Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR) Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (Clear)

The Legend of Lady Xia Ji: Two Late Ming Dynasty Portrayals of an Ancient Chinese
"Femme Fatale"
Author(s): Olivia MILBURN
Source: Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), Vol. 39 (December 2017), pp.
1-25
Published by: Chinese Literature: essays, articles, reviews (CLEAR)
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The Legend of Lady Xia Ji:
Two Late Ming Dynasty Portrayals of an Ancient
Chinese Femme Fatale
Olivia MILBURN
Seoul National University
In ancient texts Lady Xia Ji is described as a dangerous woman, whose seductive

beauty brought about the near collapse of the state of Chen in 599 BCE. Having been
virtually forgotten for many centuries, in the late Ming dynasty Lady Xia Ji was the
subject of an erotic novel: the Zhulin yeshi (The Romantic History of Zhulin). Here
she is portrayed as using esoteric techniques of sexual vampirism to maintain her
beauty and achieve transcendency. Subsequently, she also figured in the Xin lieguo
zhi (New Account of the States [of the Eastern Zhou]) by Feng Menglong (1574-1645).
Although these two Ming dynasty novels are known to be closely related, the
connection has not previously been explored. These interrelationships provide
important clues as to the dating of these two texts.
Introduction
Lady Xia Ji JC#Ë was traditionally numbered among the most wicked women of
Chinese antiquity. According to accounts preserved in ancient historical and
philosophical texts, the beautiful Lady Xia Ji, through her promiscuity, brought about
the deaths of many men and almost led to the destruction of the state of Chen S in
599 BCE. Left a widow with a young son who proved unable to protect her from
sexual exploitation, she had an unusual career for a woman of aristocratic birth, even
in so turbulent an age as the Spring and Autumn period (771-475 BCE). Her
vulnerability may be said to reflect both the collapse of normal social mechanisms
during this time and her exposed situation as a pawn in a marriage alliance between
the ruling house of Zheng (her natal family) and the powerful Xia ministerial clan
of Chen, with her husband's early demise leaving her at the mercy of a series of
powerful men. The furious rivalry unleashed between aristocrats desperate to possess
her is said to have embroiled a succession of kingdoms and states in prolonged
conflict. The portrayal of Lady Xia Ji within the mainstream textual tradition is
©Chinese Literature : Essays , Articles , Reviews 39 (2017)

2 Chinese Literature : Essays , Articles , Reviews 39 (2017)
therefore that of a femme fatale; her appearance on the scene was marked by vicious
quarrels as men found themselves unable to control their lust.
For most of the imperial era, the troubling story of Lady Xia Ji attracted little
attention in any medium other than commentaries on classical texts. However, in the
very last decades of the Ming dynasty, her biography was used as the basis for a full-
length erotic novel: Zhulin yeshi (The Romantic History of Zhulin). In this
novel, Lady Xia Ji is transformed from a victim to a powerful exemplar of female
sexuality who uses her remarkable sexual techniques first to wreck a terrible
vengeance on the men who try to exploit her and then ultimately to achieve
transcendency. Shortly afterwards, Lady Xia Ji's biography was also included in one
of the last works to be written by Feng Menglong (1574-1645): the Xin lieguo zhi
Kí^!]|IS|;Ê (New Account of the States [of the Eastern Zhou]). This lengthy historical
novel in one hundred and eight chapters describes the key events and personalities of
the centuries from the fall of the Western Zhou in 771 BCE to the unification of China
in 221 BCE.1 The portrayal of the character of Lady Xia Ji in the Xin lieguo zhi owes
much to the Zhulin yeshi ; however, the relationship between these two works has
previously not been explored in scholarship on late Ming-dynasty literature.
This article will begin by considering the ancient Chinese historical texts that
provide the earliest known source-material for the biography of Lady Xia Ji. These
provide the basis for understanding the portrayal of her character given in the two
Ming dynasty texts, demonstrating the way in which the description of her
controversial career was altered and adapted by late imperial writers to bring out
different themes and highlight alternative readings of these events. The two Ming
dynasty texts will also be compared with each other in order to demonstrate the
extremely close links between the Zhulin yeshi and the Xin lieguo zhi, while also noting
the changes introduced by Feng Menglong in order to maintain contact with historical
events or to assert his own authorial voice. Finally, by exploring the other texts
referenced in the Zhulin yeshi, an attempt will be made to date this erotic novel more
accurately than has hitherto been the case.
1 The attribution and dating of much of Feng Menglong's work remains highly controversial:
see Pi-ching Hsu, "A Reconsideration of Some Mysteries Concerning Feng Menglong's
Authorship/' CLEAR 28 (2006): 59-183. Fu Chengzhou fiÏTpcittl, "Feng Menglong zhuzuo
biannian yu kaozheng" Yantai daxue xuebao zhexue shehui kexue ban
1989.1: 57-62, p. 61, suggests that the Xin lieguo zhi was written between 1627-1630. Xu Sh
"Feng Menglong nianpu yinlun" 31 fÉ, Zhejiang xuekan 1992.6: 147-15
151, suggests that the novel may have been written as late as 1643. Alternatively, Robe
Hegel, Reading Illustrated Fiction in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press
suggests a date in the 1620s for this novel. The problems of dating Feng Menglong's wor
it extremely difficult to determine the relationship among different texts, not to menti
Ming-dynasty literature by other authors.
MILBURN The Legend of Lady Xia Ji 3
The Portrayal of Lady Xia Ji in Ancient Historical Texts
The life of the unfortunate Lady Xia Ji reflects the collapse in social order that took
place towards the middle of the Spring and Autumn period. Born into a noble family
the daughter of Lord Mu of Zheng #Ķ0Ā (r. 627-606 BCE), the beautiful Lady Xia J
found herself the victim of appalling sexual harassment and exploitation. Th
Zuozhuan ÎlW, which is the most important source of biographical stories about he
first mentions Lady Xia Ji in the entry for the year 600 BCE. In this year Lord Ling
Chen ßtBÄ (r. 613-599 BCE) and two of his ministers- Kong Ning ?L^ and
Xingfu ÍÍHt5£- are all said to have become involved in sexual relationships with her
and to have flaunted this at court.2 When another minister, Xie Ye (this name
also given in some texts as ýtttíp), remonstrated about their inappropriate behavior
proclaiming their immorality to all and sundry, the trio had him killed.3 This even
was significant for indicating the stupidity and moral bankruptcy of the men involve
who could think of no other effective way to deal with the verbal criticism to which
they had been subjected:
Lord Ling of Chen together with Kong Ning and Yi Xingfu engaged in an illicit
sexual relationship with Lady Xia Ji and they all wore her underwear in order to
make a joke at court. Xie Ye remonstrated: 'Tor a ruler and his ministers to announce
their debauchery gives the people no model to follow and your reputation will be
ruined. Your lordship should put an end to it." His lordship said: "I can reform [my
behavior]." His lordship reported this to the two other men and they requested
permission to kill him. His lordship did not forbid them to do so, so they murdered
Xie Ye.4
a»*«,
mxmz." ÄS: 'ģ^^r äähts - is»«;?:. až«»«*.
2 The Lienü zhuan (Biographies of Exemplary Women), w

Lady Xia Ji, gives Kong Ning's name as Gongsun Ning se
Lienü zhuan buzhu (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1976), pp. 127-128. This
seems to be derived from the form of name given in the Han Feizi flMÈT1; see Chen Qiyou ISfi of
SÄ, ed., Han Feizi jishi (Kaohsiung: Fuwen tushu chubanshe, 1991), p. 919.
3 Xie Ye is much more frequently mentioned in ancient Chinese historical and philosophical
texts than Lady Xia Ji; the circumstances of his death, remonstrating with his ruler about his
sexual license and failure to set a good example to his people, saw him the subject of many
admiring comments concerning his bravery and loyalty; see for example Zhong Wenzheng M
ed., Chunqiu Guliang jingzhuan buzhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996),
pp. 442-443 [Xuan 9]; Xu Weiyu IrF&fiiS, ed., Han Shi ivaizhuan jishi (Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 2005), pp. 26-27; and Wang Pinzhen žEIļf ed., Da Dai Liji jiegu
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), p. 66, in which Xie Ye is compared to such moral exemplars as
Prince Bigan tfcT1; see also Chen Shike IStiiíŘj, ed., Kongzi jiayu shuzheng (Taipei:
Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1971), p. 132.
4 Yang Bojun łfHSi®, ed., Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhu #$CŽ:ÍÍÍÍ (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993), pp.
701-702 [Xuan 9].
4 Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 39 (2017)
The following year, Lord Ling is said to have been murdered by Lady Xia Ji's son,
Xia Zhengshu furious at the aspersions cast by his lordship upon his paternity.
All accounts of these events suggest that it was unpremeditated; the result of
overwhelming anger:
Lord Ling of Chen was drinking wine at the Xia house with Kong Ning and Yi
Xingfu. His lordship said to Xingfu: "[Xia] Zhengshu looks like you." He replied:
"He also looks like your lordship." [Xia] Zhengshu was enraged by this. His
lordship went out, and [Xia Zhengshu] shot him dead from his stables. The two
other men fled to Chu.5
flÉîrX, Sí EJ: TéŠfmZ.

