SPECIAL ARTICLE
Comparative Contexts of Discrimination:
Caste and Untouchability in South Asia
SURINDER S JODHKA, GHANSHYAM SHAH
Based on empirical studies carried out in Bangladesh,
Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka during 2007-08, this paper
offers a brief introduction to the prevailing dalit situation
in the four countries and identifies specific problems of
social inequality, discrimination and deprivation of the
groups in these countries. The four studies clearly bring
out the fact that even when the meaning of
untouchability and its sources (religion or tradition)
varies across south Asia, as also its forms (from physical
touch and residential segregation to taboos and
restrictions on inter-dining), physical movement and
pursuing occupations of one's choice, its effects on
those placed at the bottom are quite similar,
i e, economic deprivation, social exclusion and a
life of humiliation.
This paper is based on a four-country study of "Caste-Based Discrimination
in South Asia" covering Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal.
The study was coordinated by the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies,
New Delhi and funded by the International Dalit Solidarity Network,
Denmark. The research team included Kalinga Tudor Silva,
P P Sivapragasam and Paramsothy Thanges for Sri Lanka; Iftekhar
Uddin Chowdhury for Bangladesh; Zulfiqar Ali Shah for Pakistan; and
Krishna B Bhattachan, Tej B Sunar and Yasso Kanti Bhattachan for
Nepal. Chitteranjan Senapati and Sobin George coordinated the project
from IIDS. We express our gratitude to Rikke Nohrlind of the IDSN for
her support and Martin Macwan, S K Thorat, Vincent Manoharan,
Paul Diwakar and Gowhar Yakoob for their inputs. Full reports can be
accessed from http://dalitssouthasia.org.
Surinder S Jodhka (ssjodhka@yahoo.com) is with the School of Social
Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Ghanshyam Shah (ghanshyam.
shah2oo8@ gmail.com) is currently national fellow with the Indian
Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla.
Economic & Political weekly november 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 99
Breaking ranks with the Government of India, the then
foreign minister of Nepal, Jeet Bahadur Darjee Gautam
during a meeting of the United Nations in September
2009, welcomed the inclusion of caste-based discrimination
against dalits as a case of human rights violation, to be treated at
par with the racial discrimination. This move of the Nepalese
government opened the way for implementing the proposal
mooted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(unhrc) to involve a "regional and international mechanism, the
un and its organs" to complement national efforts to combat
caste-based discrimination.
Caste and practice of untouchability have for long been known
as "peculiar" cultural practices of the people of India, particu
larly the Hindus. Given that Nepal too is a country with a Hindu
majority, its endorsement of including caste-based discrimina
tion in the list of un activities is quite significant. It not only paved
the way for internationalisation of the question of caste-based
discrimination, but also underlined the point that caste and
untouchability, where some communities are treated as impure
and status is determined by birth, exist beyond India, in other
countries of south Asia and elsewhere in the world. One could
easily think of the Blacks in the United States or the Burakumin
of Japan in this context. Anthropologists have also reported the
presence of "untouchability" in several countries of Africa, where
some tribal communities are viewed as "polluting" by the dominant
communities and kept at a distance from the mainstream of
social and cultural life. They are known as the Osu, Omoni, Adu,
Ebo, Ume, Ohu, Oruma, etc (see, for example, Lewis 1999; Smythe
and Naitoh 1953; Devos and Hiroshi 1966). Even when the mean
ings of untouchability or even its sources (religion or tradition)
vary across regions as also its forms (from physical touch and
residential segregation to taboos and restrictions on inter-dining,
physical movement or pursuing occupations of one's choice), its
effects on those placed at the bottom are quite similar, viz, eco
nomic deprivation, discrimination and a life full of humiliation.
Interestingly, the early social anthropological studies, parti
cularly those carried out during the 1950s and 1960s, often
pointed to the existence of caste-based hierarchies and untouch
ability in other countries of south Asia as well (see, for example,
Hofer 1979; Banks 1971; Leach 1971; Barth 1971). In contrast, a
large majority of the recently produced social science writings on
caste and the contemporary political discourse on dalit identity/
politics tend to focus almost exclusively on India. This is despite
the fact that the word dalit eventually was becoming popular
among deprived caste communities across the south Asian region.
SPECIAL ARTICLE

Based on empirical studies carried out in Bangladesh, Nepal, faith and geography... Even the Islamic jurisprudence recognises this
Pakistan and Sri Lanka during 2007-08, this paper offers a brief rule of precedence...
