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09 3 1 DL 7 38 41
09 3 1 DL 7 38 41
09 3 1 DL 7 38 41
The textual base for any analysis of the Stoic division and exposition
of philosophy must be Diogenes Laertius. He is the only extensive source
on the subject, and he is reasonably faithful to his sources. It is only to be
regretted that these sources, so well preserved and so reliably reported,
are so third rate.
Diogenes Laertius includes within his L i f e of Zeno of Citium (DL
7.1-168) some haeresiographical accounts of Stoic philosophy (DL 7.38-160).
One of these accounts reports apparent internal debates over the nature
of the division and exposition of philosophy (DL 7.38-43), and this is
followed by expositions of logic (DL 7.43-83), ethics (DL 7.84-131) and
physics (DL 7.132-59).
DL 7.38-83 provides our best evidence for the Stoic division and
exposition of philosophy. The first part of his account, DL 7.38-43, purports
to deal with Stoic differences on the subject of division and exposition
(§3.1-§3.2.1), while the longer second part, DL 7.41-83, gives us the chance
to compare two different expositions of logic, one of the three major parts
of philosophy (§3.2.2). The comparison allows us to reconstruct to some
extent the development of Stoic views on the subject of the division and
exposition of logic (in particular, dialectic), as the original expositions
from which these accounts derive are demonstrably from different periods,
with one drawing in part from the other (§3.2.3-4).1
Diogenes' summary account of the differences between Stoic
philosophers over division and exposition is noticeably reticent regarding
the contribution of Antipater of Tarsus. In fact, he is not mentioned once,
as will be apparent by the end of §3.1. The comparison of the two expositions
of Stoic logic, therefore, as facilitating a partial reconstruction of the
development of the Stoic exposition of logic, is all the more important for
our understanding of Antipater's approach to the division and exposition
of philosophy as a whole. The discussion of the expositions, however, also
provides the opportunity for an analysis of a passage found in the longer
exposition which derives from Antipater (T26) and which is pertinent to
1
Diogenes Laertius' account of the two remaining parts of philosophy, ethics
and physics, is far less revealing, since he seems to have drawn on only one exposition
in each case (§3.2).
202
1
This section owes much to K. Ierodiakonou's article on DL 7.39-41 and the
Stoic division of philosophy,Æ°H diaivresh th'" filosofiva" kata; tou;" Stwikou;"Æ
English draft was also kindly made available to me. Her paper also discusses the
four subjects, if from a slightly different perspective. She contends that there was a
disagreement over the nature of the division of philosophy: I contend that there was
not.
2
See especially P. Hadot, 1979 and 1991; and K. Ierodiakonou.
Parts 3.1.1 - DL 7.38-9 203
Only one Stoic is offered in this account as representing the view that the
division into logic, physics and ethics was a division of philosophy itself.
Every other Stoic mentioned here seems to have supported another, rival,
view, that the division was of the logos kata ten philosophian. What this
phrase actually means will be considered shortly. Before doing so, however,
the portrayal of an internal debate should be questioned.
