Greater Albania

Greater Albania is an irredentist[1] and nationalist concept that seeks

to unify the lands that many Albanians consider to form their national
homeland.[2] It is based on claims on the present-day or historical
presence of Albanian populations in those areas. In addition to the
existing Albania, the term incorporates claims to regions in the
neighbouring states, the areas include Kosovo,[a] the Preševo Valley of
Serbia, territories in southern Montenegro, northwestern Greece (the
Greek regional units of Thesprotia and Preveza, referred by Albanians as
Chameria, and other territories that were part of the Vilayet of Yanina
during the Ottoman Empire),[3][4][5][6][7] and a western part of North
Macedonia.

The unification of an even larger area into a single territory under

Albanian authority had been theoretically conceived by the League of
Prizren, an organization of the 19th century whose goal was to unify the
Albanian inhabited lands (and other regions, mostly from the regions of Albanians in Albania and
Macedonia and Epirus) into a single autonomous Albanian Vilayet within neighboring countries
[8]
the Ottoman Empire, which was briefly achieved de jure in September
1912. The concept of a Greater Albania, as in greater than Albania within
its 1913 borders, was implemented under the Italian and Nazi German occupation of the Balkans during
World War II.[9] The idea of unification has roots in the events of the Treaty of London in 1913, when roughly
50% of the predominantly Albanian territories and 40% of the population were left outside the new country's
borders.[10]

Contents
Terminology
History
Under the Ottoman Empire
Balkan Wars and Albanian Independence (1912–1913)
World War II
Yugoslav Wars
2000s–present
Public opinion
Political uses of the concept
Use in other media
Areas
Kosovo
Montenegro
North Macedonia
Preševo Valley
Greece
International Crisis Group research
See also
Notes
References
Citations
 Sources
Further reading
External links

Terminology
Greater Albania is a term used mainly by the Western scholars, politicians, etc. Albanian nationalists dislike
the expression "Greater Albania" and prefer to use the term "Ethnic Albania".[11] Ethnic Albania (Albanian:
Shqipëria Etnike) is a term used primarily by Albanian nationalists to denote the territories claimed as the
traditional homeland of ethnic Albanians, despite these lands also being inhabited by many non-
Albanians.[12] Those that use the second term refer to an area which is smaller than the four Ottoman
vilayets, while still encompassing Albania, Kosovo, western North Macedonia, Albanian populated areas of
Southern Serbia and parts of Northern Greece (Chameria) that had a historic native Albanian population.[11]
Albanian nationalists ignore that within these regions there are also sizable numbers of non-Albanians.[11]
Another term used by Albanians, is "Albanian national reunification" (Albanian: Ribashkimi kombëtar
shqiptar).[13]

History

Under the Ottoman Empire

Prior to the Balkan wars of the beginning of the 20th century, Albanians
were subjects of the Ottoman Empire.
The Albanian independence
movement emerged in 1878 with the League of Prizren (a council based
in Kosovo) whose goal was cultural and political autonomy for ethnic
Albanians inside the framework of the Ottoman Empire. However, the
Ottomans were not prepared to grant The League's demands. Ottoman
opposition to the League's cultural goals eventually helped transform it
into an Albanian national movement.

Albanian nationalism overall was a reaction to the gradual breakup of the

Ottoman Empire and a response to Balkan and Christian national
movements that posed a threat to an Albanian population that was
mainly Muslim.[14] Efforts were devoted to including vilayets with an
Albanian population into a larger unitary Albanian autonomous province
within the Ottoman state while Greater Albania was not considered a
priority.[14][15][16] Albanian nationalism during the late Ottoman era was
not imbued with separatism that aimed to create an Albanian nation-
state, though Albanian nationalists did envisage an independent Greater
Albania.[6][14][17] Albanian nationalists were mainly focused on The four Ottoman vilayets (Kosovo,
defending rights that were sociocultural, historic and linguistic within Scutari, Monastir and Janina),
proposed as Albanian vilayet, by the
existing countries without being connected to a particular polity.[14][15]
League of Prizren in 1878.

