attitude of the government has been
unsympathetic and indifferent. This is evident from the strong arm policy adopted by the
government in the Kashmir. The policies of the government aim at suppressing the agitation
of the people instead of addressing the real grievances of the people.42
As theorised by Edmund Burke, in such circumstances the people look towards the artful men
for leadership. In the case of Kashmir, these artful men are the separatist leaders that
manipulate the masses in order to further their own interest. The separatist leaders in Kashmir
vouch for independent Kashmir as the solution to the grievances of the people. These artfulk
leaders in the name of the independence movement further their own political and
economical interest.43
In the Kashmir Valley abysmal living conditions and growth lead to realistic or actual
complaints among the people. In addition, the government’s attitude has been disagreeable
and indistinguishable. This can be seen from the Cashmir government’s strong arm strategy.
The government’s policies tend to curb the people’s unrest rather than resolving the people’s
real grievances.
As theoretically mentioned by Edmund Burke, the people are looking for leadership in such
circumstances. These artful men, in the case of Cashmere, are the separatist leaders who
exploit the masses to further their own interest. The autonomous Cashmirian leaders say the
solution to the concerns of the population. Cashmir is autonomous. These artful leaders
pursue their own political and economic interest on behalf of the independence movement.
42
‘India crackdown in Kashmir is this world’s first mass blinding?’ (The Guardian 2016)
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/nov/08/india-crackdown-in-kashmir-is-this-worlds-first-mass-
blinding> accessed on 10 April 2019.
43
‘Fact Check’ (India Today 2016) <https://www.indiatoday.in/fact-check> accessed on 10 April 2019.
Page 25
Therefore, it is important for the government to pay heed to the real or pracical grievances of
the people in Kashmir. The objective should not be oppressing the indignation, rather should
be the elimination of the root causes of these grievances.
It is therefore necessary for the government to take account of the people in Cashemire ‘s
actual or realistic grievances. The goal should not be to oppress anger, but the removal of
these grievances’ root causes.
Page 26
CONCLUSION
Through the perusal of various works of Edmund Burke relating to revolution, it can be
concluded that Edmund Burke was against the idea of revolution or any other radical
approaches in order to bring a change. Edmund Burke was a conservative and believed in
maintaining the status quo. He thought of all the institutions, cultures, traditions and the
society itself as a product of a long and intricate history. He criticised the path of revolution
and believed that it always leads to the establishment of autocratic tyrannical authority.
By analysing Edmund Burke’s various works on the revolution, it can be inferred that
Edmund Burke was opposed to the notion of revolution or to some other progressive
approach to reform. The Conservative Edmund Burke believed in holding the status quo. He
regarded all institutions, cultures, customs and community as a result of a long and complex
history. He opposed the way of revolution and thought that it often leads to autocratic
tyrannical authority.
In the light of the views of Edmund Burke on revolution, the Naxalite movement is
detrimental for India. The leaders of the Naxal movement should enter the mainstream
politics and attempt to bring reforms within the present structure of the government instead of
destroying all the current institutions and establishing new ones.
You rewrite your text by QuillBot. Start with writing, pasting or pressing the paraphrase
button here.
Further, on testing the Kashmir issue on the lessons laid down by the Edmund Burke, it is
evident that it was the reason behind thee indignation amongst the people is the indifference
of the government towards the real or practical grievances. The people were further
manipulated by the artful separatist leader in order to cause a stir and further their own
interests. Therefore, it is necessary for the government to more sympathetic towards the
problems and the grievances of the people.
In addition, it’s obvious that the reason behind the outrage among the people was the
government’s indifference to actual or realistic grievances in testing the Kashmir question on
the lessons of the Edmund Burke. In order to stir up and further their own interests, the
people were further exploited by the artificial separatist leaders. Therefore, the government
ought to be more sympathetic to people’s concerns and complaints.
Page 27
Page 28
REFERENCES
BOOKS
1) Adam Ian and Dyson R.W., Fifty Major Political thinkers (2nd edn Routledge 2007).
2) Burke Edmund, The Work and Correspondence of Edmund Burke (Volume 3 Nabu
Press 2012).
Press 2012).
Press 2012).
5) Canavan Francis P., The Political Reason of Edmund Burke. (1960).
6) Laskki Harold J, Letters of Edmund Burke (Oxford University Press 1920).
ARTICLES
1) Freeman M, 'I. Edmund Burke And The Theory Of Revolution' (1978) 6 Political
Theory.
2) Armitage D, 'Edmund Burke And Reason Of State' (2000) 61 Journal of the History
of Ideas.
3) Michael Freeman, 'Edmund Burke and the Sociology or Revolution," Political