There are two factors which militate against the idea of an internal
debate on this issue:
1. Zeno of Tarsus is the sole representative of one of the camps,
while the rival camp boasts not only Stoics as far flung as Zeno of Citium
and Posidonius, but even Zeno of Tarsus' own teacher, Chrysippus, and
Zeno of Tarsus' own pupil, Diogenes of Babylon. Even were it true that
Zeno of Tarsus disagreed with every other Stoic, this would hardly constitute
an internal Stoic debate. The disagreement is unlikely, however: not only
would Zeno need to disagree with his teacher, Chrysippus, but with his
apparently Chrysippean pupil, too. One would have to wonder if Diogenes
of Babylon learnt anything from Zeno of Tarsus, if not something as
basic as the division of philosophy.1
1
The claim that Zeno of Tarsus was a prolific teacher seems to have been an
attempt to raise the status of a Stoic diadochus who failed to publish huge quantities
of learned articles (DL 7.35 = SVF III Zeno T. 1). Note that it was because he was a
204
2. We are told that Zeno of Tarsus did not write very much.1 He may,
however, have managed to write a general work on philosophy which
included its divisions. The other Stoics mentioned certainly did write a
fair number of treatises each, and what is interesting is the type of works
chosen, out of all the works possible, to support the claim that it was the
logos kata ten philosophian which they divided. Zeno of Citium's book is
not on the general subject of philosophy, but on Logos. One of Chrysippus'
works is on Logos, too, while the other is on physics. This suggests that
the L o g o s under discussion is the cosmic rational force akin to god which
is the active aspect of the cosmic substance or ousia. It is this L o g o s
which acts upon hyle, the passive aspect of the ousia, to form everything
that there is. Since the o u s i a is the substrate of the whole sphere of the
universe, it follows that its two aspects, the Logos, its active aspect, and
hyle, its passive aspect, pervade everything and are everything. One
aspect of this physical L o g o s is logos, thought or language. The mechanical
distinction I make by using upper and lower case was not available to the
Stoics, but they seem to have been aware of the conceptual distinction.
The logos was an aspect of Logos, and there was a correspondence between
the two.2 In a discussion of Logos, a discussion of l o g o s would have had its
place. In particular, a discussion of the division of l o g o s according to
philosophy would have been quite in order. At the same time, a book on
diadochus (the link between Chrysippus and Diogenes of Babylon) that his status
needed to be raised by an interested party (Panaetius or Posidonius). On the diadoche,
see §1.3.2.
1
DL 7.35 = SVF III Zeno T. 1 .
2
Speech, reason and the all-pervading, active, matter-qualifying God may
all be called Logos, and may be more easily viewed as aspects of the same thing in
Greek than in Latin, which does not have one umbrella term to signify them all; cf.
Tertull. A p o l . 21= SVF I, 160c: Apud vestros quoque sapientes lovgon, id est sermonem
cf. SVF I, 160a-d, but may have written about this aspect of Logos in his peri; lovgou
too. His Logos and god were identified with the active aspect of creative fire, but
Antipater would have identified them with the active aspect of the more complex
pneuma, which had replaced creative fire as the ousia of the cosmos probably at the
instigation of Chrysippus.
Parts 3.1.1 - DL 7.38-9 205
Logos, would have had no occasion to deal with the division of philosophy.
This would have been dealt with in other books, such as Chrysippus' book
on physics and Eudromus' book on ethics. They would have referred to
the logos kata ten philosophian, since ethics and physics are parts of this
division.
3. The haeresiographer appears to have taken the references for
the two apparently rival camps from two separate lists. In DL 7.39, he may
well have misrepresented a previous list which he probably found in
Posidonius; it is the haeresiographer who would have added his name to
the list. Posidonius' list would have contained the names of those Stoics
who had discussed the division of the logos kata ten philosophian, with a
few references to books as well. There is no indication from the list itself,
however, that these Stoics also opposed the division of philosophy. The
reference to Zeno of Tarsus occurs much later, after the discussion of
several other topics, indicating that it was found by the haeresiorgrapher
in another source. Again, there is no indication that Zeno of Tarsus opposed
the division of the logos kata ten philosophian. It is the haeresiographer
who opposed one list to the other, thereby misrepresenting the intent of
both.
If my reasoning has been correct, there is no firm evidence in DL
38-9 and 41 for an internal Stoic debate which implicitly assumed that
logic, physics and ethics were a division either of philosophy or of the
logos kata ten philosophian, but not of both.
The argument for rejecting the haeresiographical account of
exclusivity must address earlier proposals supporting the account's
assertion of a Stoic difference of opinion over the object of division. The
plausibility of my argument is weakened if it is possible to maintain, as
these proposals attempt to establish, that the majority of Stoics had to
deny by their own precepts the possibility of dividing philosophy, and
could allow only a division of the l o g o s kata ten philosophian.
1
"Logique, éthique et physique ne se distinguent donc que lorsqu'on p a r l e
de la philosophie, mais pas quand on la v i t ." P. Hadot: 1991, 212.