Balkan Wars and Albanian Independence (1912–1913)

The imminence of collapsing Ottoman rule through military defeat during the Balkan wars pushed Albanians
represented by Ismail Qemali to declare independence (28 November 1912) in Vlorë from the Ottoman
Empire.[18] The main motivation for independence was to prevent Balkan Albanian inhabited lands from
being annexed by Greece and Serbia.[18][19] Italy and Austria-Hungary supported Albanian independence due
to their concerns that Serbia with an Albanian coast would be a rival power in the Adriatic Sea and open to
influence from its ally Russia.[20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27] Apart from geopolitical interests, some Great
powers were reluctant to include more Ottoman Balkan Albanian inhabited lands into Albania due to
concerns that it would be the only Muslim dominated state in Europe.[28] Russo-French proposals were for a
truncated Albania based on central Albania with a mainly Muslim population, which was also supported by
Serbia and Greece who considered that only Muslims could only be Albanians.[29] As more Albanians became
part of the Serbian and Greek states, Albanian scholars with nationalistic perspectives interpret the
declaration of independence as a partial victory for the Albanian nationalist movement.[30]

World War II

On 7 April 1939, Italy headed by Benito Mussolini after prolonged interest and overarching sphere of
influence during the interwar period invaded Albania.[31] Italian fascist regime members such as Count
Galeazzo Ciano pursued Albanian irredentism with the view that it would earn Italians support among
Albanians while also coinciding with Italian war aims of Balkan conquest.[32] The Italian annexation of
Kosovo to Albania was considered a popular action by Albanians of both areas.[33]
The Western part of North
Macedonia was also annexed by Italy to their protectorate of Albania.[34][35] In newly acquired territories,
non-Albanians had to attend Albanian schools that taught a curriculum containing nationalism alongside
fascism and were made to adopt Albanian forms for their names and surnames.[36] Members from the
landowning elite, liberal nationalists opposed to communism with other sectors of society in Albania came to
form the Balli Kombëtar organisation and the collaborationist government under the Italians which all as
nationalists sought to preserve Greater Albania.[37][38][36]

Many Kosovo Albanians were preoccupied with driving out the Serb community,
particularly the post-1919 Serbian and Montenegrin colonists,[39] often settled on
confiscated Albanian property.[40] Albanians saw Serbian and Yugoslav rule as
foreign,[40] and according to Ramet they felt that anything would be better than the
chauvinism, corruption, administrative hegemonism and exploitation they had
experienced under the Serbian authorities.[41] Albanians collaborated broadly with
the Axis occupiers, who had promised them a Greater Albania.[40] Collapse of
Yugoslav rule resulted in actions of revenge being undertaken by Albanians, some
joining the local Vulnetari militia that burned Serbian settlements and killed Serbs
while interwar Serbian and Montenegrin colonists were expelled into Territory of
the Military Commander in Serbia.[42][43][35] The aim of these actions were to
The Italian Protectorate
create a homogeneous Greater Albanian state.[43] Italian authorities in Kosovo
of Albania established
allowed the use of the Albanian language in schools, university education and
by Italy in August 1941.
administration.[44] The same nationalist sentiments among Albanians which
welcomed the addition of Kosovo and its Albanians within an enlarged state also
worked against the Italians as foreign occupation became increasingly rejected in
Albania.[45] An attempt to get Kosovan Albanians to join the resistance, a meeting in Bujan (1943–1944),
northern Albania was convened between Balli Kombëtar members and Albanian communists that agreed to
common struggle and maintenance of the newly expanded boundaries.[46] The deal was opposed by Yugoslav
partisans and later rescinded resulting in limited Kosovan Albanian recruits.[46] Some Balli Kombëtar
members such as Shaban Polluzha became partisans with the view that Kosovo would become part of
Albania.[47] With the end of the war, some of those Kosovan Albanians felt betrayed by the return of Yugoslav
rule and for several years Albanian nationalists in Kosovo resisted both the partisans and later the new
Yugoslav army.[48][47][49] Albanian nationalists viewed their inclusion within Yugoslavia as an
occupation.[50]

The Albanian Fascist Party became the ruling party of the Italian Protectorate of Albania in 1939 and the
prime minister Shefqet Verlaci approved the possible administrative union of Albania and Italy, because he
wanted the Italian support in order to get the union of Kosovo, Chameria and other "Albanian irredentism"
into Greater Albania. Indeed, this unification was realized after the Axis occupation of Yugoslavia and Greece
from spring 1941. The Albanian fascists claimed in May 1941 that nearly all the Albanian populated territories
were united to Albania.[9][51]

Between May 1941 and September 1943, Benito Mussolini placed nearly all the land inhabited by ethnic
Albanians under the jurisdiction of an Albanian quisling government. That included parts of the region of
Kosovo, parts of Vardar Macedonia and some small border areas of Montenegro. In western Greek Epirus
(designated by Albanians as Chameria) an Albanian high commissioner, Xhemil Dino, was appointed by the
Italians, but the area remained under the control of the Italian military command in Athens and so
technically remained a region of Greece.