According to the Sunni School of Jurisprudence, the descent or the
introduction to the prevailing dalit situation in the four countries
lineage is the most important which could be categorised as follows:
and identifies specific problems of social inequality and depriva (1) An Arab is superior to a non-Arab (Ajami) Muslim, (2) Amongst
tion of dalit groups in these countries. Arab...descendents of Hazrat Ali come first and among them the Quraysh
are above all other Arabs, save Hazrat Ali's descendents, (3) The
1 Caste and Its Recognition descendents of the Caliphs, (4) A learned non-Arab (Ajami) is equal to
an ignorant Arab, (5) A Qazi (a Muslim judge) or a Faqih (a Muslim
Caste has, indeed, been in existence for centuries in south Asia.
jurist theologian) ranks higher than a merchant and a merchant than
Though its forms and sometimes even its contents, varied across a tradesman.
regions, it was practised in most of south Asia. However, it was
during the British colonial rule that a common theory of caste, as Similarly, the Sinhala Buddhist communities of Sri Lanka seem
we have come to understand it today, was first articulated (Cohn to defy the theological position of their faith. Even when no one is
1996; Dirks 2001). Extending their notion of oriental cultures, "unclean" in the sacred meaning of the term, social anthropo
caste and untouchability were perceived in the colonial discourse logists have documented the presence of caste-like hierarchies,
to be peculiarly Indian and Hindu practices. The colonial writers identification of occupations with social groups and even "out
also developed theories and models of caste system, where it side untouchables" (Banks 1971; Leach 1971; Ryan 1993).
appeared as a cohesive and peacefully integrated system, con However, it is the colonial constructs and theoretical models of
stantly reproducing itself through the idea of karma and notions caste that continue to dominate not only the popular but also
of purity and pollution. According to this understanding, caste academic imagining of caste. Even the leaders of nationalist
was found among all Hindus, across the subcontinent, and with movements in the subcontinent accepted this colonial common
out any internal variation or difference. Caste became a meta sense on caste quite uncritically. Thus, when the new states of
phor of tradition and rigidity. Since it had survived for ages, with India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka were formed it was only India, with
out any change, the basic principles of its working could presum its Hindu majority, which recognised the need to deal with caste
ably be decodified from the ancient Hindu texts. Following this, and untouchability and made provisions for the uplift of those
one could also assume that since caste was essentially a cultural who had been kept out of the system, the untouchable whom the
and ideological reality with its roots in classical Hindu texts, it colonial rulers had designated as "scheduled castes (scs)".
did not exist among the non-Hindus, the believers in Islam, Chris Interestingly, though caste has not been much of a concern in
tianity, Buddhism or Sikhism. Even when the census enumera any of the four south Asian countries we studied, references to it
tors and anthropologists reported the existence of caste-like were not completely absent in the official policy discourses or
structures among the non-Hindus in the subcontinent, such re legal systems. Pakistan, for example, continued to officially use
ports were not considered relevant. The presence of caste-like the category of scs, albeit for a section of its Hindu population.
relations among them was often attributed either to Hindu cul Bangladesh, which was carved out of Pakistan in 1971, also uses
tural influence, or as evidence of their Hindu ancestry, their the category scs in the same fashion. The Gandhian category of
having been converted from Hinduism to Islam or Christianity. harijan has also been in use in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. It
While caste, indeed, has a religious dimension and it finds was also not difficult for our researchers to identify and locate
legitimacy in religious texts of the Hindus, it is also a socio dalit communities in their respective countries.
economic system which shaped local economies, social and Besides the use of these generic categories, the four countries
cultural entitlements and political regimes. For example, some also have local names for certain communities, the meanings of
scholars stress that the origin of the caste system lay in the nature which are very close to untouchables. These terms/names are
of agrarian production and the generation of surplus in early also deployed to distinguish them from the social mainstream of
agrarian systems (Klass 1980; Yurlova 1989). Similarly, some these societies. In Nepal, for example, they are commonly
others have pointed to primacy of the political in structuring referred to with many derogatory terms in the khas Nepali
caste hierarchies in India (Raheja 1988; Quigley 1993). In other language. They are paninachalne (water polluting), achchoot
words, caste was much more than an ideological system. The (untouchables), avarna, doom, pariganit, tallojat (low caste), etc.
idea of caste and associated social and economic structures per The official documents of the Nepalese government and other
sisted with varied religious traditions of the south Asian region. non-governmental organisations tend to look at them through
For example, though Islam is popularly believed to be an egali the language of development and use terms such as uppechhit
tarian religion, Muslim communities of the region have evolved (ignored), utpidit (oppressed), pacchadipareka (lagging behind),
their own systems of hierarchical relations, where some are con bipanna or garib (poor), nimukha (helpless), simantakrit (mar
sidered more equal than others. Such notions of "(caste) hierar ginalised), subidhabata banchit (disadvantaged), alpasankhyak
chies" are also justified by referring to the religious texts or tradi
(minorities) or banchitikaranmapareka (excluded).