m ní#«.
Lady Xia Ji is next mentione

the discussion concerns the ev
Chen and having stamped his
for the crime of murdering L
decided to take Lady Xia Ji
remonstrance from one of hi
his majesty that his campai
principles. Having persuaded
Wu Chen then dissuaded Prin
suggesting that she was a fun
When Chu punished the Xia fa

Ji into his own harem. Shengo
summoned the other lords, it w
into your own household, then
her beauty, then you are debau
The Book of Zhou says: 'Mak
punishments.' This is the wa
Making manifest your virtue m
punishments means that you s
bring down terrible punishmen
5 Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan z

6 In a unique account of these
Zhuang of Chu is said to have act
her out of his harem following
see Zhao Shanyi íUfsp, ed., Xi
chubanshe, 1989), p. 26.
7 For the original quotation, c
Xingyan ed., Shangshu jinguiven zhushu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986),
p. 359.
Your majesty should consider this!" His majesty then stopped. Zifan wanted to take
her. Wu Chen said: "This is an inauspicious person. It is she who made the
Honorable Man die young, who killed Yushu, murdered Lord Ling, brought Xia
[Zijnan to the scaffold, forced Kong [Ning] and Yi [Xingfu] into exile and brought
tragedy to the state of Chen.8 When has there been such an unlucky person? It is
hard enough to survive; why should you suffer a premature demise? There are lots
of beautiful women in the world, so why does it have to be this one?"9
«¿imxRtó, "^ni. umptì. it
ÄfeÄ«, n%xïï'. mm
litó; «si bžzz litó. imxm, #«Ató. .- îtî±.
z. ®ë0: "Ã^#Ató. ñttm, ««ft, umm, «m am «mb.
Ä? ÀÍÊ*B, ÄW A«?E?? AT£íl®À, ftíttA?"
King Zhuang of Chu is said to have subsequently presented Lady Xia Ji to a

minor official named Xiang Lao only for her to commit generational incest by
entering a sexual relationship with his son Heiyao Hie after her husband's death.10
is at this stage that Wu Chen married her himself in the teeth of considerable
opposition from Prince Fan of Chu and fled, first to Jin and then to the kingdom of
Wu.11 Lady Xia Ji now disappears from the record, though the important role that he
husband went on to play in the history of Wu is attested to both in ancient historica
texts and in the inscriptions found on excavated bronzes. 12 As recorded in th
8 The precise identity of the (otherwise unrecorded) Honorable Man has caused some difficult
for commentators. Du Yu ttfl, ed., Chunqiu jingzhuan jijie (Shanghai: Shanghai
guji chubanshe, 1997), p. 656, suggests that Man was the style name of Lord Ling of Zheng
Ą (r. 605 BCE) prior to his accession and hence that he and Lady Xia Ji were brother and siste
Elsewhere in the Zuozhuan, however, Lord Ling of Zheng's style name is given as Hao
leaving Yang Bojun to suggest in his commentary that Man was in fact the first of Lady Xia J
husbands and that he must have died young, as did Xia Yushu.
9 Zuozhuan, pp. 803-804 [Cheng 2].
10 Some scholars have suggested that the "Zidang ding" AíUtIfI, excavated in the northern
suburbs of Liu'an 7'$ city in 1986, was made by the man who (according to the Zuozhuan) w
killed in punishment after Lady Xia Ji and Wu Chen left the kingdom of Chu, since he was
member of Wu Chen's family; see Chen Bingxin "Anhui chutu Zitang [sic] ding
mingwen de zai renshi" Kaogu 2005.7: 89-91; and Li Yong
Hu Yuan iftW:, "Chunqiu Zidang Chuqi kao" Nanfang wenhua 1993.1:
This bronze identifies the maker as a member of the Xiang family; if this is corre
Chen must have been a relative of Xiang Lao and Xiang Heiyao. It is possib
relationship of Lady Xia Ji and these three men should then be considered as an
le vira te in the kingdom of Chu.
11 See Zuozhuan, pp. 701-702 [Xuan 9]; 707-708 [Xuan 10]; 803-806 [Cheng 2]; and 11
According to the Guoyu, Lady Xia Ji was originally bestowed upon Wu Chen by K
of Chu, only to later change his mind. See Shanghai shifan daxue guji zhenglizu A
tóílSlíI&fi, eds., Guoyu Hip (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978), p. 539.
12 See for example Xu Bohong féUŮW, "Chengqiao sanhao Chunqiu mu chut
mingwen shizheng" Affi Ěffižíí fill, Dongnan wenhua 1991.1: 153
Zuozhuan, Lady Xia Ji married at least four times and had four recorded illicit sexual
relationships, one of which was an incestuous affair with her stepson.13 A number of
these relationships were explicitly coerced- Lady Xia Ji's career was unusually brutal
for a woman born into the very top echelons of the ruling elite of the Zhou dynasty.
As Michael Nylan points out, commenting on this story, Lady Xia Ji was a victim of
powerful men and her fate was determined by her beauty and their greed.
Unthinkable just a few generations earlier, her experiences were shaped by the
destruction of the norms that had hitherto defined relationships in Zhou dynasty
society. At this time:
Hallowed precedents yield to "whatever the ruler wants." Ritual is employed to tart
up debauchery and decay. "To plan" becomes a euphemism for "to murder." As the
bewildering process continues, and normative language lies in total confusion, the
constraints that it places on action falter. Duplicity becomes common. The jettisoning
of the usual social bonds and the collapse of language into incoherence cause
suffering on a scale that is hardly to be imagined. Children, women, and the old are
especially vulnerable to the escalating brutality... because the ritual system,
thoroughly decimated, no longer keeps humans from their basest impulses.14
It is interesting to read the account of these events given in the Zuozhuan in

conjunction with the Qinghua bamboo text Xinian (Annual Record), which
provides a short account of the life of Lady Xia Ji derived from the kingdom of Chu.
The Xinian is thought to have been completed in around 380-370 BCE, though it
preserves much important historical material of a significantly earlier date. 15
Although much less vivid in description than the Zuozhuan , not least because this
account lacks any reported speech, the references made in this text to Lady Xia Ji are
extremely interesting, since they provide a unique new insight into her biography:
When King Zhuang of Chu was established, the Wu people submitted to the
authority of Chu. The nobleman from Chen, [Xia] Zhengshu obtained a wife from
Lord Mu of Zheng: this was Shaomeng. In the fifteenth year of the reign of King
Zhuang, the nobleman from Chen, Zhengshu, killed his ruler, Lord Ling, and King
Zhuang led the army to surround Chen. His majesty ordered Shengong Qu Wu to go
to Qin to ask for an army; when he obtained the army, he returned. His majesty
153. The relevant bronze inscription records, among other things, the marriage of Wu Chen's
son to a princess of the kingdom of Wu.
13 The Lienii zhuan, pp. 136-137, states that Lady Xia Ji was three times a queen and seven times
the wife of a grandee. Wang Zhaoyun's commentary on the Lienii zhuan simply suggests that
these figures are in error.
14 Michael Nylan, The Five " Confucian " Classics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), pp.
282-283.
15 See Li Xueqin "Qinghua jian Xinian ji youguan gushi wenti"

M, Wenwu 2011.03: 70-74; and Chen Wei Bifè, "Qinghua daxue zang zhushu Xinian de
wenxianxue kaocha" if Shilin 2013.1: 43-48.
entered Chen and killed [Xia] Zhengshu, taking over his entire household, and
presenting it to Shengong [Wu Chen]. The Lianyin, Xiang Lao, fought with him and
stole Lady Shaomeng away; the Lianyin was later taken prisoner at Heyong. His son
Heiyao also married Lady Shaomeng. King Zhuang then died and King Gong was
established. Heiyao also died and the Minister of War, Prince Fan, and Shengong
fought over Lady Shaomeng. Shengong said: 'This is my appointed wife," and he
took her as his wife. The Minister of War did not agree with Shengong about this.
The king ordered Shengong to go on a diplomatic mission to Qi, and he secretly took
Lady Shaomeng with him; from Qi they fled to Jin and from Jin they travelled to Wu.
Thus for the first time [he gained knowledge of] the routes that led to Wu and Jin,
and he taught the people of Wu to rebel against Chu.16
iîî .
'¿mmmmmm, mm*. Mn
ì&pft%nz&, mz'j> [£] . ísí .
ffiīBPtt, ÄTBPaL JRgtìJE, [£] . í ÄS: M
* âuítí äw»». * Ä««d> īsi mx,
This account solves one of the outstanding problems in Lady Xia Ji'
it appears in the transmitted tradition: her age. By making Lady Xia J
Zhengshu rather than his mother, the Xinian condenses the events o
more credible chronology. If this is correct, it is likely that the mistak
of a misreading of ancient graphs, rather than from problems genera
loan. 17 This mistake would appear to be extremely ancient, sin
embedded within the Zuozhuan. Furthermore, if the relationship
excavated bronze vessels are correct, whereby Xiang Lao, Xiang Heiya
were all close relatives, this again indicates that the information reco
Chinese historical texts is inadequate for understanding the event
Archaeological materials thus provide quite a different biography for
that given in the transmitted textual tradition.
During the Han dynasty, thanks to the Mao commentary to th
of Songs), Lady Xia Ji became associated with the song "Zhulin"
this song is highly innocuous; given that there is no other ancient te
Lady Xia Ji with a place named Zhulin, it would seem that the linkag
result of the tradition recorded in the "Chuyu" Jiln (Tales of Chu
16 Li Xueqin ed., Qinghua daxue zang Zhanguo zhujian ÍÍ (Shanghai:

Zhongxi shuju, 2011), pp. 170-173. This particular pericope is discussed in detail in Cheng We
S#, "Qinghua jian Xinian yu Xia Ji shenfen zhi mi" Wenshi zhishi
2012.7: 108-112. The author of this article regards the appearance of Lady Xia Ji's story in the
Xinian as important evidence of the historicity of this individual.
17 The name Yushu would have been pronounced "ņah-nhuk," while that of Zhengshu would
have been "trai)-lha" in Minimal Old Chinese; see Axel Schussler, Minimal Old Chinese and Late
Han Chinese: A Companion to the Grammata Serica Recensa (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Pres
2009), pp. 52, 55, 115, 188.
Guoyu Hip (Tales of the States) that Xia Zhengshu's style name was Zinan ŤS.18
According to the Mao commentary on the Shijing, the song "Zhulin" was composed in
order to criticize Lord Ling and his reckless determination to pursue his affair with
Lady Xia Ji.19 As with other songs found in this collection, the need to extract
adequate condemnation of Lady Xia Ji's behavior from the neutral wording found in
the "Zhulin" would strain the capacities of later commentators. This has resulted in
some extremely tortuous glosses on the meanings of individual words.20 This song
(Mao Number 144) can be found in the "Chenfeng" R^JiL (Airs of Chen) section of the
Shijing :
What shall I do in Zhulin? I will follow Xia [Zi]nan.

I do not go to Zhulin- I follow Xia [Zi]nan.
Hütt#, «ÉKi£.
I hitch up my team of horses and [go to] enjoy myself in the wilds of Zhu[lin].
I drive my team of colts and eat my morning meal in Zhu[lin].21
n$mm,
m&mm,
While not denying the exploitation that Lady Xia Ji suffered, her portrayal in
ancient Chinese texts is not as a victim, but as a femme fatale. In this reading of events,
her destructive beauty brought about the deaths of many men and nearly caused the
collapse of the state of Chen. As a result, her name became a byword for the danger
posed by a woman's beauty. Throughout the imperial era, she was conventionally
cited as a warning of the dangers of lust. Interestingly (and in striking contrast to
other ancient Chinese women also portrayed as femmes fatales, such as Xi Shi fflíĚ)
there seems to have been very little subsequent literature written about Lady Xia Ji.
Why this should be so is not exactly clear; the stories told of Lady Xia Ji in ancient
historical texts would seem to have been every bit as exciting and dramatic as those
involving other femmes fatales. However, it is possible that the lack of a tradition of
18 See Guoyu, p. 534.

