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Child Development in Developing Countries 1: Series
Child Development in Developing Countries 1: Series
Lancet 2007; 369: 60–70 Many children younger than 5 years in developing countries are exposed to multiple risks, including poverty, malnutrition,
See Comment page 8 poor health, and unstimulating home environments, which detrimentally affect their cognitive, motor, and social-
*Lead authors emotional development. There are few national statistics on the development of young children in developing countries.
†Steering group listed at We therefore identified two factors with available worldwide data—the prevalence of early childhood stunting and the
end of the paper number of people living in absolute poverty—to use as indicators of poor development. We show that both indicators are
This is the first in a Series closely associated with poor cognitive and educational performance in children and use them to estimate that over
of three articles about child 200 million children under 5 years are not fulfilling their developmental potential. Most of these children live in south
development in developing
countries
Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. These disadvantaged children are likely to do poorly in school and subsequently have low
incomes, high fertility, and provide poor care for their children, thus contributing to the intergenerational transmission
Centre for International
Child Health, Institute of of poverty.
Child Health, University
College London, UK Introduction health, nutrition, cognition, and education.3–7 Thus the
(Prof S Grantham-McGregor FRCP),
A previous Lancet series focused attention on the more
1
failure of children to fulfil their developmental potential
London School of Tropical
Medicine and Hygiene, UK than 6 million preventable child deaths every year in and achieve satisfactory educational levels plays an
(Y B Cheung PhD), Group for the developing countries. Unfortunately, death is the tip of the important part in the intergenerational transmission of
Analyses of Development, iceberg. We have made a conservative estimate that more poverty. In countries with a large proportion of such
Lima, Peru (S Cueto PhD),
Department of Applied
than 200 million children under 5 years fail to reach their children, national development is likely to be affected.
Economics, University of potential in cognitive development because of poverty, The first UN Millennium Development Goal is to
Minnesota, USA poor health and nutrition, and deficient care. Children’s eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, and the second is to
(Prof P Glewwe PhD), development consists of several interdependent domains, ensure that all children complete primary schooling.8
Human Sciences Research
Council, South Africa
including sensory-motor, cognitive, and social-emotional, Improving early child development is clearly an important
(Prof L Richter PhD), and all of which are likely to be affected. However, we focus on step to reaching these goals. Although policymakers
Division of Nutritional Sciences cognitive development because of the paucity of data from recognise that poverty and malnutrition are related to poor
and Department of Psychology, developing countries on other domains of young children’s health and increased mortality,5,9 there is less recognition
Cornell University, USA
(B Strupp PhD)
development. The discrepancy between their current of their effect on children’s development or of the value of
developmental levels and what they would have achieved early intervention. This paper is the first of a three part
Correspondence to:
Prof Sally Grantham-McGregor, in a more nurturing environment with adequate stim- series reviewing the problem of loss of developmental
Centre for International Child ulation and nutrition indicates the degree of loss of potential in young children in developing countries. The
Health, Institute of Child Health, potential. In later childhood these children will sub- first paper describes the size of the issue, the second paper
University College,
London WC1N 1EH, UK
sequently have poor levels of cognition and education, discusses the proximal causes of the loss, and the final
s.mcgregor@ich.ucl.ac.uk both of which are linked to later earnings. Furthermore, paper reviews existing interventions. Here, we first
improved parental education, particularly of mothers, is examine why early child development is important and
related to reduced fertility,2,3 and improved child survival, then develop a method to estimate the numbers of children
who fail to fulfil their developmental potential. We then
Search strategy and selection criteria estimate the loss of income attributed to poor child
The following databases were searched for studies in developing countries reported in development.