tions of Islam. This is well argued in the study on Bangladesh Similarly, Bangladesh has an elaborate set of names for its
done by Chowdhury (2008). Citing works of Karim (1956) and dalits, both Hindus and Muslims. While the Hindu dalits are
Blunt (1931), Chowdhury writes: clubbed under the category of harijan (or harijon, in the local
...Islam introduced a new type of social stratification in which the parlance), the Muslim dalits are often classified as arzals. How
highest were those who were the closest to the Prophet...in blood, ever, more common way of identifying or describing them is
100 November 27, 2oio vol xlv no 48 Economic & Political weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

through their caste names, which continue to be closely associ 2 Caste Demographics
ated with traditional caste-based occupations. This continued Of the four, Nepal is the only country where some kind of quanti
identification of caste groups with traditional occupations also tative data on the subject has been officially collected and made
reflects continuity of their social and economic realities and a available. As per the 2001 Census, Nepal had 12.8% dalits in its
near absence of any kind of diversification of their occupations total population of 22.3 million (Bhattachan et al 2008). However,
and economic life. Some of the occupations almost completely unlike India, Nepal does not have a history of mapping or sched
associated with specific groups or communities and occupy "low" uled dalit castes and legally the category is still evolving there.
position in the status hierarchy of occupations, and they are No systematic data on caste or dalits is collected in the other
always low paying. These are "sweepers (harijan), barber, three countries.
washer, dyer, blacksmith, goldsmith, cobbler (mochi), oil-presser, Pakistan enumerates the sc, population but only as a part of its
boatmen (mazi), weavers, hunters, sawyers, butcher (kasai), gar Hindu minority population. The st Hindus are mostly concen
dener (maii), tailor (darji), quake for circumcision (hajam), drum trated in rural areas of Sindh province. According to the 1998
beater (dholak)". Census, the scs constituted 13.6% of its 2.44 million Hindu
Though caste continues to be an important category of kinship minority population. However, as mentioned above, caste-based
and community classifications in Pakistan, the dalit question is a divisions and practice of untouchability are not confined to
little more complicated there. Given that the term sc is still offi Hindus alone. There are a large number of Muslim groups treated
cially used for the "untouchable" communities of its small Hindu as untouchables by dominant Muslim groups, particularly in the
minority and that almost the entire Christian population of the provinces of Sindh and Punjab. Besides, almost the entire Chris
country are converts from dalit chuhras of Punjab, the caste ques tian population of Pakistan are converts from dalit communities
tion gets closely entangled with the minority question in Paki and many of them continue to be treated so even today by the
stan. However, quite like Bangladesh, caste and untouchability dominant communities of the country. Given the large presence
also exist among the Muslims of Pakistan. Though the main of scs in the total population of the Indian Punjab (nearly 29%)
stream Islamic ideology completely denies any place to caste in and the fact that a large proportion of dalits chose to declare their
Pakistan, its presence, in the form of social intercourse, birth religion as Islam instead of migrating to the Indian side at the
based occupation, segregation in residence and taboo in social time of Partition (Kaur 2008), their presence in the Pakistani
relationship is very widely recognised and plays an important Punjab is likely to be quite significant. Similarly, if one was to
role in structuring kinship and political economy of the country compare Bangladesh with its Indian counterpart, West Bengal,
(Alavi 1972; Gazdar 2007). Popular categories with which dalits one could assume that the dalit population in the country would
of Pakistan are identified are not completely alien to Indians. For be close to around 15% to 20%.
example, mochi, pather (brick maker) and bhangi (sweeper) are In Sri Lanka, like Bangladesh and Pakistan, caste is not
mostly Muslims and considered "lower" castes on the basis of included as a demographic category and thus there is no official
their family occupation, regardless of their religion. There are enumeration of it. In the study report of Sri Lanka, Tudor Silva,
other titles, such as musalman sheikhs, mussalis (both used for Sivapragasam and Thanges (2008) claim that nearly 90%
Muslim dalits) and masihi (Christians), which universally refer country's population recognises caste for some purpose at least
to specific groups of people, also identified with specific occupa and as many as 20% to 30% are victims of caste-based discrimi
tion and used to segregate them from the rest as "untouchable" nation because of their being considered "low" or untouchable.
groups. It is not only the dalits who are identified through caste It will perhaps be safe to assume that the four countries of
names. Others too have caste names and maintain caste bounda south Asia have a population ranging from 15% to 25% which
ries in kinship ties and in building other social network. As one of experience caste-based prejudice and discrimination, which in
the respondents told to our Pakistani researcher: turn also produces poverty and social exclusion of some
communities.