19 See Kong Yingda Mao Shi zhengyi Til# IE# (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990),
p. 254: "'Zhulin' is critical of Lord Ling: he had an affair with Lady Xia Ji and hurried to meet
her, stopping neither day nor night" ('ßfäW íí^řJC®, üftfcWtt, Êifàif).
20 For example, in the Qing dynasty commentary on the second verse of this song by Ma
Ruichen SSM, wo (I/we) is taken to refer to Lord Ling of Chen and the terms shui (to
enjoy) and chaoshi S]# (to have breakfast) are described as upbraiding the marquis of Chen for
his debauchery in staying overnight at Zhulin. The ju JPU (colts) in the same verse are said to
represent the teams of horses taking Kong Ning and Yi Xingfu to Zhulin as well, with a view to
conducting an orgy with Lady Xia Ji. See Ma Ruichen SSM, ed., Maoshi zhuanjian tongshi
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), p. 420.
21 Kong Yingda, Mao Shi zhengyi , pp. 254-255.
literary representations was a key problem- once Lady Xia Ji had been overlooked
early imperial era poetry and prose, it became increasingly unlikely that he
biography would inspire further works of literature. This makes her reappearance
late Ming dynasty literature so striking, particularly in the context of the Zhulin yes
an erotic novel which makes full use of the ambiguous career of its heroine.
Lady Xia Ji in the Zhulin yeshi
The first significant portrayal of Lady Xia Ji in late imperial era literature is foun
in the late Ming dynasty erotic novel in sixteen chapters entitled Zhulin yeshi.22 Th
title of this novel is derived from the eponymous song "Zhulin" in the Shijing. Th
Zhulin yeshi appears to have originally been published anonymously in Suzhou, but
usually attributed in modern reprints to the authorship of the pseudonymous Chi
daoren $SiËÀ (Infatuated Moralist).23 The effect of prohibitions put in place during
the Qing dynasty to prevent anyone from gaining access to this and other sexually
explicit works made this book extremely difficult to obtain right up to the 1990s an
the absence of early surviving copies means that the pre-twentieth century
publication history of the Zhulin yeshi is very obscure.24 Robert van Gulik tentative
dated this text to 1580-1620, but trying to ascribe a date to the Zhulin yeshi is likely
remain a vexed issue.25 Assuming the present text to be the same as that originally
published in the Ming dynasty, it would seem most likely that the Zhulin yeshi was
fact first printed in 1610-1620, for reasons which will be discussed in more detail
below.
Lady Xia Ji is the chief protagonist of the Zhulin yeshi. The novel opens with a
description of her life as a young unmarried girl in Zheng, at which point she i
22 This novel has been translated into both German and French; see F. K. Engler, tr., Dschu-lin
Yä-schi: Ein historisch-erotischer Roman aus der Ming-Zeit (Hamburg: Verlag die Waage, 1971);
and Christine Kontler, tr., Belle de Candeur : Zhulin yeshi ou Histoire non officielle de Zhulin: Roma
erotique chinois de la dynastie Ming (Paris: Picquier, 1987).
23 The obscure publication history of this book is such that in Japanese catalogues of late
imperial era Chinese literature, the Zhulin yeshi is listed as an anonymous Qing dynasty text
see Zhang Jun '"Qiaoyuan yanshi' kaolun" Ming-Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu
1997.1:126-139, p. 133.
24 For example, both the Zhulin yeshi and the Qingshi were banned in the 1868 prohibitions; se
Wang Liqi îEfÛS, Yuan Ming Qing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao
3f4 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986), pp. 143-144. The Zhulin yeshi had previously als
been banned in local proscriptions.
25 See Robert van Gulik, Sexual Life in Ancient China: A preliminary survey of Chinese sex and societ
from ca. 1500 BC till 1644 AD (Leiden: Brill, 1974), p. 314. This dating is also followed in Keit
McMahon, "Eroticism in Late Ming, Early Qing Fiction: The Beauteous Realm and the Sexual
Battlefield," Toung Pao 73 [1987]: 217-264, p. 224. To date, it has proved impossible to locate
even a single pre-twentieth-century copy of this book, though a number of modern reprint
claim to be based upon Ming-dynasty editions.
10 Chinese Literature 'ģ Essays , Articles , Reviews 39 (2017)
known by the name Su'e MM.26 In a dream sequence highly indebted to the Mudan
ting ttJłł (Peony Pavilion), a play first produced in 1598, she is initiated into
esoteric sexual arts during a dream by a transcendent named Hua Yue í ñ from
Zhongnanshan $F^ji_Lj; the text she learns is entitled Sunii caizhan zhi shu
(Art of the Plain Girl Reaping the Rewards of Battle).27 The techniques that she
masters allow her to retain her youthful appearance throughout her life; at the end of
the narrative she is saved from disaster by the same transcendent, never to be seen
again.
The concept of a woman achieving first eternal youth and then transcendency
through esoteric sexual practices with multiple partners was not new; in the earliest
known example of this type of story found in the Liexian zhuan llil "W (Biographies of
Exemplary Transcendents) a woman named Nü Wan fcfl (also occasionally given as
Nü Ji £/l) is said to have learned her skills from a text obtained from another
transcendent (anonymous throughout) entitled the Sunii jing M&fâí (The Plain Girl's
Classic).28 Such themes were a staple of early Chinese erotic literature, and were
closely related to a heterodox tradition in which the achievement of transcendency
was completely divorced from moral cultivation. The same idea is found in the Yufang
mijue (Secret Instructions of the Jade Chamber), a text dated to the Han
dynasty, but now known only from a Tang dynasty compilation assembled in 982. In
this instance, this sexual macrobiotic manual focuses on the character of Xiwangmu ffl
îEfif, who, in contrast to her Daoist religious persona well-known from the canonical
tradition, is here described as a woman who attained eternal youth and
transcendency through a combination of sexual techniques designed to suck the
26 The name of Su'e seems to have been chosen in order to cash in on the contemporary
popularity of the Su'e pian (The Chapters of Su'e), a lavishly illustrated erotic novel
which contains what amounts to a manual in which a series of sexual positions are
demonstrated by the main characters: Wu Sansi and his concubine, Su'e jŘíft. This book
is thought to have first been published in 1610; see Lianhong Zhou, "Su E Pian: A Unique
Treasure at the Kinsey Institute Library," Journal of Library and Information Science 21 (1995): 1-9.
This erotic novel was based on a much older text by Yuan Jiao Hiß, a Tang dynasty story with
no explicit sexual content, concerned with the relationship between Wu Sansi and Su'e.
27 See Chi daoren ÄiSA, Zhulin yeshi fä. # Sf Í. (Shanghai: Xinshulin, 1917), l:lb-2b.
(Henceforth abbreviated as ZLY S.) The account given here of the antecedents of the character of
Hua Yue strengthen the association with the Su'e pian ; at the end of the earlier novel Wu Sansi
and his concubine are said to have become Daoist immortals at Zhongnanshan. Furthermore,
Su'e is said to have been a "spirit of flowers and moon" ( huayue zhi yao [i.e., ¿Ä). For a
discussion of this now extremely rare text; see Xu Shuofang "Guanyu Su'e pian" HSfôjR
Ming-Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu 1995.4: 35-37.
28 See Wang Shumin jEftAK, ed., Liexian zhuan jiaojian (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
2007), B:156. There are a number of extremely early tales of adepts living to a great age and yet
appearing to remain youthful; see for example Fan Ye Hou Hanshu íáíÜH (Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 72B: 2740, 2750. The second of these accounts, concerning a man named
Gan Shi U"$p, makes it clear that he was thought to have prolonged his life through sexual arts.
MILBURN The Legend of Lady Xia Ji 1 1
vitality from her male partners, a special diet and various other esoteric practices.29
The text of this manual suggests that sexual vampirism will allow any woman who
follows its instructions to achieve transcendency at the cost of the ill-health of any
man unfortunate enough to fall into her clutches.
In the search for more contemporary literary antecedents for the Zhulin yeshi, it
would be tempting to see a connection with the Ruyijun zhuan (Tale of the
Lord of Perfect Satisfaction), an erotic novel written prior to 1561 based upon the
biography of Wu Zetian 30 Structurally, the similarities are derived from the
treatment of erotic themes within the context of a strong historical framework; both
novels contain lengthy court scenes which allow for moralistic exhortations in which
the rulers are warned of the dangers of sexual indulgence. The discussions of
contemporary political problems (powerful aristocrats carving up the country among
themselves in the case of the Zhulin yeshi, and concerns over the position of the Crown
Prince and legitimate succession in the Ruyijun zhuan) found in both texts demand a
good knowledge of history on the part of the reader, as do the poems included to
highlight key narrative points.31 Furthermore, both novels describe the main female
protagonist as enjoying rejuvenation through sex and Lady Xia Ji and Xue Aocao
W (the main male protagonist of the Ruyijun zhuan) both end their careers by
becoming transcendent. As noted by Charles Stone in his recent study of the Ruyijun
zhuan, the biography of Wu Zetian might have been designed to be transformed into
an erotic novel. In the case of Lady Xia Ji, the situation is somewhat different, in that
her transformation into a mistress of sexual arts seems to have occurred at least as
early as the Han dynasty, though this aspect would not become fully integrated i
her biography until the Zhulin yeshi.32
The Zhulin yeshi follows the short account of Lady Xia Ji's girlhood with
extensive section on the appalling scandal that overtook her as a widow, when
sexual relationships with Lord Ling and the two grandees of Chen became pu
knowledge. This is followed by a short section concerning her life in Chu and
29 The Yufang mijue is discussed in detail in Paul Goldin, "The Cultural and Religi
Background of Sexual Vampirism in Ancient China," Theology and Sexuality 12 [2006]: 285-30
30 For a detailed study of this text, including the dating, see Charles R. Stone, The Fountainhead
Chinese Erotica : The Lord of Perfect Satisfaction (Ruyijun zhuan) (Honolulu: University of H
Press, 2003).
31 The Zhulin yeshi contains twenty-one original poems on the subject of Lady Xia Ji's
adventures, plus the song "Zhulin" from the Shijing. All these twenty-one works were
apparently written by the author, since her biography was not a popular literary theme. Four of
these poems were subsequently included in the Xin lieguo zhi, again with the Shijing quotation,
together with the addition of one poem by Feng Menglong himself.
32 See Lienii zhuan, p. 136. The relevant lines read: nei xie jishu, gai lao er fu zhuang zhe ŇSHÍÍÍÍ,
: "[Lady Xia Ji] was someone who [had mastered] the techniques of internal
compression, whereby even though she was old she could restore her youth." In the English
translation of the Lienii zhuan, this line is not interpreted in a sexual way; see Albert O'Hara, The
Position of Woman in Early China (Hong Kong: Orient Publishing Co., 1953), pp. 201-202.
12 Chinese Literature : Essays, Articles, Reviews 39 (2017)
affair with her step-son. After she runs away with Wu Chen, she is renamed
Yunxiang and it is under that name that she lives the last part of her life in exile
in Jin. Although this aspect of her biography is not recorded in any ancient Chinese
text, the author of the Zhulin yeshi makes use of genuine historical events, when Lady
Xia Ji becomes unwittingly involved in the enmity between Luan and Zhao M
families. In the final scene of the novel, she is whirled up into the clouds in the
company of her faithful maid and one admiring disciple. The historical background
and characterizations for the Zhulin yeshi was very carefully worked out by the author,
and the impression of careful erudition is also borne out by some of the poems quoted
within the text. For example at the end of the third chapter, when Kong Ning and Yi
Xingfu have both become involved in sexual relationships with Lady Xia Ji, there is a
poem included which is virtually entirely composed from quotations from the
"Zhengfeng" J® JÜ (Airs of Zheng) section of the Shijing :
Why are the customs of Zheng so debauched? The transformations [engendered by]
Lord Huan and Lord Wu have had but little effect.33
Young men and women elope with one another; no marriages are held in these
villages and lanes.
Zhongzi wants to leap over the wall; Zichong by nature has proved a crafty boy.
By the East Gate I remember the madder; out in the wilds, there grows creeping
grass.
Blue is your collar and brooding my heart; speeding your horses, to what distant
place have you gone?
The rain and the wind come at the time when the cocks crow; our meeting is secret
and delightful.
The rushing waters carry away a bundle of firewood; gossip disturbs no one.
When customs are so enervating; what good qualities can remain?34
SÃÍfcâ#.
ŤMiim Mrmmñ,
it # usa.
33 Lord Huan and Lord Wu were two rulers of the state of Zheng at the time of the collap
the Western Zhou dynasty; although not well-recorded in ancient historical texts these two
are here made to stand as moral exemplars. Interestingly, both of these men figure promine
in the opening chapters of the Xin lieguo zhi, where the treatment of Lord Huan of Zheng
particular is strongly indebted to the Zhushu jinian (Bamboo Annals) which descr
him dying loyally at the side of the last king of the Western Zhou dynasty. See Hong Yixua
ěRÍjS, Zhushu jinian zhujiao (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), B:55.
34 ZLYS, 3:10b-lla. For the relevant poems, see Shijing, pp. 160-161 (Mao 76: "Jiang Zhongzi"
ftŤ); pp- 170-171 (Mao 84: "Shan you fusu" lilWftH); pp. 177-178 (Mao 89: "Dongmen
shan" UCHŹlif ); pp. 181-182 (Mao 94: "Ye you mancao" Sfłf#^); p. 179 (Mao 91: "Qing
*#); pp. 178-179 (Mao 90: "Fengyu" Äffl); and pp. 179-181 (Mao 92: "Yang zhi shui" jgZ? k)
This poem is quoted here not for its literary quality, but because it fulfills an
important role within the narrative. An educated contemporary reader would
immediately have recognized that this poem is composed of quotations from seven
different songs of the Shijing. While the inclusion of this poem suggests that the
author was aiming at an erudite effect, it is also important that all the lines quoted
from the Shijing are from the "Zhengfeng" section and that in antiquity these songs
were regarded as particularly lascivious and debauched. The choice of these lines
serves to reinforce the portrayal of Lady Xia Ji as a woman of extraordinary sexual
appetites; she is a fitting daughter of the licentious state of Zheng. Although within
the Zhulin yeshi she is repeatedly described as insatiably sexually voracious (for
example: "Lady Xia Ji had always been an exceptionally licentious woman, so one
man at a time was not enough to serve her pleasure" ~
in the context of the novel, this merely reflects her personal behavio
The poem created from quotations derived from the Shijing serves to contextu
her actions within the much wider discourse concerning the supposed immoral
the people of Zheng.
The present text of the Zhulin yeshi contains numerous anachronisms, man
which can be shown to have been introduced as a result of sexually explicit
taken from other texts being incorporated into the narrative. This then raises
question of the author's original intention; it is possible that the main text of
Zhulin yeshi was not intended to be so sexually explicit. (This is particularly r
to consider in view of the close relationship between the Zhulin yeshi and the
lieguo zhi developed in the late Ming dynasty; the latter text, which lacks many
sex scenes, may represent the survival of an earlier form of this erotic novel)
example, in most of the novel Lady Xia Ji has natural feet, but in the interpola
scenes she suddenly finds herself in possession of golden lotuses (jinlian árií).36
use of interpolations can also be seen in the sequence in which Lady Xia J
herself widowed for a second time in Chu and sexual starvation leads her to seek
solace with her step-son. This section is a cut-and-paste piece taken straight from
Wushan yanshi MlilSÊi (Romantic History of Mt. Wu). 37 Other anachronis
35 ZLYS, 6:18a. The missing character in this line has been inserted according to the ea
twentieth-century Shanghai xiaoshuoshe edition of the text; see Anon., Zhulin
(Taipei: Taiwan daying baike, 1995), 6:18a.
36 As noted by many scholars of late imperial Chinese literature, borrowings and pastiche
commonplace. See for example Yang Bin and Li Guikui "Fangni xushu yu
Zhongguo gudai xiaoshuo de wenben yanbian" ttíKSií Fudan
xuebao shehui kexueban 2011.6: 62-72.
37 Compare ZLYS, 10:28b-30a, with Yizhongqing HŤtit, Wushan yanshi (Beijing daxue
Qing shanben collection, microfilm), 6:3a-5a. The figure of the lascivious widow is common in
late Ming fiction and such women were regarded as particularly susceptible to sexual arousal:
see Keith McMahon, Causality and Containment in Seventeenth Century Chinese Fiction (Leiden:
Brill, 1988), p. 93. The character of the widowed Lady Xia Ji in the Zhulin yeshi, however, is
introduced into this erotic novel in order to allow the author to comment on
contemporary sexual practices; for example, Yi Xingfu is portrayed as