When the Germans occupied the area and substituted the Italians, they maintained the borders created by
Mussolini, but after World War II the Albanian borders were returned by the Allies to the pre-war status.

Yugoslav Wars

The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was an ethnic-Albanian paramilitary organisation which sought the
separation of Kosovo from Yugoslavia during the 1990s and the eventual creation of a Greater Albania,
encompassing Kosovo, Albania, and the ethnic Albanian minority of neighbouring Macedonia. The KLA
found great moral and financial support among the Albanian diaspora.[52][53][54][55][56]

KLA Commander Sylejman Selimi insisted:[57]

There is de facto Albanian nation. The tragedy is that European powers after World War I decided
to divide that nation between several Balkan states. We are now fighting to unify the nation, to
liberate all Albanians, including those in Macedonia, Montenegro, and other parts of Serbia. We
are not just a liberation army for Kosovo.

By 1998 the KLA's operations had evolved into a significant armed insurrection. According to the report of
the USCRI, the "Kosovo Liberation Army ... attacks aimed at trying to 'cleanse' Kosovo of its ethnic Serb
population." The UNHCR estimated the figure at 55,000 refugees who had fled to Montenegro and Central
Serbia, most of whom were Kosovo Serbs.[58]

Its campaign against Yugoslav security forces, police, government officers and ethnic Serb villages
precipitated a major Yugoslav military crackdown which led to the Kosovo War of 1998–1999. Military
intervention by Yugoslav security forces led by Slobodan Milošević and Serb paramilitaries within Kosovo
prompted an exodus of Kosovar Albanians and a refugee crisis that eventually caused NATO to intervene
militarily in order to stop what was widely identified as an ongoing campaign of ethnic cleansing.[59][60]

The war ended with the Kumanovo Treaty, with Yugoslav forces agreeing to withdraw from Kosovo to make
way for an international presence.[61][62] The Kosovo Liberation Army disbanded soon after this, with some
of its members going on to fight for the UÇPMB in the Preševo Valley[63] and others joining the National
Liberation Army (NLA) and Albanian National Army (ANA) during the armed ethnic conflict in
Macedonia.[64]

2000s–present

Political parties advocating and willing to fight for a Greater Albania

emerged in Albania during the 2000s.[65] They were the National
Liberation Front of Albanians (KKCMTSH) and Party of National Unity
(PUK) that both merged in 2002 to form the United National Albanian
Front (FBKSh) which acted as the political organisation for the Albanian
National Army (AKSh) militant group and consisted of some disaffected
KLA and NLA members.[66][65] Regarded internationally as terrorist both
have gone underground and its members have been involved in various
violent incidents in Kosovo, Serbia and Macedonia during the
2000s.[66][67][68] In the early 2000s, the Liberation Army of Chameria
(UCC) was a reported paramilitary formation that intended to be active
Distribution of Albanians in the
in northern Greek region of Epirus.[69][70] Political parties active only in
Balkans.
the political scene exist that have a nationalist outlook are the monarchist
Legality Movement Party (PLL), the National Unity Party (PBKSh)
alongside the Balli Kombëtar, a party to have passed the electoral
threshold and enter parliament.[65][71] These political parties, some of whom advocate for a Greater Albania
have been mainly insignificant and remained at the margins of the Albanian political scene.[71] The Kosovo
question has limited appeal among Albanian voters who generally speaking are not interested in electing
parties advocating redrawn borders creating a Greater Albania.[65] Centenary Albanian independence
celebrations in 2012 generated nationalistic commentary among the political elite of whom prime-minister
Sali Berisha referred to Albanian lands as extending to Preveza, northern Greece and Preševo, southern
Serbia angering Albania's neighbors.[72] In Kosovo, a prominent left wing nationalist movement turned
political party Vetëvendosje (Self Determination) has emerged who advocates for closer Kosovo-Albania
relations and pan-Albanian self determination in the Balkans.[73][74] Another smaller nationalist party, the
Balli Kombetar Kosovë (BKK) sees itself as an heir to the original Second World War organisation that
supports Kosovan independence and pan-Albanian unification.[65] Greater Albania remains mainly in the
sphere of political rhetoric and overall Balkan Albanians view EU integration as the solution to combat crime,
weak governance, civil society and bringing different Albanian populations together.[75][71]