Caste is so obvious and important in Pakistan that you go on streets
and talk to people, first question you would be asked is about your
caste...All these nations Pakhtoons, Punjabis, Sindhis, Balochis 3 Caste Means Discrimination
despite shared religion and ethnicity are further divided in uneven As the detailed reports of the four countries and other writings
castes and tribe systems (Shah 2008: 7).
on the subject show, there is enough qualitative evidence to
The Sri Lankan study also focused both on Hindus and non suggest that caste differences exist in these four countries of
Hindus, the Tamil-speaking population and the Buddhist Sinhala south Asia. Further, they exist not simply in terms of distinctive
society. Though Buddhism does not have a notion of untouch group identities or ethnic difference, reproduced through caste
ability, a small proportion of the Sinhala population is treated as endogamy; but also in terms of hierarchy and ideas of purity
untouchable with a clear notion of caste distinction. Here too, the and pollution. Interestingly, in some ways, there seem to be
untouchable communities are known by their community names. striking similarities across different regions of the subcontinent
The Indian influence on the local discourse on caste in Sri Lanka in the manner in which caste-based deprivation is reproduced
seems minimal. Neither harijan nor dalit are used to describe the on ground. However, the four reports also bring out significant
"untouchable" castes. The long radical political movements have differences in the nature and extent of discrimination across
also played a role in weakening the practice of caste and untouch the four countries and among different communities within
ability in Sri Lankan context. the countries.

Economic & Political weekly HSS3 November 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 101
SPECIAL ARTICLE

One of the most striking features of south Asia is the associa used derogatory words for dalits and made them sit on the back
benches. Given their economic weaknesses, many dalit children
tion of dalit communities with certain types of jobs. For example,
the cleaning of streets and latrines, dealing with dead animals, drop out of school and join their parents in their struggle for
casual and bonded labour on land are almost everywhere earning livelihood.
identified with dalit communities. Not only are these low status While the presence of caste is widely recognised in Nepal it is a
jobs, invariably they are also low paid jobs. Another common taboo in contemporary Sri Lanka. Interestingly, caste was the
feature of dalit life in these four countries is their residential primary category of classification in the region and was used in
segregation. They seem to be either living in segregated settle all regional censuses until 1871 when it was replaced by race and
ments away from the main village, or in the urban slums where nationalities for classification of Sri Lankan population. Even
living conditions are generally poor. The experience of though the colonial regimes did not see Sri Lanka as being a caste
untouchability and discrimination was also a shared reality but society, it nevertheless worked with the idea of caste for many
its details varied. different ways, including selecting suitable officials for adminis
tration of countryside, tax collection, and even in recruiting and
Reality of Caste in Official Nepal managing workers in the plantation economy developed by them
As mentioned above, of the four south Asian countries, Nepal is (Silva et al 2008).
the only one (apart from India) which recognises the reality of Though caste system is relatively less rigid in Sri Lanka, it con
caste. Quite like India, Nepal has an official commission, the tinues to be a core feature of its social structure. Kalinga Tudor
National Dalit Commission (ndc) that was set up in 2002. The Silva and his colleagues identify three parallel caste systems
ndc performs the kinds of functions that the Scheduled Castes being practised by the three major ethnic groups of the country,
Commission does in India. The commission has identified 22 viz, the Buddhist Sinhalas (around 74% of the total population),
groups as dalits with sub-castes within them. These communities the Sri Lankan Tamils and the Indian Tamils (together making
continue to experience untouchability in some form or the other. for around 20% of the total population) caste system. Each of
Though some of them live in mixed localities, they mostly live in these is based on some idea of hierarchy and discrimination.
segregated settlements in rural and urban centres of Nepal. While the importance of caste has, indeed, diminished over the
Untouchability continues to be widely practised in religious and years, some pockets of caste discrimination continue to exist. Sri
sociocultural sites against some of these caste groups. For example, Lanka also has witnessed certain new forms of caste discrimina
it is still very difficult for most dalits to marry outside their com tion which have emerged in the plantation economy, sanitary and
munities. Some of the dalit castes are denied entry into Hindu scavenging services, and more recently, in context of civil war
temples. They are also not permitted to eat with others during and tsunami rehabilitation.