English from 1985, to February, 2006: BIOSIS via ISI web of science, PubMed, ERIC,
PsychInfo, LILACS, EMBASE, SIGLE, and Cochrane Review, along with published Why early child development is important
documents from the World Bank, UNICEF, and UNESCO’s International Bureau of Children’s development is affected by psychosocial and
Education. References in retrieved papers were examined and further information sought biological factors10 and by genetic inheritance. Poverty and
from experts in the field. Keywords used for search 1 were: “developing countries” or its attendant problems are major risk factors.11–15 The first
“developing nations” or “third world” and “child development” or “cognitive few years of life are particularly important because vital
development” or “language development” or “cognition” or “education” or “school development occurs in all domains.16 The brain develops
enrolment”, “school dropout”, “grade retention”, “grade attained”, “educational rapidly through neurogenesis, axonal and dendritic growth,
achievement”. For search 2 we also used stunting or malnutrition or undernutrition, and synaptogenesis, cell death, synaptic pruning, myelination,
for search 3 we used search 1 keywords and poverty or income or economic status. and gliogenesis. These ontogenetic events happen at
different times (figure 1)17 and build on each other, such
ng yrus/
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su ory cor fun
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ee
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(18–24 prenatal days) (Prefron a) ucti
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Neurulation
Birth
Death
Months Months Years Decades
Age
that small perturbations in these processes can have enrolment in secondary school32 and achievement scores
long-term effects on the brain’s structural and functional in adolescence.33 In South Africa, cognitive ability and
capacity. achievement at the end of grade one predicted later school
Brain development is modified by the quality of the progress.34 Three further studies had appropriate data that
environment. Animal research shows that early under- we analysed (from the Philippines35,36 and Jamaica37) or
nutrition, iron-deficiency, environmental toxins, stress, requested the investigators to analyse (from Brazil38,39). In
and poor stimulation and social interaction can affect brain each case, multiple regression of educational outcome (or
structure and function, and have lasting cognitive and logistic regression for dichotomous variables), controlling
emotional effects.18–24 for a wealth index,40 maternal education, and child’s sex
In humans and animals, variations in the quality of and age, showed that early cognitive development predicted
maternal care can produce lasting changes in stress later school outcomes. Table 1 shows that each SD increase
reactivity,25 anxiety, and memory function in the offspring, in early intelligence or developmental quotient was
Despite the vulnerability of the brain to early insults, associated with substantially improved school outcomes.
remarkable recovery is often possible with inter- Further evidence of the importance of early childhood is
ventions,18,26,27 and generally the earlier the interventions that interventions at this age37,41 can have sustained
the greater the benefit.28 cognitive and school achievement benefits (table 135–39).
*Adjusted for sex, age, mother’s education, and wealth quintile. †Sample consisted of stunted (<–2 SD) children participating in an intervention trial and a non-stunted (>–1 SD) comparison group. Intervention
and stunting status were also adjusted for. ‡p=0·0117; Hosmer-Lemeshow goodness-of-fit test p=0·5704. §p<0·0001; R2=54·4%.¶p<0·0001; Hosmer-Lemeshow goodness-of-fit test p=0·5375. ||Boys only.
**p=0·0002; R2=51·9%.
Table 1: Change in later school outcomes per SD increase in intelligence quotient (IQ) or developmental quotient (DQ) in early life*
developing countries (defined as the non-industrialised and Vietnam,95 and Chile96). Only three studies97–99 reported
countries in UNICEF classification).75 Stunting prevalence no significant relation between stunting and poor school
was based on the WHO Global Database on Child Growth progress. In the Philippines, associations were recorded
and Malnutrition,76 and absolute poverty prevalence came with weight-for-height,99 and in Ghana98 stunted children
from UNICEF.75 In 79 countries with information on enrolled in school late but taller children left school early
stunting and education, the average prevalence of stunting to earn money or help with family farming.