2
The passage from Aëtius will be discussed shortly.
3
K. Ierodiakonou, 130, referring to M.9.13; Sen., Ep. 89, 4-8; Philo, De
congr. erud. 79; Clem. Strom. 15 30,1.
4
K. Ierodiakonou, i b i d.
Parts 3.1.1 - DL 7.38-9 207
an alternative, and that is to accept that Stoics could and did entertain the
possibility of dividing both the logos kata ten philosophian and philosophy
itself, and that Diogenes Laertius' haeresiographical source is guilty of
misrepresentation of both sides.
see below). Note also expressions such as oiJ ejpithdeivw" fuvnte" ajmeleiva/ gegovnasi
kakoiv ("those fittingly raised, by neglect become bad" - they are not "raised with
utility") Clem. Strom. I, p.336 Pott. = SVF III, 225. On a[skhsin ejpithdeivou tevcnh"
peri; tou' ej p ithdeiv o u. It is not clear to us why this adjective rather than the
the exercise lovgou ojrqovthto" lacks peri; th'". It is not the exercise concerning
rightness, but the exercise of rightness; similarly, here, the exercise is not concerning
fittingness - it is the exercise of fittingness, i.e., doing what is right or appropriate.
208
philosophy, whose parts are: one physical, one ethical and one logical. The physical
part whenever we enquire about the cosmos and the things in the cosmos, the ethical
part is the being busily engaged with human life, and the logical part with the logos,
the part which they also call dialectic".1
Aëtius is clearly saying that the Stoics divided philosophy itself, but
is he to be trusted? The passage needs to be examined closely to see whether
it deviates from Stoic doctrine:
1. S o p h i a is the episteme of divine and human [things]. This seems
to be uncontroversially Stoic.2
2. P h i l o s o p h i a is the exercise of a t e c h n e . There are other testimonia
which indicate that the Stoics conceived of p h i l o s o p h i a as the exercise of
the body of knowledge itself,3 rather than of the t e c h n e , but this amounts
to the same thing. The body of knowledge - sophia, episteme, logos - is the
theoretical aspect of the t e c h n e , and p h i l o s o p h i a is the practical aspect of
the techne. Of relevance to the next point is that Clement and the author
of Papyrus 1020 define p h i l o s o p h i a as the exercise of lovgo" ojrqovthto",
the l o g o s of rightness.
3. P h i l o s o p h i a is the exercise ejpithdeivou tevcnh". The double genitive
makes the expression ambiguous. Does Aëtius mean "the exercise of what
is fitting, a t e c h n e", or "the exercise of the t e c h n e of what is fitting"? Is
"what is fitting" the subject of a t e c h n e , or itself a t e c h n e? A comparison
of Aëtius' definition with that of Clement and the author of Papyrus 1020
(see last paragraph) would suggest that we are to understand p h i l o s o p h i a
1
Aëtius 1, Prooem. 2=SVF II, 35= L&S 26A. Cf., e.g., Ammonius in Arist.
Anal. pr. p.8,20 Wal.=SVF II, 49, where Stoic philosophy appears to be a pragmateia
(business or occupation) with eudaimonia as its goal, and its parts are pragmateiai
in particular fields with particular types of eudaimonia as their goals. Only the
logical part, the main subject of the passage, is actually called a pragmateia. See also
next subsection.
2
Seneca Ep. 89.5 =L&S 26G; cf. SE M. 9.123 = SVF II, 1017.