festivals and weddings. Similarly, they are denied free access to The pre-colonial Sri Lankan state was built around caste-based
public sources of drinking water. As many as 17 of 18 dalit castes privileges of the ruling elite and hereditary and mandatory caste
interviewed for the Nepal study reported that if they touched services of the bottom layers in society. Unlike the Hindu caste
water filled by the non-dalits, the latter threw away the water.
system founded on the basis of religious notions of purity and
They are not allowed to touch the tap. If they wish to collect pollution, the caste systems in Sri Lanka have relied more on a
water they are required to wait for a non-dalit to nil water for kind of secular ranking upheld by the state, landownership and
them, while they are made to stand at a distance from the public tenure, religious organisations and rituals, and firmly-rooted
water source. notions of inherent superiority and inferiority. The official
Thanks to the growing influence of the dalit movements and requirement and support to the caste systems has, indeed, eroded
Maoist insurgency, caste-based discrimination has been declin over the years, but the state has also turned a blind eye to the
ing in Nepal. Caste-based discrimination is comparatively less in deprivations caused by caste discrimination. The militant Tamil
urban areas. However, it has not gone away. For example, one of movement led by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (ltte)
the issues raised recently by dalit movements in Nepal was about also imposed a ban on the practice of caste for consolidating
the discrimination against dalits in collection of milk. Some of Tamil identity, which only turned it into a kind of underground
them still find it hard to sell milk to vendors because of their reality, not to be confronted openly through politics and policy.
caste. Similarly, untouchability can be experienced in tea-shops The political regime of pre-British Sinhala society was based
and at restaurants. on a feudal social order, a system of land tenure and extraction of
Some dalit communities also reported prejudice and discrimi services around the institution of caste and legitimised by a ritual
nation in provision of health services. In this context, Nepal order (Peiris 1956). The ruling elites were identified as "born to
seems very similar to India. Given that a large majority of dalits rule" social formation. The lower orders of society consisted of a
are also poor, they find it hard to access private healthcare and goigama, independent peasantry comprising the bulk of Sinhala
the state-supported health services are not good enough. The population, coastal low-country caste groups who were viewed
story of education also seems similar. Despite state policy and as being outside the indigenous caste system, a range of service
concerted efforts by some activist groups, dalit enrolment contin castes with hereditary rajakariya, providing services to the king.
ues to be quite low. Though less than in the past, some communities They were tied to the elite through land allotments. At the bot
reported caste-based segregation in schools. Dalit children were tom of the social order were caste groups expected to perform
treated differently by teachers as well as their peers. Teachers "menial" services such as removal of dead animals and dirt,
102 _
Nove
 -__ SPECIAL ARTICLE

(rodi), public execution of criminals (gahala) and manufacture dalit movements demanding "equality in seating and eating for
and supply of mats and other useful artefacts using raw materials school children", the Teashop Entry Movement in the 1950s and
collected from the jungle (kinnara). Around 1% of the total the Temple Entry Movement in the 1960s. These campaigns
Sinhala population was engaged in menial services and lived in sometimes also resulted in violent clashes between Vellalars and
isolated, but congested villages usually hidden in the jungle. Panchamars and achieved a measure of success in reducing man
Caste discrimination, however, was not limited only to those ifest forms of caste discrimination. However, by the 1970s, these
engaged in menial services. Groups like vahumpura (domestic struggles were given up. The rise of Tamil identity politics sought
servants of goigama), padu (farm workers of goigama), kumbal to unify all Tamils, irrespective of caste, class and other divisions
(potters), berava (drummers and dancers), rada (washermen) in their struggle against the Sinhala dominated state. Though
and nawandanna (smiths) (Jiggins 1979) were also treated as Tamil militancy enabled the non-Vellalar groups to assert them
untouchables or near untouchables. All these groups together selves politically, the Eelam struggle also silenced the caste strug
constituted around one-fourth of the total Sinhala population. gle in the interest of the "national liberation struggle". Caste was
The "lower" status of these groups was reinforced by overlapping officially banned but caste discrimination did not disappear
conditions such as landlessness, caste-specific family and per (Schalk 1992,1997).
sonal names, service obligations towards higher orders in society, The third category of population where caste continues to be a
forms of dress and patterns of deference and demeanor built into predominant mode of social organisation is that of the "Indian
inter-caste relations of all kinds. Tamils". They are called Indians because they were taken to Sri
Buddhism has also organisationally adapted caste in its social Lanka by the British rulers from southern India during the middle
and religious set-up. For instance, the popular annual religious of the 19th century to work in tea/coffee plantations. Though
rituals and cultural pageantries such as the kandy perahara con politically a marginal group, they make for more than 6% (roughly
ducted in honour of sacred tooth relic in the Temple of the Tooth, 1.3 millions) of the total population of the country and nearly 80%
where the four guardian deities were displayed, the caste order of them continue to be a part of the plantation economy.