On 19 July 2020, singer of Albanian descent Dua Lipa faced backlash after she shared an image of a banner
associated with supporters of extreme Albanian nationalism.[76] The same banner had sparked controversy at
the 2014 Serbia vs. Albania football game.[77] The banner depicts the irredentist map of Greater Albania,
while the caption, "autochthonous", alludes to the Illyrian theory of the origin of the Albanians. In response,
Twitter users, many of them Macedonian, Greek, Montenegrin and Serbian, accused the singer of ethno-
nationalism.[78][79] Political scientist Florian Bieber described Lipa's tweet as "stupid nationalism", an idea
which claims that one group has greater rights because it was there earlier and that migrants to the nation
should be deemed less worthy.[78]

In Feb 2021, in an interview with Euronews, Albin Kurti, former Prime Minister of Kosovo, said that he
would personally vote to unify Albania and Kosovo.[80]

Public opinion
According to the Gallup Balkan Monitor 2010 report, the idea of a Greater Albania was supported by the
majority of Albanians in Albania (63%), Kosovo (81%) and the Republic of Macedonia (53%), although the
same report noted that most Albanians thought this unlikely to happen.[81][82]

In a survey carried out by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), published in March 2007, only
2.5% of the Albanians in Kosovo thought unification with Albania is the best solution for Kosovo. Ninety-six
percent said they wanted Kosovo to become independent within its present borders.[83]

Political uses of the concept

The Albanian question in the Balkan peninsula is in part the consequence of the decisions made by Western
powers in late 19th and early 20th century. The Treaty of San Stefano and the 1878 Treaty of Berlin assigned
Albanian inhabited territories to other States, hence the reaction of the League of Prizren.[84] One theory
posits that the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Austro-Hungary wanted to maintain a brittle balance
in Europe in the late 19th century.

The degree to which different groups are working towards and what efforts such groups are undertaking in
order to achieve a Greater Albania is disputed. There seems no evidence that anything more than a few
unrepresentative extremist groups are working towards this cause; the vast majority of Albanians want to live
in peace with their neighbors. However, they also want the human rights of the Albanian ethnic populations
in North Macedonia, Serbia, Greece to be respected. An excellent example is the friendly relationship
between the Montenegro and the support towards the integration of the Albanian population in North
Macedonia. There is Albanian representation in government, the national parliament, local government, and
the business sector, and no evidence of systematic discrimination on an ethnic or religious basis against the
Albanian (or indeed any other minority) population.

In 2000, the then-US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright said that the international community would not
tolerate any efforts towards the creation of a Greater Albania.[85]
In 2004, the Vetëvendosje movement was formed in Kosovo, which opposes foreign involvement in Kosovan
affairs and campaigns instead for the sovereignty the people, as part of the right of self-determination.
Vetëvendosje obtained 12.66% of the votes in an election in December 2010, and the party manifesto calls for
a referendum on union with Albania.[86]

In 2012, the Red and Black Alliance (Albanian: Aleanca Kuq e Zi) was established as a political party in
Albania, the core of its program is national unification of all Albanians in their native lands.[87]

In 2012, as part of the celebrations for 100th Anniversary of the Independence of Albania, Prime Minister
Sali Berisha spoke of "Albanian lands" stretching from Preveza in Greece to Presevo in Serbia, and from the
Macedonian capital of Skopje to the Montenegrin capital of Podgorica, angering Albania's neighbors. The
comments were also inscribed on a parchment that will be displayed at a museum in the city of Vlore, where
the country's independence from the Ottoman Empire was declared in 1912.[88]

Use in other media

The concept is also often used, especially with Ilirida (the proposed western region of North Macedonia), by
nationalists in circles of Macedonian and Serbian politics in bids to rally support.[89]

Areas
Area Total
State/region/community Territory Albanians
(km2) population

2,312,356

Albania

(Albanian proper)
 Albania 28,748 2,821,977[90] (82% of total
state pop.)

1,616,869

Kosovo
1,739,825

 Kosovo[a] 10,908 (93% of total

(Kosovo Albanians) (2011 census)
state pop.)