3
Cf. SE M.9.13= SVF II, 36: th; n filosofiv a n fasi; n ej p ithv d eusin ei\ n ai
sofiva", th;n de; ejpisthvmhn qeivwn te kai; ajnqrwpivnwn pragmavtwn. Papyrus 1020=
SVF II, 131, p.41, 27-9: prw' t on me; n gav r ej s|tin (hJ ) filosofiv a , ei[ t e
ej(pi)|thvde≥u(si)" lovgou ojr(qov)|tht(o" ei[t•) ejpisthvm≥(h),| hJ (aujth; th'/) peri; lovgon
| p(ragm)ateiv a i. Clem. Paedag. I 13 p.159 Pott.= SVF III, 293: th;n filosofivan
1
E.g., (d i a t h e s i s - l o g o s) Plut., de virt. mor. c.3 p.441c= SVF I , 202, koinw' "
de; a{ p ante" ou| t oi (sc. Menedemus, Aristo, Zeno, Chrysippus) th;n ajreth;n tou'
hJgemonikou' th'" yuch'" diavqesivn tina kai; duvnamin gegenhmevnhn uJpo; lovgou,
ma'llon de; lovgon ou\san aujth;n oJmologouvmenon kai; bevbaion kai; ajmetavptwton
uJ p otiv q entai. (d i a t h e s i s - e p i s t e m e) Stob. e c l . II 59, 4 W=SVF III, 262; Clem. Strom.
Thracis Gramm. ap. Bekk. Anecd. p.663, 16= SVF I, 72; cf. SVF I, 490 (Cleanthes).
4
See esp. SVF III, 262-76.
5
Stob. e c l . I I , 63,6 W: pav s a" de; ta; " aj r eta; " o{ s ai ej p isth' m aiv eij s i kai;
tev c nai koinav te qewrhv m ata e[ c ein kai; tev l o", wJ " ei[ r htai, to; auj t ov : dio; kai;
ajcwrivstou" ei\nai...
6
Compare the two Stoic definitions of tev c nh of which the first is more
probably Zeno's (SVF I, 72-3; on the latter, see T29 Comm. H1). While theoretical
210
p y
arete is a d i a t h e s i s , a permanent state of the wise man's soul, practical arete is a
h e x i s - a less permanent state of affairs dependent on external factors.
1
A scribal error may account for the identificaton of ejpithvdeion instead
of ej p ithdeiv o u tev c nh with arete. The text at this point, I believe, should have read
...ej p ithdeiv o u tev c nh" ej p ithdeiv o u de; tev c nhn... The word tev c nhn could easily
have dropped out, and the second ejpithdeivou would have been "corrected" to
but frequently cited in connection with the Stoics generally, shows the distinction
between two aspects of every techne - the theoretical and the practical - being a
suvsthma ejk katalhvyewn suggegumnasmevnwn prov" ti tevlo" eu[crhston tw'n ejn
tw' / biv w / (SVF I, 73; for a translation, see T29, Def. H1); that the distinction was
applied to arete. cf. Anecdota graeca Paris. ed. Cramer Vol. I p.171= SVF III, 214.
•Aristotevlh" de; fuvsei kai; e[qei kai; lovgw/: ajmevlei kai; oiJ Stwi£koiv: tevcnh ga;r hJ
ajrethv. pa'sa de; tevcnh suvsthma ejk qewrhmavtwn suggegumnasmevnwn: kai; kata;
me;n ta; qewrhvmata oJ lovgo": kata; de; th;n suggumnasivan to; e[qo": "Aristotle [believes
men become good and bad] by nature, habit (e t h o s) and Logos; and of course so do the
Stoics. For arete is a t e c h n e , and every t e c h n e is a composite ("system") of "theorems"
co-exercised - with respect to (k a t a) the theorems, the Logos; with respect to (k a t a)
the co-exercising, the habit (e t h o s); ..." Logos and e t h o s have been used in this
description of the Stoic account to make it conform with Aristotle's account. Note
that the katalhvyei" have become qewrhv m ata, a word used by Chrysippus in a
of ajrethv into the four cardinal virtues,1 each further subdivided,2 is just
one of several possible divisions, again, not mutually exclusive as Diogenes
Laertius' source would have us believe.3 The four-fold division of a r e t e
pertains to the behaviour of the wise man in his environment; this is the
field of ethics. The three-fold division of a r e t e pertains to the relationship
between the wise man and the logos; this includes the field of ethics,
which is one of its parts. Diogenes emphasizes that a r e t e is not specific to
ethics, but is a very general word meaning "excellence". The passage
derives from Hecato's work on virtue.4
6. P h i l o s o p h i a, as the practice of arete , may also be divided into a
physical, an ethical and a logical part. Given that the a r e t e of the wise
man is a t e c h n e , a composite of e p i s t e m e and its practice, this is only to be
expected, and is not inconsistent with Stoic doctrine. The parts of philosophy
as described here by Aëtius will be considered in §3.1.2.