was celebrated (Seneviratne 1978). While establishing plantations, the colonial rulers almost
As elsewhere, the system of caste-based hierarchies in Sri reestablished the caste-based division. Those who were taken for
Lanka has also seen many changes over the years. Many of the labouring jobs were mostly from dalit caste groups, while the
traditionally underprivileged caste groups in Sinhala society supervisory work was invariably given to the non-dalits. Simi
have gradually moved up and have improved their living condi larly, some of the low status jobs, such as sanitary labour or wash
tions through the opportunities offered by the Sri Lankan welfare ing of clothes were treated as caste occupation in the plantations.
state. These opportunities, however, have not evenly benefited A large majority of them being Hindus, their ritual life also
all such caste groups or all members within a specific caste group, reinforced hierarchy.
and there are many depressed caste pockets where poverty, land Though caste divisions continue, caste-based discrimination
lessness, low human dignity, unemployment and poor living con appears to have progressively weakened among the plantation
ditions continue to exist. They also experience caste-like discrim workers. There are two sectors where elements of caste-based
ination from other communities and official institutions. The discrimination continue. First, the trade unions are mostly
study clearly showed lower educational achievement, extreme controlled by high castes in the plantation community in spite of
poverty, overcrowded settlements, poor asset ownership and the workforce being predominantly of dalit background. There
pressure to pursue hereditary caste occupations despite a strong are also urban communities of sanitary labourers of Indian Tamil
dislike for such occupations. origin who continue to experience a degree of social exclusion
Historically, caste-based divisions and discriminations have due to a combination of factors, which include their ethnic, caste
been much stronger among the Sri Lankan Tamils in Jaffna and occupational backgrounds and their concentration in
where untouchability has a religious sanction. The upper end of ghetto-like crowded urban settlements.
the caste hierarchy has traditionally been occupied by the land
owning Vellalar (Pfaffenberger 1982; Siddhartan 2003; Mahroof Bangladesh
2000) and the bottom end was collectively referred to as Pan The other two countries, Pakistan and Bangladesh, not only have a
chamar, consisting of Vanndr (dhobi, i e, washerman), Ampattar shared political history among themselves but also with India. How
(barber), Pallor (landless labourers), Nalavar (toddy tappers) and ever, even though a large geographical area of the two countries, in
Parayar (funeral drummers). They were treated as untouchables a sense, shared cultural history with present-day India, their con
in Jaffna society. Vellalars have also been numerically predomi temporary social and political realities are imagined very differendy
nant in the peninsula (around 50%), while the Panchamars were from the Indian side. For example, while caste figures quite promi
around 18% of the Jaffna population. In between Vellalars and nendy in colonial accounts of the united Punjab and it continues to
Panchamars were several intermediary caste groups, which also be used as a category of demographic classification and social policy
experienced some kind of discrimination but were not treated as in the Indian Punjab, discourse on caste is almost completely
outcaste or untouchables. missing in the Pakistani Punjab. Same could be said about some
Panchamars were prohibited from wearing respectable cloth other parts of Pakistan (such as Sindh) and Bangladesh.
ing, denied access to public transport, drinking water, temples Though predominantly a Muslim populated country (90%),
and tea shops. Beginning with the 1920s, the region also witnessed Bangladesh also has a good number of Hindus (around 9%). More

Economic & Political weekly November 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 103
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

than the religious demographics, social organisation of the region collection, were often not allowed entry into mosques, there
resembles closely with neighbouring India. For example, the seemed to be no such restriction in place any longer. However,
village settlements in Bangladesh are quite like those on the otherwise, the condition of the Muslim dalits did not seem to be
Indian side, in West Bengal and other parts of eastern India. As any better than those of the Hindu dalits. The number of Muslim
in a typical Indian village these settlements are divided on dalits complaining about the practice of untouchability against
caste, lines and dalits are invariably made to live outside the them in tea shops was much higher (around 40%) than the Hindu
boundary of the main village. Even in urban and semi-urban dalits (around 15%). The same was the case with having access to
settlements there are localities named after the predominant hotel rooms. Access to water from public and private sources was
occupation of their residents, such as harijan patti, bede colony also denied to both categories of dalits.