was 26·0%. For every 10% increase in stunting (less than There are fewer studies with younger children. In
–2 SD), the proportion of children reaching the final Guatemala,100 Jamaica,101 Chile,102 and Kenya,103 associations
grade of primary school dropped by 7·9% (b=–0·79, 95% between height and child development measures were
CI –1·03 to –0·55, R²=36·2%, p<0·0001). In 64 countries reported. Age of walking was related to height-for-age in
with information on absolute poverty, the average Zanzibarian104 and Nepalese children,105 but height was
prevalence was 20%; for every 10% increase in the not related to motor development in Kenyans at 6 months
prevalence of poverty there was a decrease of 6·4% (b=– of age.106 Weight-for-age, which indicates a combination of
0·64, 95% CI=–0·81 to –0·46, R²=46·3%, p<0·0001) of weight-for-height and height-for-age, has often been used
children entering the final grade of primary school. instead of stunting to measure nutrition in young
To establish whether stunting and absolute poverty children. Weight-for-age was associated with child develop-
were useful predictors of poor child development in ment in India,107 Ethiopia,108 and Bangladesh.109,110
individual studies, we searched the published papers and
identified all observational studies that related stunting Longitudinal studies
and poverty in early childhood to concurrent or later child In Pakistan111 and Guatemala,112 growth retardation in
development or educational outcomes. We also identified infancy predicted age of walking. Excluding studies of
all studies that related stunting at school age to cognition children hospitalised for severe malnutrition, four
or education, based on the assumption that stunting published longitudinal studies showed that early stunting
developed in early childhood. We selectively reviewed predicted later cognition, school progress, or both.
studies of older children that linked economic status to Stunting at 24 months was related to cognition at 9 years
school achievement or cognition, choosing examples with in Peru113 and, in the Philippines to intelligent quotient
international or nationally representative samples. We (IQ) at 8 and 11 years, age at enrolment in school, grade
assessed whether measurements of the risk factors and repetition, and dropout from school.35,36 In Jamaica,
developmental outcome were clearly reported, and the stunting before 24 months was related to cognition and
relation between them (adjusted or unadjusted) was school achievement at 17–18 years and dropout from
examined. We did not assess causality. school.37 In Guatemala, height at 36 months was related
to cognition, literacy, numeracy, and general knowledge
Stunting and poor development in late adolescence,114 and stunting at 72 months was
Cross-sectional studies related to cognition between 25–42 years.115 In Indonesia,116
Many cross-sectional studies of high-risk children have weight-for-age at 1 year of age did not predict scores on a
noted associations between concurrent stunting and poor cognitive test at 7 years, whereas growth in weight
school progress or cognitive ability. Stunted children, between 1 and 7 years did.
compared with non-stunted children, were less likely to To assess the size of the deficit in later function
be enrolled in school (Tanzania77), more likely to enrol late associated with a loss of 1 SD in height in early childhood,
(eg, Nepal,78 and Ghana and Tanzania79), to attain lower we reanalysed the data from Philippines,36 Jamaica, 37
achievement levels or grades for their age (Nepal,78 Peru,113 and Indonesia 116 (Guatemala had too few well-
China,80 Jamaica,81,82 India,83 Philippines,84–86 Malaysia,87 nourished children to be included). We added two other
Vietnam,88 Brazil,89 Turkey,90 Guatemala [only in boys]91), longitudinal studies, from Brazil38 and South Africa,117 that
and have poorer cognitive ability or achievement scores had not previously analysed the effect of stunting (table 2).
(Kenya,92 Guatemala,93 Indonesia,94 Ethiopia, Peru, India, In these studies, stunting between 12 and 36 months was
Data are mean (effect size as unadjusted difference from non-stunted children in z scores).*Males only. †The sample comprised stunted (<–2 SD) children participating in an intervention trial and a non-stunted
(>–1 SD) comparison group. ‡SD scores. WISC=Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children. WAIS=Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale.
Table 2: Descriptive summary of follow-up studies showing associations between stunting in early childhood and later scores on cognitive tests and school outcomes
Data are mean (effect size as unadjusted difference from the richest quintile in z scores). *Tertiles. †SD scores.
Table 3: Descriptive summary of follow-up studies showing association between wealth quintiles in early childhood, and later cognitive and school outcomes
Population younger Percentage living Number living Percentage Number Percentage stunted, living Number stunted, living
than 5 years * in poverty*†‡ in poverty stunted†‡§ stunted in poverty or both¶ in poverty or both¶
Sub-Saharan Africa 117·0 46% 54·3 37% 43·7 61% 70·9
Middle east and north Africa 44·1 4% 1·6 21% 9·1 22% 9·9
South Asia 169·3 27% 46·3 39% 65·6 52% 88·8
East Asia and Pacific 145·7 11% 16·6 17% 25·2 23% 33·6
Latin America and the Caribbean 56·5 10% 5·9 14% 7·9 19% 10·8
Central and eastern Europe 26·4 4% 1·0 16% 4·2 18% 4·7
Developing countries 559·1 22% 125·6 28% 155·7 39% 218·7
*Population and poverty source data from UNICEF State of the World’s Children, 2006.75 †Where data missing, regional averages were used for percentage living in poverty and percentage stunted.