Southeastern and eastern

30,439

Montenegro
 Montenegro: Ulcinj, Tuzi, Gusinje, Plav and 1,173– 620,029[91]
(4.9% of total
(Albanian community in Rožaje municipalities 1,400 (2011 census)
state pop.)
Montenegro)

Western North Macedonia

 North Macedonia: Western and north-western 2,500– 509,083 (2002

(Albanian community in North N/A
areas 4,500 census)
Macedonia)

Preševo Valley
88,966
57,595

 Serbia: Preševo, Bujanovac and partially 725–

(Albanian community in central (2002 census (65% of Preševo
Medveđa municipalities 1,249
Serbia) data) Valley)

Epirus/Chameria
 Greece: Thesprotia and Preveza (southern
N/A N/A N/A
(Cham Albanians) historical Epirus)

Kosovo

Kosovo has an overwhelmingly Albanian majority, estimated to be around 88%.[92] The 2011 census stated a
higher percentage Albanian people, but due to the exclusion of northern Kosovo, a Serb-dominated area, and
a partial boycott by the Romani and Serb population in south Kosovo, those numbers are unreliable.[93]

Montenegro

The irredentist claims in Montenegro are in the border areas, including Kraja, Ulcinj, Tuzi (Malësia), Plav
and Gusinje, and Rožaje (Sandžak).[94][95] According to the 2011 census, the Albanian proportion in those
municipalities are following: Ulcinj–14,076 (70%), Tuzi–2,383 (50%), Plav–(19%), Rožaje–188 (2%). The
claim on the Sandžak area, where the Albanian community is small and the Bosniak community is the
majority, is based on the Albanian state borders in World War II and presence in the late Ottoman period.
North Macedonia

The western part of North Macedonia is an area with a large ethnic Albanian minority. The Albanian
population in North Macedonia make up 25% of the population, numbering 509,083 in the 2002
census.[96][97] Cities with Albanian majorities or large minorities include Tetovo (Tetova), Gostivar
(Gostivari), Struga (Struga) and Debar (Diber).[98]

In the 1980s, Albanian irredentist organizations appeared in the SR Macedonia, particularly Vinica, Kicevo,
Tetovo and Gostivar.[99] In 1992, Albanian activists in Struga proclaimed also the founding of the Republic of
Ilirida (Albanian: Republika e Iliridës)[100] with the intention of autonomy or federalization inside
Macedonia. The declaration had only a symbolic meaning and the idea of an autonomous State of Ilirida is
not officially accepted by the ethnic Albanian politicians in North Macedonia.[101][102]

Preševo Valley

The irredentist claims in Central Serbia (excluding Kosovo) are in the southern Preševo Valley, including
municipalities of Preševo (Albanian: Preshevë), Bujanovac (Albanian: Bujanoc) and partially Medveđa
(Albanian: Medvegjë), where there is an Albanian community. In 2001, the Albanians were estimated to have
numbered 70,000 in the area.[103] According to the 2002 census, the Albanian proportion in those
municipalities were following: Preševo–31,098 (89%), Bujanovac–23,681 (55%), Medveđa–2,816 (26%).

Following the Kosovo War (1998–99), the Albanian separatist Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and
Bujanovac (Albanian: Ushtria Çlirimtare e Preshevës, Medvegjës dhe Bujanocit, UÇPMB), fought an
insurgency against the Serbian government, aiming to seceding the Preševo Valley into Kosovo.[104]

Greece

The irredentist claim in Greece are Chameria, parts of Epirus, the historical Vilayet of Janina.[3][4][5][6][7]

The coastal region of Thesprotia in northwestern Greece referred to by Albanians as Çamëria is sometimes
included in Greater Albania.[12] According to the 1928 census held by the Greek state, there were around
20,000 Muslim Cams in Thesprotia prefecture. They were forced to seek refuge in Albania at the end of
World War II after a large part of them collaborated and committed a number of crimes together with the
Nazis during the 1941–1944 period.[105] In the first post-war census (1951), only 123 Muslim Çams were left
in the area. Descendants of the exiled Muslim Chams (they claim that they are now up to 170,000 now living
in Albania) claim that up to 35,000 Muslim Çams were living in southern Epirus before World War II. Many
of them are currently trying to pursue legal ways to claim compensation for the properties seized by Greece.
For Greece the issue "does not exist".[106]

International Crisis Group research

International Crisis Group researched the issue of Pan-Albanianism and published a report titled "Pan-
Albanianism: How Big a Threat to Balkan Stability?" on February 2004.[107]