and sweeper colony. Schools have been reported to be important sites of caste dis
Culturally also, south Asian Islam has its own notion of hierar crimination by the literature on untouchability in India. This
chy, which divided people into caste like status groups, such as seems to be true for other countries of south Asia as well. Bangla
Ajlaf, Afzal and Arzals. Quite like the Hindu caste system, these desh, where our team looked at the issue more closely, found
divisions are based on some notion of purity and pollution. South strong evidence of discrimination against the dalit children, of
Asian Islam also practises a notion of endogamy which reinforces both Hindu and Muslim background. They were treated differ
caste-like group divisions. And most importantly, a large number ently by teachers and found it hard to play with children from
of communities in Bangladesh remain associated with their other castes/communities. In many places they are not allowed
hereditary occupations which carry a status group identity. to drink water from common sources and are discouraged to
Most of the Hindu dalits of Bangladesh are believed to be participate in cultural activities and sports. Surprisingly, in
descendants of migrants from the Indian side of the subcontinent, schools also the Muslims dalit children seem to be facing more
from the current states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh discrimination than the Hindu dalits.
and Madhya Pradesh. They were first taken to the city of Dhaka by Pakistan also has many similarities with Sri Lanka and Bangla
the Mughal rulers in the early 17th century. However, a larger desh. Though caste is one of the core social institutions, its pres
number of them came during the first half of the 19th century when ence is rarely acknowledged in the official discourses on poverty,
the British rulers brought them for various kinds of menial services. development or human rights. Hindus make for a little less than
Though Bangladesh was formed as a secular, democratic coun 2% of the total population of Pakistan. Besides, Pakistan also has
try in 1971 after it separated from Pakistan, it has, over the years around 1.6% of a Christian population. The overwhelming major
developed strong majoritarian tendencies, which have taken the ity population (nearly 95%) of the country is of believers in Islam.
form of institutionalised discrimination against the Hindu This religion is also its professed political ideology. The two
minority. Dalits, who make for nearly one-fourths to one-fifth of nation theory, which provided justification for the formation of a
the Bangladeshi Hindu population, become double victims of separate Pakistan was premised on the fact that socially and cul
Islamic majoritarianism as well as caste untouchability. Their turally south Asian Muslims were different from the Hindus.
representation in the political institutions is abysmally low. Their While Hindus believed in caste hierarchy, Muslims were all equal
economic conditions are predictably bad with most of them work and hence constituted a separate nation. Even today this remains
ing in low paying traditional caste occupations. Our study a core of the official doctrine of the Pakistani state.
revealed that a large proportion of them received below the Caste and religion have always been interwoven in complex
officially prescribed minimum wage. Nearly three-fourths of the ways. While Hinduism has often been seen, and rightly so, to pro
surveyed respondents earned less than 5,000 Takka in a month vide a theological justification to caste hierarchy, the Pakistani
(less than $75 per month). Nearly two-thirds of them, both Hindu
state uses Islamic identity and ideology to completely deny the
and Muslim dalits have had no education. They live in temporary presence of caste in the social and economic life of country even
(kachd) houses made of bamboo and hey and have poor access to when caste-based identities and caste-related discrimination are
water, sanitation and other public services. Interestingly, the sur quite rampant in the country, including among the Muslims. Such
vey showed that the condition of Muslim dalits was worse than official denial of caste also works to the double disadvantage of
those of the Hindu dalits. While 75% of the Hindu dalits lived in the Hindu and Christian dalits of Pakistan. While being members
kacha houses, the number of Muslim dalits in the category was of a small religious minority, they confront a hostile majoritarian
above 90%. state and civil society; being dalits they also remain marginal
Dalits in Bangladesh also face discrimination in the political ised within their own religious communities.
sphere as well as in civic life. Many of them reported that they
were not treated well even by the doctors and nurses in hospitals
and clinics. They were also not allowed entry into their houses. Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
The Hindu dalits faced much more discrimination in religious available at
life. They were not allowed entry into temples and were discour
aged from participating in religious/community functions. Altermedia-Bookshop Ecoshop
M G Road
Though in the past some sections of the Muslim dalit communi
Thrissur 680 001, Kerala
ties, such as the Lalbegi, Abdal and Bediya (popularly known as Ph: 2422974
Arzal) engaged in occupations such as toilet cleaning and garbage
104 November 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 Q3S3 Economic & Political weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

The representatives of Hindu scs have often contested this and Even though the category "sc" continues to be used in Paki
have claimed to be much larger in numbers than officially stan, it does not have any special development schemes or
reported. They are mostly concentrated in the Sindh region and programmes for its dalit population. On the contrary, some of the
nearly 93% of them live in rural areas. As expected, a large ma legal provisions such as the law against blasphemy are often used
jority of them do not own agricultural land or other employment/ against members of the religious minorities, Christians and
income generating assets. They mostly work as tenants and Hindus, by the locally dominant individuals in events of conflict.