Studies, 25 (1977), pp. 459-473.
4) Freeman M, 'Edmund Burke And The Sociology Of Revolution' (1977) 25 Political
Studies.
5) Kramnick I, 'The Left And Edmund Burke' (1983) 11 Political Theory.
6) Bhatia B, 'On Armed Resistance' (2019) 41 Economic and Political Weekly.
7) Gupta Tilak, ‘Maoism In India' (2006) 41 Economic and Political weekly.
8) Spinner J, 'Constructing Communities: Edmund Burke On Revolution' (1991) 23
Polity.
Page 29
WEBSITES
1) 'A Spectre Haunting India' (The Economist, 2019)

<https://www.economist.com/asia/2006/08/17/a-spectre-haunting-india> accessed 14
April 2019
2) '67% Literacy Rate In J&K' (Rising Kashmir, 2019)

<http://www.risingkashmir.com/news/67-literacy-rate-in-jk> accessed 14 April 2019
3) 'Since July 2016, Kashmir’S Schools And Colleges Stayed Shut On 60% Of Working
Days' (https://www.hindustantimes.com/, 2019)
<https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/since-july-2016-kashmir-s-schools-
and-colleges-stayed-shut-on-60-of-working-days/story-
1FlfmjKN23a8osHATOIaFM.html> accessed 14 April 2019
4) Waheed M, 'India’S Crackdown In Kashmir: Is This The World’S First Mass
Blinding?' (the Guardian, 2019)
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/nov/08/india-crackdown-in-kashmir-is-
this-worlds-first-mass-blinding> accessed 14 April 2019
5) Parvaiz A Parvaiz, 'Women Of Rural Kashmir Suffer Because Of A Lack Of
Gynaecologists, Anaesthetists And Nurses' (Scroll.in, 2019)
<https://scroll.in/pulse/882820/women-of-rural-kashmir-suffer-because-of-a-lack-of-
gynaecologists-anaesthetists-and-nurses> accessed 14 April 2019
Page 30

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National Law School of India University

EDMUND BURKE ON REVOLUTION:

CHAPTER 1: BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION..................................................................4

CHAPTER 2: BURKE ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION......................................................10

CHAPTER 3: BURKE ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION...................................................12

CHAPTER 4: LESSONS FROM BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION ....................................14

CHAPTER 5: NAXAL MOVEMENT- AN ANALYSIS THROUGH BURKE’S PERSPECTIVE ....15

CHAPTER 6: KASHMIR ISSUE- ANALYSIS THROUGH BURKE’S PERSPECTIVE .................17

CHAPTER 1: BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION

Therefore, in Burke’s view, an authority established through revolution would always be a

CHAPTER 2: BURKE ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

CHAPTER 3: BURKE ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

regardless of whether the name of brotherness, democracy, democratic sovereignty or even

CHAPTER 4: LESSONS FROM BURKE’S VIEWS ON REVOLUTION

5. If the government is unsympathetic to the grievances of the people, it leads to further

6. The government established by a revolution is bound to be a tyranny. This is because

1. Society is also hijacked by progressive reforms. The reforms must be radical.

5. If it is unwilling to sympathise with people's concerns, it would lead to more outrage

CHAPTER 5: NAXAL MOVEMENT- AN ANALYSIS THROUGH

Moreover, through a multitude of progressive transformations the movement is attempting to

CHAPTER 6: KASHMIR ISSUE- ANALYSIS THROUGH BURKE’S

3) Michael Freeman, 'Edmund Burke and the Sociology or Revolution," Political

1) 'A Spectre Haunting India' (The Economist, 2019)

2) '67% Literacy Rate In J&K' (Rising Kashmir, 2019)

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