extremely advanced knowledge of late Ming dynasty sex toys and aphrodis
he introduces Lady Xia Ji and her maid to his collection of penis rings ( suo
WłMM) and dildos ( Guangdong bang /ft jŘM) (ZLYS, 7:19b). This section m
an interpolation; however, if so the text from which it was derived h
impossible to identify.38 These interpolated and anachronistic sequenc
balance the historical detail given in other parts of this erotic novel. In th
the Zhulin yeshi, Lady Xia Ji is generally portrayed as conservative in
practices; there is no mention here of anything but the most basic sexual
(though repeated references to having sex in broad daylight suggests that
dynasty readers might have considered this a titillating detail). The int
provide a connection with contemporary literature, making the unfamiliar
ancient femme fatale acceptable as an erotic novel to readers who may wel
familiar with other similar works and recognized the sources of the sexual
material.
The portrayal of the character of Lady Xia Ji in the Zhulin yeshi is interesting in
contrast to the highly pejorative terms in which she was described in traditional
scholarship within the Confucian tradition. Lady Xia Ji is consistently described as
being of superlative beauty, but in the course of the erotic novel she is also recorded
as being polite and well-spoken (except in the interpolated sex scenes where the
language used is often vulgar), considerate and thoughtful of others (qualities that she
displays particularly in her dealings with her maid who undergoes some extremely
traumatic experiences after the murder of Lord Ling of Chen), careful of the
proprieties (hence her concern to see her second husband properly buried and to
inform King Zhuang of her third marriage), well-educated and refined and so on. It is
also worth emphasizing that Lady Xia Ji's sexuality did not transgress all the
boundaries operative in the work's place and time. In contrast with other protagonists
of erotic fiction both from China and elsewhere, sex with anonymous partners plays
no part in Lady Xia Ji's life. Not only is every single one of the nine men she sleeps
with named, she is married to three of them at the time and all the relationships in
which she is engaged last for some time. Yet despite this bow to convention, the
Zhulin yeshi gives her sexuality a clearly subversive character. By changing the
somewhat different because she is portrayed as a woman who engaged in numerous sexual
relationships because this is necessary for her to retain her youthful appearance.
38 The discussion of the sex toys found in the Zhulin yeshi is extremely confused. Yi Xingfu gives
Lady Xia Ji's maid a dildo, with instructions for use. However, in the subsequent sex scene, it
has been transformed into a (Chinese adapted) Burmese bell ( mianling &®i$). Either the author
of the Zhulin yeshi was not aware of the difference, or this is a garbled interpolation from some
unknown source. For a discussion of the history and development of the Burmese bell in China,
see Sun Laichen, "Burmese Bells and Chinese Eroticism: Southeast Asia's cultural influence on
China," Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 38 (2007): 247-273, pp. 259-266.
character of Lady Xia Ji from a victim to a woman on the way to becoming a

transcendent, the text makes the reader look at her sexual relationships in a new light
Rather than condemning her on moral grounds, the fact that her sexuality is the very
means by which Lady Xia Ji will achieve transcendency results in her being placed
upon another plane from the majority of the other characters. She can no longer be
judged by ordinary human standards; the men surrounding her can. Where in ancient
historical texts she is a beautiful woman cruelly exploited by powerful men, in the
Zhulin yeshi the tables are turned. The men think that they are exploiting her, but in
fact she is using them to gain eternal youth.
In the course of the narrative every single man who has a sexual relationship with
Lady Xia Ji dies. This theme might suggest that she is being portrayed as a kind of
sexual vampire, draining vitality from the men with whom she has sex.39 However,
the vampire motif is developed only in the case of her first two human sexual
partners: her half-brother, the Honorable Man of Zheng and her first husband.40
Subsequently, Lord Ling of Chen is murdered by Lady Xia Ji's irate son, Kong Ning
and Yi Xingfu find themselves the victims of vengeful ghosts, her second husband
dies in battle, his son is beheaded for the crime of committing incest with his step-
mother, Wu Chen and Luan Shu ^1# are both executed for the crime of wife-
swapping. But the reader is prevented from feeling much sympathy for any of them
by the unattractive terms in which they are presented- this is particularly noticeable
in the case of characters like Lady Xia Ji's first husband, who is a negligible figure in
ancient representations of these events. In the Zhulin yeshi, he is described cracking
tasteless jokes about wife-swapping with Kong Ning on the eve of his wedding.
Given what will happen to the two men in the course of the novel, the humor is
somewhat on the grim side:
Kong Ning was always one for a joke, so he said: "Once you have married [Lady Xia
Ji] and she has joined your household, let us both use her and that will be my
recompense [for arranging your marriage] ." [Xia] Yushu said: "If we are going to
engage in wife-sharing, then you had better give me the use of your wife first."41
39 For a discussion of early Chinese texts featuring the motif of a woman who remains forever
young through the use of sexual arts which cause harm to her partner, see Max Kaltenmark, Le
Lie-Sien Tchouan (Paris: College de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1987), pp. 182-
183. For a discussion of this theme in the Zhulin yeshi, see Robert van Gulik, Sexual Life in
Ancient China, pp. 314-316.
40 This identification of the Honorable Man follows Du Yu's suggestion that her relationship
with this man was incestuous. This resolves the problem of the conflict in nomenclature by
suggesting that rather than being Lord Ling of Zheng himself, he was another of Lady Xia Ji's
brothers.
41 ZLYS, 2:6a. The wife of Kong Ning is a minor character in the Zhulin yeshi. After the death of
Lord Ling of Chen, Kong Ning is said to have been pursued by vengeful ghosts and driven
mad. While insane, he murdered his mother and only son, thereby condemning himself not
16 Chinese Literature : Essays, Articles, Reviews 39 (2017)
?L* SAKĀ, üt&ifi: Pg-AlšIffllBT/' »ft it:
To a certain extent, Lady Xia Ji's first husband can be said to ha