To conclude, Aëtius' account of the Stoic division of philosophy
requires one obvious and simple emendation in order to make sense at all
(step 4). For the sake of clarity, I shall present the emended text (Aëtius 1,
Prooem. 2):
oiJ me;n ou\n Stwi£koi; e[fasan th;n me;n sofivan ei\nai qeivwn te kai; ajnqrwpivnwn
ejpisthvmhn, th;n de; filosofivan a[skhsin ejpithdeivou tevcnh": ejpithdeivou de;
<tev c nhn> ei\nai mivan kai; ajnwtavtw th;n ajrethvn, ajreta;" de; ta;" genikwtavta"
1
See e.g., SVF III, 2 6 2 .
2
See e.g., SVF III, 264ff.
3
DL 7.92: Panaivtio" me;n ou\n duvo fhsi;n ajretav", qewrhtikh;n kai; praktikhvn:
a[lloi de; logikh;n kai; fusikh;n kai; hjqikhvn: tevttara" de; oiJ peri; Poseidwvnion
kai; pleivona" oiJ peri; Kleavnqhn kai; Cruvsippon kai; •Antivpatron. oJ me;n ga;r
•Apollofavnh" mivan levgei, th;n frovnhsin. Zeno also identifies aj r ethv with frovnhsi",
but each particular aj r ethv is an aspect of this frovnhsi" (SVF I, 200-1), just as later
trei'", fusikh;n hjqikh;n logikhvn: di• h}n aijtivan kai; trimerhv" ejstin hJ filosofiva,
h|" to; me;n fusikovn, to; de; hjqikovn, to; de; logikovn: kai; fusiko;n me;n o{tan peri;
kovsmou zhtw'men kai; tw'n ejn kovsmw/, hjqiko;n de; to; kathscolhmevnon peri; to;n
ajnqrwvpinon bivon, logiko;n de; to; peri; to;n lovgon, o} kai; dialektiko;n kalou'sin.
"The Stoics said that wisdom is the e p i s t e m e of divine and human [things], and
that philosophy is the practice of the t e c h n e of the fitting. The <t e c h n e > of the
fitting [thing] is virtue, one at the highest level; and virtues, at their most generic,
are three - the physical one, the ethical one, and the logical one. For this reason,
tripartite also is philosophy, whose parts are: one physical, one ethical and one
logical. The physical part whenever we enquire about the cosmos and the things in
the cosmos, the ethical part is the being busily engaged with human life, and the
logical part with the logos, the part which they also call dialectic".
The emended text conforms with Stoic doctrine, where we have
evidence. It is the only testimony for a division of philosophy itself, but I
have noted examples of other evidence which points in the same direction.
A diagram may be of use at this stage:
arete
sophia philosophia
the ethical and the logical. That is, there is a physical, an ethical, and a
logical techne of the fitting. Hence his claim that philosophy, too, is
tripartite. Philosophy is the exercise of the t e c h n e of the fitting;
consequently, there is a physical, an ethical, and a logical exercise of the
t e c h n e of the fitting. Aëtius does not say, but it may be added, that there is
also a physical, an ethical, and a logical e p i s t e m e to correspond to these
p r a c t i c e s .1
1
Partes is the common, not necessarily Stoic, term for parts of philosophy,
equivalent to mevrh, but, as Ierodiakonou, 131, notes, a part of philosophy is sometimes
dimerhv " , and trimerhv". Zeno and Cleanthes may have used more specific terms as
well to denote parts of philosophy, and, conversely, later Stoics may have used the
less specific meros.