‡We extrapolated poverty figures to 2004 based on findings from Chen and Ravallion132 that, in the 1990s and early 2000s, decline in absolute poverty (less than US$1 per day) was stagnant in all developing
regions except east Asia and south Asia. In east Asia, the decline was levelling off and could be captured accurately by a non-linear regression equation (R2=93%); in south Asia the decline could be accurately
captured by a linear equation (R2=99%). We used their equations132 to estimate the expected poverty figures for east Asia and Pacific and south Asia for each country in these regions in the latest years with
available poverty data, and then calculated the difference between the expected and observed figures for each country. We added this country-level difference to the regional figure in 2004 projected by Chen and
Ravallion’s equations to obtain the projected poverty level in 2004 for each country. We used the observed poverty figures as the 2004 estimates for other developing countries. We projected stunting figures for
every country except those in the central and eastern Europe region to 2004 based on sub-regional linear trends estimated by de Onis, et al.133 de Onis, et al, did not include the central and eastern Europe region
in their analysis. Poverty reduction was stagnant in the 1990s and early 2000s132 in central and eastern Europe. We therefore assume that for countries in this region there has been no change in stunting
prevalence in the period concerned.3 §Stunting source data taken from WHO Global Database on Child Growth and Malnutrition.76 ¶Based on estimate that prevalence of stunting among children in poverty is
50%.
Table 4: Prevalence and number (in millions) of disadvantaged children under 5 years by region in 2004
(webappendix). The most recent poverty data we obtained estimate of 227 million; we use the lower estimate in the See Online for webappendix
was up to year 2003, with median 2000 and inter-quartile rest of the paper.
range of 4 years. The most recent stunting data were up to Figure 4 shows the numbers of disadvantaged children in
year 2004, with median 2000 and inter-quartile range of millions by region. Most disadvantaged children (89 million)
3 years. We extrapolated all the stunting and poverty data are in south Asia. The top ten countries with the largest
to the year 2004 (table 4).75,76,132,133 number of disadvantaged children (in millions) are:
There are 559 million children under 5 years in India 65, Nigeria 16, China 15, Bangladesh 10, Ethiopia 8,
developing countries, 156 million of whom are stunted Indonesia 8, Pakistan 8, Democratic Republic of the
and 126 million are living in absolute poverty (table 4). To Congo 6, Uganda 5, and Tanzania 4. These ten countries
avoid the double-counting of children who are both account for 145 (66%) of the 219 million disadvantaged
stunted and living in poverty, we estimated the prevalence children in the developing world.
of stunting among children in poverty in countries with Figure 5 shows the prevalence by country. Sub-Saharan
both indicators available, and calculated the numbers of Africa has the highest prevalence of disadvantaged children
stunted children plus the number of non-stunted children under 5 years, 61% (table 4), followed by south Asia with 52%.