early death upon himself through immoderate indulgence in sex. T
his demise is described in the Zhulin yeshi apportions the blame
description of other men in this account is also unpleasant and
example, Wu Chen, ostensibly Lady Xia Ji's most devoted and long-
only really interested in her because of the rumors surrou
accomplishments; as a practitioner of Laozi's Techniques of Tran
cailian zhi fa ^Ť3RMŽ7i) and Pengzu's Arts of the Bedchamber (
zhi shu 0 ÍE 1% 4* ¿ #J ) himself, he is eager to pit his skills again
unattractive portrayal of the men in this novel is in stark contrast
positive account given of Lady Xia Ji herself.
The Zhulin yeshi contains a number of passages which expa
historical events in order to bring out themes ignored in ancient t
seen in the account of the complex relations that ensued when Lord
grandees were all engaged in sexual relationships with Lady Xia
Kong Ning is said to have been her lover first, then Yi Xingfu began
as well. (Kong Ning is said to have seduced Lady Xia Ji during
attendant on her husband's funeral; this was probably intended as
events in the Jin Ping Mei (Plum in the Golden Vase), where Pa
and Ximen Qing ¡5 PIJI enjoy sexual relations during the Buddhist
murdered husband's soul- adding the spice of blasphemy to th
Stricken by jealousy, Kong Ning praised her beauty and sexual acco
Lord Ling to tempt him into a relationship, knowing that Lady Xia
to refuse the demands of the ruler and hence both she and Yi
punished for their betrayal ( ZLYS , 3:11a, 4:11a). In the terminolog
these events, such as in the heading of the relevant chapter ("On T
Bamboo Forest [sic; this is presumably a graphic error for Zhu
Compete over Sexual Favours" [You zhulin ershi zhengfeng
be noted that none of the usual terms for jealousy, usually envisaged
literature as a particularly feminine complaint, are employed.4
Ning's action is described as zhengfeng rather than ji or du #P
which characters are marked by the presence of the "woman" radica
only as unfilial, but also putting an end to his own patriline. In the wake of
Kong Ning's wife and daughter starved to death, shunned by all their neigh
42 This account of Wu Chen's interest is echoed in the Xin lieguo zhi, p. 5
described as an expert in Pengzu's Arts of the Bedchamber.
43 For an extensive study of the figure of the jealous wife, see Yenna Wu, T
Literary Theme (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).
Of the three lovers acquired during her widowhood, Yi Xingfu is said to have
been Lady Xia Ji's favourite and the novel goes into some detail about the
ramifications of this relationship. The first problem that Yi Xingfu faces is the jealousy
of his wife, Woman Wu Her shrewish behaviour on discovering her husband's
infidelity might seem fit with the classic pattern of the jealous wife, but in fact this is
not the case; her violence is aimed at forcing her unwilling husband to divorce her
(ZLYS, 6:16a-17b). After the divorce she remarries a carpenter. This social background
is an indicator of one of the other important themes explored in the relationship
between Lady Xia Ji and her lovers. Woman Wu is described as the daughter of a
butcher; rescued after being disowned by her family following a pre-marital
pregnancy and hurried abortion. Yi Xingfu came from an even more humble
background, but as a result of gaining Lord Ling's favor as one of his boon
companions, both he and Kong Ning were promoted to the position of grandees.
Although Lady Xia Ji is repeatedly said to have been most fond of Yi Xingfu, he finds
his original social position and his meteoric rise difficult to handle when dealing with
their relationship. This aspect is brought out in the orgy scene in chapters six and
seven, when all three men are present in Zhulin:
As they were drinking wine, she said to the three men: 'Today [in spite of the fact
that] it is daylight, I suddenly feel that I would like to have sex. Which of my lovers
will enjoy [this moment] with me?" When the three men heard these words they all
competed to be the first. Lady Xia Ji laughed and said: "Why should you be like this?
Why can't everybody enjoy themselves?" The company all agreed, and so they each
took off their clothing, exposing their naked bodies in broad daylight. Having closed
the door, Lady Xia Ji lay face up on the bed and Lord Ling was the first to climb on
top, grabbing her round the waist.
««tin, i«]HÀt&ìt: wmmmmm&m?" HAPJÜ
itb*,
BM^ÄflSS. KJBWeU*±. «ttTj».
Neither Kong Ning nor Yi Xingfu has any diff