1
Ierodiakonou, 131-4, argues that the list testifies to a Stoic dispute over
the character of the division of philosophical discourse. She suggests that d i a i r e s i s
(division) would emphasize that each e i d o s (species) of philosophical discourse
shares with the other species all the philosophical theorems but from different
perspectives, whereas merismos (partition) would emphasize that each topos (topic)
deals only with a portion of the philosophical theorems. While I agree with her
distinction between division into species (or aspects of an indivisible whole) and
partition into topics (like slices of a divided whole), I am not persuaded that
division and partition can both be applied to the logos.
2
These two definitions form part of T26, the whole of which will be dealt
with in §3.3, especially §3.3.2.
216
1
DL 7.132: to;n de; fusiko;n lovgon diairou' s in ei[" te to;n peri; swmavtwn
tovpon kai; peri; ajrcw'n kai; stoiceivwn kai; qew'n kai; peravtwn kai; tovpou kai;
kenou'. kai; ou{tw me;n eijdikw'", genikw' " d• eij" trei'" tovpou", tovn te peri; kovsmou
kai; to; n peri; tw' n stoiceiv w n kai; triv t on to; n aij t iologikov n . DL 7.84 to; de;
hjqiko;n mevro" th'" filosofiva" diairou' s in ei[" te to;n peri; oJrmh'"... tovpon. Cf.
the similar lack of distinction at, e.g., SE M. 7.11 (diairou'sin eij" to;n peri; tw'n
the divisions of philosophy in which the subdivisions are regularly topoi, and the
divisions of philosophy are m e r e, until 7.24 (logiko;" tovpo") .
2
Plut., St. rep. 1035A=SVF II, 42. See §3.1.1.
Parts 3.1.2 - DL 7.39 217
Chrysippus with his e i d e and those who call the main parts g e n e is as
misleading as the distinction between Apollodorus with his t o p o i and those
who call the main parts g e n e. Those who called the main parts g e n e (and
this should have included all of the major Stoics) could have divided or
partitioned as they saw fit.
While it is clear that the haeresiographer has overstated his case
regarding a difference of opinion between Chrysippus and those who
called the main parts gene, and between Apollodorus and those who called
the main parts gene, it is less obvious that there was no real difference
of opinion between Chrysippus with his species and Apollodorus with his
topics. That there was no real difference of opinion requires demonstration.
We examined in the previous section a passage of Aëtius which stated
explicitly that philosophy itself was tripartite. Here again is the last part
of the passage:1
"For this reason tripartite also is philosophy, whose parts are: one physical,
one ethical and one logical. The physical part whenever we enquire about the cosmos
and the things in the cosmos ( peri; kovsmou kai; tw'n ejn kovsmw/) , the ethical part is
the being busily engaged with human life (peri; to; n aj n qrwv p inon biv o n), and the
logical part with the logos (peri; to;n lovgon), the part which they also call dialectic."
1
Aëtius 1, Prooem. 2=SVF II, 35= L&S 26A. See §3.1.1.
218
1
Cf. Plotinus, V.9.8: kai; o{lo" me;n oJ nou'" ta; pavnta ei[dh, e{kaston de;
ei\do" nou'" e{kasto", wJ" hJ o{lh ejpisthvmh ta; pavnta qewrhvmata, e{kaston de;
mevro" th'" o{lh" oujc wJ" diakekrimevnon tovpw/, e[con de; duvnamin e{kaston ejn tw'/
o{lw/. ktl.
Parts 3.1.3 - DL 7.40 219
1
aJlwhv cannot, in the context, be a vineyard. The alternative translations,
"garden" or "orchard", are more suitable, given the presence of trees, and "orchard"
seems most fitting here. Origen's ajmpelwvn (SVF II, 40) "vineyard", seems to be
derived from this simile. The organic "orchard" simile may have been an improvement
on the inorganic "field" simile influenced by Posidonius' organic "animal" simile,
suggesting that Posidonius reacted not to the "orchard" simile, but to the "field"
simile.