living in poverty. We refer to these children as
disadvantaged. A
7·9
4·2 B 5·9 1·0
The relation between prevalence of stunting and poverty
at the country level is non-linear and can be captured by a 43·7 16·6
25·2
regression line of percentage stunted=7·8+4·2×√%povert
y (using the 82 countries with available data; R2=40·9%). 54·3
Extrapolation of this regression line gives an estimate of
the prevalence of stunting in people living in poverty to be
50%. Hence, the number of children stunted or living in 9·1
poverty is the sum of the total number of stunted children
(156 million) plus 50% of children living in poverty 10·8
4·7
46·3
(63 million) making a total of 219 million disadvantaged 65·6
C 1·6
children, or 39% of all children under 5 in developing 33·6
countries. 70·9
Deficit in school Deficit in learning Total deficit in Percentage loss of Total percentage loss† Number (%) of children Average percentage loss
grades attained ability per grade in grade equivalents adult yearly income per of adult yearly income younger than 5 years in of adult yearly income
grade equivalents grade* (compounded) developing countries per disadvantaged child
Stunted only 0·91‡ 2·0 2·91 8·3% 22·2% 92·9 (16·6%) 19·8%
Poor only 0·71§ ≥0 ¶ 0·71¶ 8·3% 5·9% 62·8 (11·2%)
Stunted and poor 2·15|| ≥2·0 ¶ 4·15¶ 8·3% 30·1% 62·8 (11·2%)
Evidence Brazil38 Philippines86 and Sum of columns 1 51 countries137 Combining columns 3 See table 4 Weighted average from
Jamaica37 and 2 plus Indonesian study138 and 4 columns 5 and 6
*An increase of one grade of schooling is assumed to increase income by 9%.137,138 Implies that a reduction of 1 year of schooling will reduce income by 8·3% (1/1·09–1 = 0·083); that is, a person with an income of
91·7 due to a loss of 1 year of schooling would have had an income of 100 (91·7×1·09) had that person not lost that year of schooling. †(1/1·092.91)–1=–0·222; (1/1·090·71)–1=–0·059; (1/1·094·15)–1=–0·301. ‡Deficit
associated with stunting, controlling for wealth quintiles. (The estimate is a weighted average of the differences between stunted [<–2 z] vs non-stunted [>–1 z] children in the five wealth quintiles,
with the weights inversely proportional to the square of the SE of the quintile-specific difference). §Deficit associated with poverty, controlling for stunting (similar method to [‡]). ¶Indicates that the figure is
lower bound and under-estimates true figure because the effect of poverty on learning per year of schooling is unknown. ||Difference between non-stunted and third quintile vs stunted and first quintile in Brazil
(table 5).
Table 6: Deficit associated with stunting, poverty (first vs third quintile of wealth), and both, in schooling and percentage loss in yearly income in developing countries
Assuming that every year of schooling increases adult integrated programmes. There is increasing evidence that
yearly income by 9%,137,138 we estimate that the loss in adult early interventions can help prevent the loss of potential
income from being stunted but not in poverty is 22·2%, in affected children and improvements can happen rapidly
the loss from living in poverty but not being stunted is (see third paper in this series). In view of the high cost of
5·9% and from being both stunted and in poverty is poor child development, both economically and in terms
30·1% (table 6). Taking into account the number of of equity and individual well-being, and the availability of
children who are stunted, living in poverty, or both effective interventions, we can no longer justify inactivity.
(table 6), we calculate the average deficit in adult yearly Conflict of interest statement
income for all 219 million disadvantaged children to be We declare that we have no conflict of interest.
19·8%. This estimate is limited by the scarcity of data for Acknowledgments
the loss of learning ability of children in poverty, and UNICEF provided funding for a working group meeting for all of the
almost certainly underestimates the true loss. authors with assistance from the Bernard van Leer Foundation. The
UNICEF Innocenti Centre in Florence, Italy, hosted the meeting. Deanna
Clearly, disadvantaged children are destined not only to Olney provided research assistance. Cesar Victora, Fernando Barros,
be less educated and have poorer cognitive function than Magda Damiani, Rosangela Lima, Denise Gigante, and Bernardo Horta
their peers but also to be less productive. In consideration assisted with the Brazilian data, Andres Lescano analysed Peruvian data,
of the total cost to society of poor early child development, Shane Norris assisted with the South African data, and Tanya Abramsky
analysed the Young Lives data. The sponsor of the study had no role in
we need to take into account that the next generation will study design, data collection, data analysis, data interpretation, or writing
be affected, sustaining existing inequities in society with of the report.
their attendant problems.67 Where large numbers of International Child Development Steering Group—
children are affected, national development will also be Sally Grantham-McGregor, Patrice Engle, Maureen Black,
Julie Meeks Gardner, Betsy Lozoff, Theodore D Wachs, Susan Walker.
substantially affected. These costs have to be weighed
against those of interventions. References
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