the first to engage in sexual relations with Lady
country. The problem comes when Yi Xingfu fin
the pecking order. Yi Xingfu walks out of the o
deal with Lady Xia Ji whereby in future he wil
alone, away from the other two men (ZLYS, 6
quarrel is nothing to do with jealousy or sexual
the terms in which these events are described. Y
that he might be seen as inferior to Kong Ning
obviously Lady Xia Ji's favorite can be used as a
called into question by the presence of other me
sex scene which turns out not to be about sex at
of the Zhulin yeshi was interested in the dy
different social status within the context of a sexual relationship. The earlier
references to Yi Xingfu's background and that of his wife can be understood in this
context; they allow the reader to understand the enormous social gulf that separates
the protagonists in this novel, a gulf which is bridged but does not disappear when
they have sex with one another.
This is not the only important innovation introduced in the Zhulin yeshi narrative.
One striking feature of the novel is the role played by Lady Xia Ji's maid: Hehua
All of Lady Xia Ji's sexual partners (except for the interlude in Chu where she is
temporarily missing) are required to pass through Hehua's inspection, even someone
as important as Lord Ling of Chen.44 In many instances they have to buy their way
into her good graces with valuable gifts. This is the first indication in the narrative of
the way in which the author presents Zhulin as a feminized zone where the women
are in charge. Having successfully negotiated an introduction with Hehua, men are
then presented to Lady Xia Ji. No matter how powerful they may be in the outside
world, it is Lady Xia Ji who decides whether their physical appearance is pleasing;
later on, she also evaluates them according to their sexual performance. They have to
come to her; she does not go to them. Her perspective dominates the narrative; it is
almost as if she is the lord, as her lovers find themselves relegated to the position of
concubines, competing for her favor. By presenting Lady Xia Ji as dominating Zhulin,
the author allows her to regain some control over her own situation.
The female protagonists found in the Zhulin yeshi are in striking contrast to those
described in other contemporary Ming-dynasty erotic novels. Works like the famous
Chipozi zhuan (Tales of an Infatuated Woman) may use the literary device of
having a female narrator recounting her story of blackmail and sexual exploitation
following a series of affairs with men of lower social status- a servant and her son's
tutor- but few other accounts would allow the main female protagonist to achieve
such an apotheosis at the end, having eliminated every single man who has crossed
her path.45 Furthermore, the Zhulin yeshi stresses the need for women to be able to
44 At his meeting with Hehua, Lord Ling introduces the subject of his desire for Lady Xia Ji with
a pun: "Can this plum (mei) soup act as my go-between (mei)?" See
ZYLS, 4:12b. In Feng Menglong, Xin lieguo zhi, p. 551, this is amended to: "If you can
plum (mei) soup, can you also act as my go-between (mei)?" (í&tbfĚ#5íf§,
Exactly the same pun is found in both Shuihu zhuan and Jin Ping Mei ; see Shi Nať
Shuihu zhuan (Taipei: Youmuzu chubanshe, 2010), p. 339; and Lanling xiaoxiaore
Jin Ping Mei ázijíEflS (Taipei: Taiwan shufang chubanshe, 2009), p. 29. Th
(originally used by Ximen Qing when persuading Old Mrs. Wang to act as his go
in the seduction of Pan Jinlian) was most likely included in both instances as a tribute
earlier novels.
45 Furong zhuren Chipozi zhuan Âiâlífflf (Taipei: Shuangdi guoji chubanshe, 1994).
For an extensive study of this novel, in which the main character ends up spending thirty years
as a social outcast as a consequence of her refusal to accept the sexual blackmail of her earlier
lovers once she has met a man she really cares for; see Martin W. Huang, Desire and Fictional
defend themselves; given that men wish to practice sexual arts against them, women
have to be able to counter this. The importance of this point can be seen in the final
sequences of the novel, set in Jin. At this point, Lady Xia Ji has acquired a disciple, a
young woman of high social status like herself; the wife of the minister Luan Shu.
This young woman is foolish enough to be tempted into a sexual relationship with
Wu Chen, which results in her being victimized, Wu Chen being as much of a
vampire as his wife. The solidarity between the female characters is emphasized in
the dénouement of the novel, when all three women are rescued by the transcendent
Hua Yue. For Lady Xia Ji to be saved is comprehensible; that her faithful maid who
has been with her every step of the way should also be rescued is a reflection of the
mutually supportive relationship between the two women. However, it is also worth
noticing that the recently acquired and incompetent disciple is also saved, while her
husband is executed for his role in the wife-swapping scandal. For the author of the
Zhulin yeshi, his women characters deserve to be helped while the men do not.
Lady Xia Ji in the Xin lieguo zhi
The relationship between the Xin lieguo zhi and the Zhulin yeshi has not previously
been explored in scholarly literature about late Ming dynasty vernacular fiction.
Officially the Xin lieguo zhi represents a rewriting and amplification of an earlier work,
Yu Shaoyu's ^31$ (fl. 1522-1573) Lieguo zhi (Account of the States [of the
Eastern Zhou]), but as numerous scholars have pointed out, Feng Menglong's work is
more focused, having removed all description of events in the Western Zhou dynasty
except those relating to its fall, as well as being both more comprehensive and
historically accurate. In the "Fanli" JT{?!] (General Comments) section at the beginning
of the novel, the author lists a number of his sources, including the Zuozhuan, Guoyu
and Shiji , followed by philosophical texts such as the Guanzi ÍÍŤ, Han Feizi ItMĚŤ,
Yanzi chunqiu ieŤ#$C (Spring and Autumn Annals of Master Yan) and early
historical fiction such as the Yan Danzi (Prince Dan of Yan) and Wu Yue
chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals [of the Kingdoms] of Wu and Yue).46
However, the emphasis on the historical accuracy of the novel and its fidelity to its
ancient sources stressed in the "Fanli" means that although considerable research has
been done by modern scholars on this aspect of Feng Menglong's work, little is
Narrative in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001), pp.
114-129.
46 See Feng Menglong Xin lieguo zhi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987;
henceforth XLGZ), p. 1. The presence of this list has resulted in studies of the Xin lieguo zhi often
focusing only on the texts mentioned; see for example Fu Chengzhou, "Feng Menglong de lishi
xiaoshuo lilun yu chuangzuo" Jiangsu shehui kexue 2004.3: 151-
155.
known about the influence of folk or popular literature on the Xin lieguo zhi .47 In fact,
these elements are often thought to be a hallmark of Yu Shaoyu's original text, which
were removed by Feng Menglong to enhance the historical veracity of his novel.
The account of Lady Xia Ji's life given in chapters fifty-two through fifty-seven of
this novel are extremely closely linked to the portrayal found in the Zhulin yeshi ,48
Given that Feng Menglong was interested in claiming historical accuracy for his novel
and makes a great play in the introduction of the numerous historical sources that he
used- not to mention the fact that he was also the author of three highly-regarded
textbooks for the study of the Chunqiu ##C (Spring and Autumn Annals): the Linjing
zhiyue (Examples Drawn from the Unicorn Classic) of 1620, the Chunqiu
dingzhi canxin #$C/Êilí#ifí (New Light on the Central Ideas of the Spring and
Autumn Annals) of c. 1623, and the Chunqiu hengku (Thesaurus to the Spring
and Autumn Annals) of 1625- he was no doubt well-placed to write an extremely
accurate book. It is also true that the relationship between the Zhulin yeshi and the Xin
lieguo zhi is extremely unusual; there is no other instance in the course of Feng
Menglong' s novel where his text is so closely related to a contemporary work of
literature. Here a figure like Xi Shi forms an instructive parallel; the portrayal of her
character given in the Xin lieguo zhi seems a conscious effort to get away from the
romanticized account found in other Ming dynasty accounts, most notably the
Huansha ji ¿rcifel (Record of [the Girl Who] Washed Silk).49 Given the paucity of
scholarship on the subject of the Zhulin yeshi it is not surprising that the relationship
between this novel and the Xin lieguo zhi has generally been neglected, but the
questions raised by their close connection must include a consideration of why Feng
Menglong chose to incorporate large sections of an erotic novel into his text. The
Zhulin yeshi must have been a text for which he felt considerable affection, and quite
possibly it was one of which he was also the original author.
The depiction of Lady Xia Ji in the Xin lieguo zhi is less consistent than that found
in the original erotic novel, because the motif of sexual vampirism leading to
transcendency is not well-integrated into the general characterization. Feng Menglong
does include one story of a transcendent in his narrative: Nongyu #3i, the daughter
47 For a chapter-by-chapter detailed breakdown of the principal historical sources used; see
Zeng Liang Ě ft, "Dongzhou lieguo zhi de shishi yu xugou" 3Ë iti&îjâlfêj, Ming-Qing
xiaoshuo yanjiu 1998.1: 199-208, pp. 200-204.
48 In his study of Feng Menglong's works, Patrick Hanan noticed the tendency of the Xin lieguo
zhi to break down into short, almost self-contained sequences. See Patrick Hanan, The Chinese
Vernacular Story (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 102. In the case of the
tale of Lady Xia Ji, this is exacerbated by the fact this section originally was independent.
49 The legend that Xi Shi eventually sailed off for a happy reunion with her faithful lover is first
recorded in the Tang dynasty; see Lu Guangwei ĚĚJÍfíS, Wudi ji (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji
chubanshe, 1999), p. 47. This was then the basis of the early Ming-dynasty Kunqu opera by
Liang Chenyu S Huansha ji (Beijing: Zhonghua chubanshe, 1994), which follows
the most romantic narrative.
MILBURN The Legend of Lady Xia J i 21
of Lord Mu of Qin Jé <8 Ä (r. 659-621 BCE) plays the flute with her husband to such
good effect that they summon a pair of phoenixes and ride off into the sky on their
backs.50 This indicates that Feng Menglong was not concerned about introducing
supernatural elements into his historical narrative per se , but that in this instance he
made a deliberate decision to stick close to his historical sources, at least towards the
later part of Lady Xia Ji's life. Thus when Lady Xia Ji is first introduced into the story,
it is as the beautiful bride of Xia Yushu, who at the age of fifteen had been initiated
into esoteric sexual arts during a dream. The Xin lieguo zhi follows the narrative line
first set by the Zhulin yeshi until her meeting with Wu Chen. His interest in Lady Xia Ji
is originally said to have been piqued by recognizing her as a fellow exponent of
esoteric sexual arts; this theme is completely dropped after an initial mention and
thereafter their story is given very much as it appears in ancient historical texts. In fact,
the place where the Zhulin yeshi and the Xin lieguo zhi part company is clearly
discernible. After Wu Chen has discovered the nature of her skills, Lady Xia Ji loses
all contact with the erotic novel and returns to history (see ZLYS, ll:32a-32b; XLGZ, p.
607). However, this means that Lady Xia Ji's apotheosis is not completed; where in the
Zhulin yeshi she is consistently set on a different plane from the men that try to exploit
her because her destiny is one that they cannot even begin to comprehend, in the Xin
lieguo zhi she starts out on a trajectory that ought to see her end as a transcendent, but
in fact she largely disappears from the narrative- an authorial decision which both
reflects the treatment of Lady Xia Ji in ancient texts where she vanishes after running
away with Wu Chen, and which fudges the issue of her ultimate fate. Thus Lady Xia
Ji is deprived of her final triumph.
Feng Menglong's narrative is much tauter and less sexually explicit than the
present text of the Zhulin yeshi ; however, given the amount of textual interpolation
and amendments in the latter, it is often unclear which of these sections represent the
author's original intentions. Given that many of the most explicit sex scenes now
found in the novel can be shown to have been taken from other sources, it is likely
that the novel as first written was significantly less pornographic. However, in terms
of the characterization of the various individuals portrayed in the Xin lieguo zhi,
perhaps the most striking difference is in the description the personality of Lord Ling
of Chen. While the account given of his lordship in the Zhulin yeshi is not attractive, it
pales beside that found in the Xin lieguo zhi, when from his very introduction into the
narrative, he is described in exceptionally critical terms:
[Lord Ling] was a frivolous and negligent character, who was utterly incapable of
inspiring respect; furthermore he was interested only in wine and women, and
pursuing his own amusements. He was completely incapable of governing the
country.51
50 See XLGZ, pp. 484-488. This story is originally derived from the Liexian zhuan, A:80.
51 See XLGZ, p. 548. These phrases form the initial introduction to Lord Ling on his first
appearance in the narrative.
If, áXífcŤffife, iĚŤitt«.
In addition to all of these flaws, he is also said to have had disgustin

(this is described as the huchou or 'fox-stink': a detail taken directl
4:11a). This unattractive description is reinforced by his first actions-
Xia Ji into an unwanted sexual relationship at the behest of the jealous
The striking cynicism introduced by Feng Menglong into his account o
can be seen in the following passage, describing the first sexual encoun
Lady Xia Ji and Lord Ling. It is a virtually verbatim quotation from the
with the exception of the last line, which changes the tone of the entire
Lord Ling ... wrapped his arms around Lady Xia Ji and carried her towards
stripping her of her clothes along the way. Her skin was so soft and delic
when he touched it, he felt as if he were melting. When he penetrated her,
was like that of a virgin. Lord Ling thought this was strange and asked her
Lady Xia Ji replied: "I know the techniques of inner contemplation. Even
have given birth to a child, after three days I was as good as new." Lord Lin
and said: "If I encountered a genuine goddess she would not be as lovely as
Lord Ling's penis could not match those of either Kong Ning or Yi Xi
addition to which he had an unpleasant disease, so there was no pleas
gained by sleeping with him. On the other hand he was the ruler of a cou
hence in a position of great power, so [Lady Xia Ji] did not dare to compl
pretended to enjoy his fumblings and Lord Ling thought that he was engag
earth-shattering romance (XLGZ, p. 600; compare ZLYS, 4:12b).
MA ... mm inm mumź. wĄ&mmz.
M«ÏÎB: "ÍWňSálft. mñTZtií, TSHB, Â*ÍP&." S^ÍH: "*À$ÈfflA±
m ftRļnit £!" A, mmñ. Bffeê
-mzm, mAmA^^mm, «t a«#*.
Where the Zhulin yeshi goes on to provide a

that the pair assumed and the number of tim
concludes with an ironical remark, highlight
This prepares the reader for the next scen
Zuozhuan , in which his lordship is berated by
and the Xin lieguo zhi , there is a counterpoint
the minister Xie Ye, both of whom are portra
of Chen. Lady Xia Ji privately weighs up Lor
him wanting; Xie Ye, thinking of the publ
moral fibre and unworthy of the high office
openly. Although it is unlikely that they wo
this they are as one. Lord Ling is so stupid th
with the criticism short of murdering the cr
opposition at court, dies. While both episod
Menglong's presentation of these events within a framework of highly critical