220
parts explicitly, in contrast with Plato who did so implicitly. "Those from
the Stoa" are then mentioned as also holding to this division of philosophy,
and they are the most natural subject for what follows, not Arcesilaus and
the Peripatetics. Those who liken philosophy to an all-fruitful orchard
must be the Stoics. Philo and Origen,1 adduced in support of Ierodiakonou's
argument, are not evidence for a non-Stoic origin. Origen does not mention
the Stoics, it is true; but his account of the "vineyard" simile appears to be
a condensed version of Philo's "field" simile and subsequent argument.2
Philo attributes the argument to the ancients (oiJ palaioiv) ; but these
need not be pre-Stoic. There appear to be one and a half arguments one
might offer in support of a Stoic origin for this simile. The weaker argument
would be the fact that "the Stoics" did in fact avail themselves of this
simile, and that it was first challenged only by Posidonius. Most non-Stoic
ideas did not enjoy such long-lived acceptance. The stronger argument
for a Stoic origin is the fact that Philo reports the "field" simile as used by
"the ancients" to illustrate the division not of philosophy, which one
would have expected were the simile already in use before the Stoics
adopted it, but of the logos kata ten philosophian, a peculiarly Stoic concept.3
To conclude this section, "the Stoics" down to Posidonius used the
"field" simile to illustrate the division of the l o g o s according to philosophy.
Posidonius objected to this simile since it did not show clearly enough
that the parts were of one organic whole. He replaced the "field" simile
with the "animal" simile, which he felt met his objection. Once attention
1
Philo, de agricultura, §14 vol. II p.97,24 Wendl. = SVF I I , 39; Origen,
comment. in Matthaeum Vol. III p.778 Delarue = SVF I I , 40.
2
The similarity of vocabulary suggests that Origen's condensed account
derives from that of Philo or a common source. Philo, however, is in the "field"
tradition followed by Diogenes. Origen's "vineyard" suggests some contamination
with the "orchard" tradition followed by Sextus.
3
Philo, at this point comparing husbandry proper with the husbandry of the
soul, has no occasion to mention the egg or the animal similes. Since, however, both
he and his source are careful enough to maintain the distinction between philosophy
and the logos kata ten philosophian (not maintained by Diogenes at 7.40, or Sextus),
it is probable that other details in Philo's account of the "field" simile are closer to
the original than those in Diogenes' similar account, or Sextus' dissimilar account.
It would appear that the "orchard" simile in Sextus, with its ornate style, is a
rhetorical elaboration of the original "field" simile.
Parts 3.1.4 - DL 7.41 221
had been drawn to the problem, other organic similes were now suggested
by Stoics unhappy with the "animal" simile - the "egg", the "polis", and,
perhaps, the "orchard". Why these Stoics were unhappy with Posidonius'
"animal" simile will be discussed in the following section.
1
DL 7.40-1. Phanias, a pupil of Posidonius, is cited as the source for the
information on (at least) Posidonius. It will be apparent by the end of this section
that the parts in the singular must refer to species, while the parts in the plural
refer to theoremata. In either case, the division is of the logos kata ten philosophian,
and not of philosophy itself.
2
Only Apollodorus in Diogenes' list could fit this pattern, but Plutarch, St.
rep. 1035A-F, quotes Chrysippus advocating not only the order logic, physics,
ethics, but also this order; logic, ethics, physics - with the logos about the gods as
the culmination of the mysteries (1035A = SVF II, 4 2 ) .
222
ethical theory.
It seems to me that two different concepts have been conflated during
the transmission of Stoic doxography, and it is difficult to disentangle
them. The logos kata ten philosophian, i.e., a particular aspect of the one
Logos, may have become confused with the doctrinal exposition of
philosophy - l o g o s as argument - especially since the logos kata ten
p h i l o s o p h i a n is the very body of the t h e o r e m a t a of virtue comprising the
subject of study.1 The process of confusion between the two concepts may
be discerned in the similes.