The International Crisis Group advised in the report the Albanian and Greek governments to endeavour and
settle the longstanding issue of the Chams displaced from Greece in 1945, before it gets hijacked and
exploited by extreme nationalists, and the Chams' legitimate grievances get lost in the struggle to further
other national causes. Moreover, the ICG findings suggest that Albania is more interested in developing
cultural and economic ties with Kosovo and maintaining separate statehood.[108]

See also
Albanian nationalism
Albanian National Awakening
Albanophobia
 History of Albania
History of the Balkans
Kosovo independence precedent
League of Prizren

Notes
a.   ^ Kosovo is the subject of a territorial dispute between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of
Serbia. The Republic of Kosovo unilaterally declared independence on 17 February 2008. Serbia
continues to claim it as part of its own sovereign territory. The two governments began to normalise
relations in 2013, as part of the 2013 Brussels Agreement. Kosovo is currently recognized as an
independent state by 97 out of the 193 United Nations member states. In total, 112 UN member states
are said to have recognized Kosovo at some point, of which 15 later withdrew their recognition.

References

Citations
1. Dennison I. Rusinow (1978). The Yugoslav Experiment 1948–1974 (https://books.google.com/books?id=k
ChoC2FaS7EC). Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. p. 245. ISBN 978-0-52003-730-
4.
2. Likmeta, Besar (17 November 2010). "Poll Reveals Support for 'Greater Albania' " (http://www.balkaninsig
ht.com/en/article/survey-greater-albania-remains-popular). Balkan Insight. Retrieved 27 June 2013. "The
poll, conducted by Gallup in cooperation with the European Fund for the Balkans, showed that 62 per
cent of respondents in Albania, 81 per cent in Kosovo and 51.9 per cent of respondents in Macedonia
supported the formation of a Greater Albania."
3. Merdjanova 2013, p. 147: "The Congress of Berlin in 1878 rejected the petition of the Prizren League to
put the regions of Kosovo, Shkodra, Monastir and Janina into one political-administrative unit within the
Ottoman Empire ..."
4. Kola 2003, p. 15.
5. Seton-Watson 1917, p. 189: "The Albanian propaganda spread very rapidly, and by 1910 they had
reached the stage of claiming the unification of the four vilayets inhabited by Albanians, as a kind of
autonomous 'Great Albania'."
6. Austin 2004, p. 237: "[The League of Prizren] also sought to set up the framework for a form of
administrative autonomy within the Ottoman state for the four vilayets (provinces) with a sizeable
Albanian population, Janina, Shkodër, Kosovo and Monastir (Bitola)."
7. Vaknin 2000, pp. 102–103: "[The League of Prizren] fast adopted an expansive agenda, seeking to unify
the four parts of Albania in the four vilayets (Kosovo, Shkoder, Monastir, Janina) into one political unit."
8. Jelavich 1983, pp. 361–365
9. Zolo 2002, p. 24. "It was under the Italian and German occupation of 1939–1944 that the project of
Greater Albania... was conceived."
10. Bugajski 2002, p. 675."Roughly half of the predominantly Albanian territories and 40% of the population
were left outside the new country's borders"
11. Judah 2008, p. 120.
12. Bogdani & Loughlin 2007, pp. 230.
13. "Alternativat e ribashkimit kombëtar të shqiptarëve dhe të Shqipërisë Etnike..!" (https://archive.today/2013
0124112221/http://gazetaditore.com/2012/12/10/alternativat-e-ribashkimit-kombetar-te-shqiptareve-dhe-t
e-shqiperise-etnike/). Gazeta Ditore (in Albanian). 10 December 2012. Archived from the original (http://g
azetaditore.com/2012/12/10/alternativat-e-ribashkimit-kombetar-te-shqiptareve-dhe-te-shqiperise-etnike/)
on 24 January 2013. Retrieved 1 January 2013.
14. Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 183."Nineteenth-century Albanianism was not by any means a separatist project
based on the desire to break with the Ottoman Empire and to create a nationstate. In its essence
Albanian nationalism was a reaction to the gradual disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and a response
to the threats posed by Christian and Balkan national movements to a population that was predominantly
Muslim. In this sense, its main goal was to gather all 'Albanian' vilayet's into an autonomous province
inside the Ottoman Empire. In fact, given its focus on the defence of the language, history and culture of
a population spread across various regions and states, from Italy to the Balkans, it was not associated