attached labourers Qiaris) with big landowners. While the sys
tem of attached labour has undergone a lot of change in India, 4 Concluding Comments
social relations of production in Sindh and some other parts of Social groupings based on their descent, often described ethnic
Pakistan continue to be of pre-capitalist nature with widespread groups or communities, have existed and continue to exist almost
use of unfree labour. A large majority of rural dalits, Hindus and everywhere in the present-day world. With a growing incidence
Muslims continue to work as bonded slaves with the big land of human migration across countries and continents, such diver
owners, particularly in the provinces of Sindh and Punjab. Even sity of human groups has only been growing over time. These
those who migrate in search of livelihood end up with debts and diverse cultural or ethnic groups do not always coexist in
bondage-type relations. harmony and often become markers of political identities on the
A survey conducted among the Hindu scs of Sindh revealed basis of which power is distributed across communities. While
that nearly 85% of them earn less than 3,000 Pakistani rupees such "minorities" and "majorities" are a fact of political and social
(around $36) per month, far below the official minimum wage of life all over the world, the institution of caste is specific to south
Rs 4,600. sc workers also pointed to widespread discrimination Asia, where groups are not only treated differentially but some
against them. A majority of them (58%) reported that they get less groups are kept out as "untouchable" and "polluting".
wages than upper castes Muslim and Hindu workers for the same Caste differences are also not simply cultural or economic
type of work. This differential was particularly widespread in the differences. Caste inequality, as Ambedkar had argued, is graded
Sindh province. inequality (Ambedkar 1987; Jaffrelot 2005), where inequality
All these predictably lead to their poor conditions of living. For exists at all levels of social groupings. Even those classified as
instance, the study showed that a large majority of them live in outcaste or untouchables are also internally divided and unequal.
kacha houses with poor health. A large majority of them are illit Not only do such differences make it difficult for those at the
erate and often find it hard to send their children to schools. As is receiving end of the system to mobilise against the powerful, but

typical of caste societies, dalits of Pakistan face severe discrimi it also institutionalises discrimination and exclusion in a much
nation in everyday life, some of which are common and some more complicated way. Discrimination becomes a cultural trait in
others peculiar to the local context. Communitywise segregated such social formations.
housing appears to be a norm in most of the Pakistan. In some It is in this context that we need to understand the contextual

areas the whole village population would be from a particular specificity of the category dalit. It was only when the colonial
clan. Similarly, in multi-caste community settlements, status state classified them under a single category as depressed classes,
group hierarchy is quite common and visible. In Sindh, for and later as scs, that it became possible for them to start imagin
example, most villages have separate mohallas of Syeds, who are ing themselves as a single political community with a common
considered as upper caste and keep themselves at a distance from experience and interest, as dalits.
the other castes. On the other end, dalit groups like the Bagris However, the colonial constructs and classifications of caste
groupings also imposed their own limitations. They identified
are made to live on the outskirts of the village because they are
considered untouchable and polluting by the upper caste Hindus caste exclusively with Hinduism and India. However, the fact is
and Muslims. They eat dead animals and their bodies smell and that caste-culture exists across different countries of south Asia
after all they are Bagris and non-Muslims. How can we let them and even among the followers of other religious faith systems.
live in our mohalla? a Muslim respondent from a Sindh village While the extent and form varies, communities are invariably
told our researcher. divided on the basis of their birth within a framework of hierar
They also experience the classical form of untouchability in chy where some groups, engaged in "polluting" occupations, are
the public sphere. For example, as many as 77% reported having kept out as untouchables.
been denied services of a barber and 90% reported that the Caste divisions and differences have perhaps not been as
local restaurant served them tea and food in separate utensils. strong in countries like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh or Pakistan as
Many of them felt that they were harshly treated to the extent they have been in India, or in some of its regions. However,
of being hated by the dominant groups. Dalit children who go unlike India, there has been no recognition of their special
to school are made to sit in the last rows and often treated badly situation as socially excluded and deprived. Since the states in
by the teachers. these countries do not recognise caste, they also do not collect
The burden of caste also has a gender dimension. Besides low data on their numbers and around variables of their economic
wages and difficult living conditions, dalit women often face status. In contrast, the state policies have played a critical role
sexual assault while they are working in farms of the rich farmers. in producing dalit elite, which has played an important role in
There have also been several cases of young dalit women being articulating dalit aspirations and identity. No such process is
abducted and sexually exploited. visible anywhere else in south Asia. In this context, Gellner's

Economic & Political weekly CEE3 November 27, 2010 vol xlv no 48 105