Sextus says that Posidonius introduced the "animal" simile to illustrate
the inseparability of the parts (i.e., of the logos kata ten philosophian) as
the "orchard" (i.e., "field") simile fails to do. The wall, trees and fruit are
not each the whole field in a particular aspect, and any of the parts may
be removed without affecting the existence of the field. The parts of
Posidonius' simile are each an aspect of the whole animal.2 The whole
animal in one aspect is blood and fleshy matter, in another aspect, bones
and sinews, and in a third aspect, soul.3 Each aspect is necessary for the
existence of the living animal. His simile, then, is more apt than the
"field" simile, since the parts are inseparable (all the aspects are required
for a living animal), are each an aspect of the whole, and are so naturally
(unlike the wall which is artificial).
It has been suggested that Posidonius objected to the order of the
"field" simile.4 The "field" simile has an outer wall (logic), trees (physics),
and finally, fruit (ethics), while the "animal" simile begins with blood/flesh
(physics), follows with bones/sinews (logic), and ends with a soul (ethics).5
As Diogenes Laertius reports, Posidonius believed that physics should be
1
Cf., again, Plut. St. rep. 1035A= SVF II, 42.
2
The simile is not perfect, since the "aspects" of the whole animal are still
to some extent physically distinct, particularly in the case of flesh and bones. Soul
and body would have been a better example of aspects of the same thing, but
Posidonius requires three aspects.
3
Soul is body (soma, i.e., something material) permeating the whole animal,
e.g., SVF II, 785.
4
Ierodiakonou, 136.
5
So Sextus. Diogenes' attribution, bones (logic), flesh (ethics), soul (physics),
makes little sense. Note that all the similes in Diogenes Laertius follow the order:
logic, ethics, physics; a copyist may have sacrificed accuracy for conformity.
224
1
Logic is the defence (wall) or the backbone (and more!) of the system.
Ethics is the fruit or the agent (soul) of the system. Physics is illustrated more
lamely by whatever else is required to complete the picture (trees to hold up the
fruit; fleshy matter).
2
Cf. DL 7.40: kai; ouj q e; n mev r o" tou' eJ t ev r ou aj p okekriv s qai, kaqav tine"
aujtw'n fasin, ajlla; memivcqai aujtav.
3
This should only suggest itself to someone who regards flesh and blood as
the outer layer of the animal, bones and sinews as the middle layer, and the soul as
the inner core. Phanias, Posidonius' pupil and biographer, reports that Posidonius
and Panaetius began with physics, which may have encouraged an interpretation of
Posidonius' animal in this way.
4
As we have already noted, however, even dialectic begins with a physical
exposition of phantasiai. See §3.2.
Parts 3.1 - DL 7.38-41 Summary 225
is emphasized. The egg is also a natural composite. The "field" simile itself
may have been converted deliberately into the "orchard" simile in an
attempt to respond to Posidonius' objection: the wall, trees and fruit are
not organic parts of a field, but they are of an orchard.1 Posidonius'
objection is not met, however, since the parts are not inseparable. The
"egg" simile would have been considered far more satisfactory. Not enough
of the "polis" simile has survived to understand it: an outer wall is
mentioned, but it does not represent logic. In this simile, logic is that
which governs the polis.
1
Admittedly, the wall is not natural in the way that trees and fruit are, but
the orchard itself is not natural in the way a field may be. An orchard is necessarily
artificial, with its fruit normally grown for monetary gain. The wall (or other
defensive perimeter) may be justifiably considered to be an integral part of the
orchard.
226
1
Note that not only eminent Stoics before, but also unknown Stoic inventors
of similes after Panaetius and Posidonius, advocated the order logic, physics, ethics.
Kidd, comm. on F91 (DL 7.40-1), argues that even if Posidonius did begin with
physics, which is arguable, this would have been only for certain teaching purposes,
and would not indicate that Posidonius regarded physics as the most important part
of philosophy in value. Kidd, Posidonius II, on F88 (SE M. 7.16-9), argues that the
animal simile elevates the function of logic to more than mere defence of dogmata,
but on the other hand, emphasizes the equal importance of all the parts.
Parts 3.1 - DL 7.38-41 Summary 227
1
DL 7.40 kai; th;n paravdosin mikth;n ejpoivoun ; Plut. St. rep. 1035E-F. Cf.,