with any specific type of polity, but rather with the protection of its rights within the existing states. This
was due to the fact that, culturally, early Albanian nationalists belonged to a world in which they were at
home, though poised between different languages, cultures, and at times even states."
15. Shaw & Shaw 1977, p. 288.
16. Kostov 2010, p. 40. "These scholars did not have access to many primary sources to be able to construct
the notion of the Illyrian origin of the Albanians yet, and Greater Albania was not a priority. The goal of the
day was to persuade the Ottoman officials that Albanians were a nation and they deserved some
autonomy with the Empire. In fact, Albanian historians and politicians were very moderate compared to
their peers in neighbouring countries.
17. Goldwyn 2016, p. 276.
18. Gawrych 2006, pp. 197–200.
19. Fischer 2007a, p. 19.
20. Vickers 2011, pp. 69–76.
21. Tanner 2014, pp. 168–172.
22. Despot 2012, p. 137.
23. Kronenbitter 2006, p. 85.
24. Ker-Lindsay 2009, pp. 8–9.
25. Jelavich 1983, pp. 100–103.
26. Guy 2007, p. 453.
27. Fischer 2007a, p. 21.
28. Volkan 2004, p. 237.
29. Guy 2007, p. 454. "Benckendorff, on the other hand, proposed only a truncated coastal strip to form a
central Muslim dominated Albania, in accordance with the common view amongst Slavs, and also
Greeks, that only Muslims could be considered Albanian (and not even Muslims necessarily)."
30. Gingeras 2009, p. 31.
31. Fischer 1999, pp. 5, 21–25.
32. Fischer 1999, pp. 70–71.
33. Fischer 1999, pp. 88, 260.
34. Hall 2010, p. 183.
35. Judah 2008, p. 47.
36. Rossos 2013, pp. 185–186.
37. Fischer 1999, pp. 115–116, 260.
38. Ramet 2006, pp. 141–142.
39. Fischer 1999, p. 237.
40. Denitch 1996, p. 118.
41. Ramet 2006, p. 114.
42. Judah 2002, p. 27.
43. Ramón 2015, p. 262.
44. Fontana 2017, p. 92.
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in Post-transition States. New York: Routledge.
pp. 86–112. ISBN 9781317995395.
Seton-Watson, Robert William (1917). The Rise
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New York: E. P. Dutton and Company.
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Shaw, Stanford J.; Shaw, Ezel Kural (1977).
History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern
Turkey: Volume 2, Reform, Revolution, and
Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey 1808-1975
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Stojarova, Vera (2010). "Nationalist parties and
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ISBN 9781135235857.
Stojarová, Vera (2016). The far right in the
Balkans (https://books.google.com/books?id=vcT
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Tanner, Marcus (2014). Albania's mountain
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Venner, Mary (2016). Donors, Technical
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he-cham-issue-albanian-national-property-claims-
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Further reading
Canak, Jovan M. Greater Albania: concepts and possibile [sic] consequences. Belgrade: Institute of
Geopolitical Studies, 1998.
Jaksic G. and Vuckovic V. Spoljna politika srbije za vlade. Kneza Mihaila, Belgrade, 1963.
Dimitrios Triantaphyllou. The Albanian Factor. ELIAMEP, Athens, 2000.
Mandelbaum, Michael (1998). The new European diasporas: national minorities and conflict in Eastern
Europe (https://books.google.com/books?id=qoHQ3OgU8bMC&q=The+new+European+diasporas:+natio
nal+minorities+and+conflict+in+Eastern+Europe). Council on Foreign Relations Press, New York.
ISBN 9780876092576.

External links
Albanian Canadian League Information Service (ACLIS) (https://web.archive.org/web/20041015111556/ht
tp://www.albca.com/aclis/)
Perspective: Albania and Kosova by Van Christo (https://web.archive.org/web/20050711074615/http://ww
w.frosina.org/articles/default.asp?id=89)
High Albania by M. Edith Durham (http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/durham/albania/albania.html)
Albanian Identities by Antonina Zhelyazkova (https://web.archive.org/web/20050427140922/http://www.o
mda.bg/imir/studies/alban_id31.html#95)
The Kosovo Chronicles by Dusan Batakovic (https://web.archive.org/web/20050510080539/http://www.sn
d-us.com/history/dusan/kc_part2e.htm)
Albania and Kosovo | What happened to Greater Albania? (http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displ
aystory.cfm?story_id=8558447), The Economist, 18 January 2007

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