comments means that at each of his reappearances in the narrative, Lord Ling is
shown in a yet more unpleasant light.
In the Xin lieguo zhi, the list of Lady Xia Ji's victims is kept to a strict minimum.
Unlike the Zhulin yeshi, which functions as a kind of parable in which every single one
of Lady Xia Ji's sexual partners suffers a hideous fate, in Feng Menglong's novel, a
number of the lovers killed off in the erotic novel are either said to have survived the
experience or she is absolved from any blame for the circumstances of their demise.
For example Lady Xia Ji is said to have conducted an affair with the Honorable Man
in the Xin lieguo zhi , but the matter is glossed over in a couple of lines and his death
might be assumed to have been the result of natural causes:
When she was living at home before getting married, Lady Xia Ji engaged in an
incestuous relationship with Lord Ling of Zheng's older half-brother, bom to a
junior wife: the Honorable Man. Within three years the Honorable Man was dead at
a young age (XLGZ, p. 592).
sam
Similarly, in the Xin lieguo zhi Lady Xia Ji's fi

become sick and died ( bingwang Jjij t) rather than
of esoteric sexual arts.
In the Xin lieguo zhi, Lady Xia Ji's story is placed within the context of the history
of the age in which she lived. Unlike the Zhulin yeshi, which concentrates closely on
the events of Lady Xia Ji's life, in Feng Menglong's novel she is presented within a
framework of events beyond her control. This is a particularly important factor in the
interaction between Lady Xia Ji and King Zhuang of Chu. The significance of King
Zhuang's actions in first invading Chen and executing Xia Zhengshu, followed by
placing the Honorable Wu in power as Lord Cheng of Chen RÍ (r. 598-569
BCE) is ignored in the erotic novel. The Zhulin yeshi does contain considerable
historical detail, but lacks this wider perspective. In the Xin lieguo zhi, however, Lady
Xia Ji can be portrayed as a victim not only of sexual exploitation but also of historical
circumstance. King Zhuang of Chu wished to establish his authority among the lords
of the Zhou confederacy; to do this he made the decision to punish Xia Zhengshu for
the murder of Lord Ling of Chen. The second half of Lady Xia Ji's life was therefore
determined by forces over which she had no control, in particular the personal
ambitions of the king of Chu.
Conclusion
Recent scholarship on the subject of Lady Xia Ji has focused virtually exclusively
on exploring her portrayal in ancient historical texts as an example of the standard
moralizing trope of a beautiful woman whose loveliness gives rise to intense evil. This
24 Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 39 (2017)
type of analysis sees her as a fictional character; an embodiment of concerns about the
role played by women in the destiny of nations.52 While not denying at all the heavily
fictionalized nature of the representation of Lady Xia Ji in ancient texts, there is every
reason to believe that she was a genuine historical figure. Some of the key events and
personages in her biography are attested to in excavated bronze inscriptions;
furthermore, Lady Xia Ji herself appears in the text of the Xinian, an annalistic history
associated with the kingdom of Chu, which is liable to be a better source of
information than the Zuozhuan (which focuses largely on the history of the state of Jin).
By removing the character of Lady Xia Ji's son from the equation, this text performs a
great service, in that it allows us to explore the very origins of the story of Lady Xia
Ji's esoteric sexual skills. As the story originally given in the Zuozhuan stands, Lady
Xia Ji only really began her disastrous career when already old enough to be the
mother of a grown-up son; she would retain her remarkable attractiveness for many
years to come. To later readers, her biography must have read like that of a Chinese
Ninon de l'Enclos: a woman able to retain her beauty and sexual appeal into old age.
This belief in her enduring beauty happened to dovetail with the belief, recorded as
early as the Han dynasty, that through unusual sexual techniques it was possible to
arrest the normal process of aging. It is hardly surprising in the circumstances that
these two traditions would coalesce into a single story: this erotic motif would reach
full expression in the Zhulin yeshi.
The portrayal of Lady Xia Ji within the classical Chinese textual tradition was set
at an extremely early stage. She was described in ancient historical and philosophical
texts as representative of the very worst qualities of her sex; through her beauty and
sexual attractiveness she was held to blame for having caused untold suffering to the
people of the Zhou dynasty. By dint of having been forced into engaging in a series of
illicit or incestuous sexual relationships, she was regarded as directly responsible for
the deaths of many innocent people. Lady Xia Ji was reviled for her failure to uphold
proper social and family values, which in turn led to events spinning completely out
of control and resulted in the deaths of many people completely uninvolved in the
domestic affairs of the ruling elite of the period. The fact that the moral values which
she was supposed to be guarding were collapsing anyway under the pressure of
constant violence was not regarded as a mitigating circumstance and hence the
portrayal of Lady Xia Ji in ancient Chinese texts may be said to be universally hostile.
In the Zhulin yeshi , the conventional portrayal of Lady Xia Ji may be said to have
been completely reversed. In this erotic novel she is no longer a victim of the men
who seek to exploit her but a woman who uses her sexual partners to achieve eternal
youth and finally transcendency. Surrounded by a series of almost bestial male
characters, the beauty, charm, good-nature and consideration for others shown by
52 See for example Chen Huiling SISÉ?, "Cong Zuozhuan zhong de Xia Ji jingxiang kaizhan
futiaoshi duo shengbu de wenhua chanshi" + KpPWÍCJLKS,
Zhengda zhongwen xuebao 2004.12: 89-114.
Lady Xia Ji are thrown into relief. This remarkable late-Ming-dynasty erotic text
presents the character of this ancient Chines e femme fatale in a carefully thought-out
historical framework, which allows for the exploration of wider themes- jealousy,
anxiety over social status, the disasters wrought by stupidity and so on. Although the
Xin lieguo zhi portrayal of Lady Xia Ji is very closely related to that found in the Zhulin
yeshi, many of these wider themes did not survive the transition to the historical novel
Given the close relationship between these two texts, it is frustrating that the dating of
both remains a matter of speculation. However, given the antecedents of the erotic
novel which inform its depiction of the main characters, it seems unlikely that it could
have been published prior to c. 1610. This is of minimal assistance in clarifying the
date of the Xin lieguo zhi, ascribed to scholars to any point from the 1620s to perhaps
as late as 1643.
Although the Xin lieguo zhi depiction of Lady Xia Ji is undoubtedly very closely
linked to that found in the Zhulin yeshi, this does not mean that the two are identical.
Feng Menglong makes a number of changes to the portrayal found in the erotic novel.
Some of these are determined by the format; the Xin lieguo zhi describes the history of
China from 771-221 BCE, therefore the story of Lady Xia Ji is just one episode in an
epic narrative of the rise and fall of numerous states and kingdoms. Furthermore, in
this instance the author seems to have been unwilling to make the step of completely
removing Lady Xia Ji from her historical situation. Other changes are a function of the
way in which Feng Menglong wished to present her character- rather than a would-
be transcendent on the way to a final apotheosis, Lady Xia Ji is accorded a liminal
status- a woman trained in the sexual arts who nevertheless remains a victim of
exploitation. In the portrayal of Lady Xia Ji found in the Xin lieguo zhi, she is
entirely fictionalized nor presented as a fully historical character, instead she
as one of just a handful of characters in this novel that combine both history
legend.

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The Legend of Lady Xia Ji: Two Late Ming Dynasty Portrayals of an Ancient Chinese

Chinese Literature: essays, articles, reviews (CLEAR) is collaborating with JSTOR to

Seoul National University

In ancient texts Lady Xia Ji is described as a dangerous woman, whose seductive

©Chinese Literature : Essays , Articles , Reviews 39 (2017)

The Portrayal of Lady Xia Ji in Ancient Historical Texts

2 The Lienü zhuan (Biographies of Exemplary Women), w

flÉîrX, Sí EJ: TéŠfmZ.

Lady Xia Ji is next mentione

When Chu punished the Xia fa

5 Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuozhuan z

King Zhuang of Chu is said to have subsequently presented Lady Xia Ji to a

It is interesting to read the account of these events given in the Zuozhuan in

15 See Li Xueqin "Qinghua jian Xinian ji youguan gushi wenti"

16 Li Xueqin ed., Qinghua daxue zang Zhanguo zhujian ÍÍ (Shanghai:

What shall I do in Zhulin? I will follow Xia [Zi]nan.

18 See Guoyu, p. 534.

Lady Xia Ji in the Zhulin yeshi

contemporary sexual practices; for example, Yi Xingfu is portrayed as

character of Lady Xia Ji from a victim to a woman on the way to becoming a

?L* SAKĀ, üt&ifi: Pg-AlšIffllBT/' »ft it:

To a certain extent, Lady Xia Ji's first husband can be said to ha

Neither Kong Ning nor Yi Xingfu has any diff

Lady Xia Ji in the Xin lieguo zhi

If, áXífcŤffife, iĚŤitt«.

In addition to all of these flaws, he is also said to have had disgustin

Where the Zhulin yeshi goes on to provide a

Menglong's presentation of these events within a framework of highly critical

Similarly, in the Xin lieguo zhi Lady Xia Ji's fi

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