Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 1

Comparing Regionalism:

UNASUR

(Union of South American Nations)

&

PROSUR

(Forum for the Progress and Development of South America)

Yash Goyal, Rohit Deshpande,

Aditya Ashoke & Ishita Bhandari

Prof. Divya Balan

POLS221: Regional Integration and European Union

Department of Social Sciences,

FLAME University
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 2

Introduction

Understanding UNASUR

According to a report published by the Department of the Permanent Secretariat of the

Latin American and the Caribbean Economic System (SELA), UNASUR (Union of South

American Nations) – emulating the European Union – was envisioned to create a space for

political deliberations and mutual respect for the various political, social, and economic activities

of its member States (2015). The Global Agenda for Social Reform aims to curb

socio-demographic class disparity and build a more just and inclusive society through a variety

of social policies and initiatives and promoting democracy, as well as minimizing inequalities in

the strengthening of each Individual State's sovereignty and territorial integrity (Department of

the Permanent Secretariat of SELA, 2015).

As a result, the regional integration view of the world has totally transformed this

century, thanks to these new mechanisms, which, alongside previously established individuals

like the Andean Community (CAN), Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Central American

Integration System (SICA), and Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), depict the

consolidation, transformation, and strengthening of Latin American integration (LAC)

(Department of the Permanent Secretariat of SELA, 2015).

In this sense, the majority of the new methods have outlined a broader range of

integration-related objectives. These goals, in addition to indicating growth in the economic

sector outside the commercial component, now include concerns of activities connected to

political agreements, sense of community, energy collaboration, third-party negotiations,

environmental issues, democratic preservation, and in particular, issues relating to food, poverty,
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 3

healthcare, education, and employment (Department of the Permanent Secretariat of SELA,

2015).

Understanding PROSUR

In January 2019, Colombia's President Juan Manuel Santos announced the creation of the

new South American public policy platform, known as PROSUR, which will be a regional

mechanism for promoting democracy and the independence of powers (Department of the

Permanent Secretariat of SELA, 2015). It was thought to be a right-wing response to UNASUR,

which was considered a left-wing organization. The Governments of Argentina, Chile, Ecuador,

Peru, and Colombia signed the Santiago Declaration on March 22, 2019, and became the original

members of the PROSUR.

Negotiations were headed by Duque and Chilean President Sebastián Piera, who came up

with the idea which invited every country in South America, excluding Venezuela, to join this

group. While the declaration's first item states that the group would be a place "without

exclusions," the fifth item requires the "full exercise of democracy" and also respect to the

constitutional order and the separation of powers. Venezuela would not be asked to join since it

did not satisfy those conditions, Piera confirmed a month before the signing (Nunes, 2019).
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 4

(Paraguassu, 2018)

Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Uruguay, Guyana and Suriname. (Paraguassu, 2018).

Ecuador and Uruguay have withdrawn from UNASUR in 2019 and 2020, respectively

(TeleSUR, 2019; Buenos Aires Times, 2020)

Observer States: Panama and Mexico

Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 5

Timeline of UNASUR & PROSUR

(Baer, 2015)

The Idea of a Unified Latin America

The Idea of a unified Latin America dates back to the 1800s as Simone Bolivar

envisioned unity in the then newly formed Latin America. To realise this vision, he formed Gran

Colombia, consisting of an alliance of Columbia (which included Panama back then), Venezuela

and Ecuador. This was a reaction to the declaration of the Monroe doctrine which has established

latin america as being under the US sphere of influence. Bolivar feared increased US influence

over Latin America and so also invited representatives from the British and the Dutch to

counterbalance against the growing US influence (Baer, 2015).

The ultimate failure of this to evolve into a Union of Latin American Countries led to the

formation of the OAS (Organization of American States) in 1948, a key member of which was

the USA. The OAS secured the influence of the US in the Latin American Region and the

organization largely followed the aims set down by the US. Only in recent years has the

organisation shown defiance, in the form of asking for Cuba’s participation in OAS (Baer, 2015).
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 6

Nevertheless, the reign of OAS was long gone before defiance finally settled in. In 1999,

Hugo Chaves became the president of Venezuela and actively campaigned for a ‘Bolivarian

Revolution,’ aiming to accomplish the goals of Simone Bolivar. Prominent among these goals

was the regional integration Bolivar had envisioned (Baer, 2015).

(Baer, 2015) (Burges, 2018)

Process of Regionalism

UNASUR

The UNASUR’s genesis can be traced back to its incremental development that paved the

way for its final installation. September 01 oversaw what was the First Summit of the South

American countries in Brasilia. Formally steered by the leadership of Brazil who batted for the

idea of a common agenda due to the political diversities of the pan-South American continental

region, the former defense minister of Brazil, Nelson Jobim rationalised the oldest and most

significant sectoral council of UNASUR, the South American Defensive Council (CSD) as a
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 7

“peace zone” which constructed a unified South American ‘identity’ rather than the more

adversarial and confrontational erstwhile left-leaning governments of Venezuela, Bolivia and

Ecuador which sought to establish a military alliance as an indirect affront to the US (Borda,

2014).

In 2004, the idea of UNASUR bore fruit as the Cusco Declaration was signed by 12 Latin

American nations. Despite the organization was still yet to be coined and known through its

official name, the UNASUR was augmented with the other commercial and economic centred

regional organizations of the Common market of the South (MERCOSUR) and Community of

Andean Nations (CAN) (Borda, 2014). The most important effect of the Cusco declaration was

to create an organization which although excluded the US and garnered much desired autonomy

to South America, its primary establishment emerged from the expressly intent of fine-tuning

objectives to champion civil institutions over the military’s dominance in lieu of prioritising

securitisation as the cornerstone of regional integration (Baer, 2015; Borda, 2014).

Later in 2007, the declaration was finally ascribed the name UNASUR (Union of South

American Nations) from the South American Community of Nations (CSN) at the watershed

South American Energy Summit in Venezuela’s Isla Margarita (Baer, 2015; Borda, 2014). The

Council of Heads of State and Government finally drafted a constitutive treaty during a crucial in

Brasilia meeting in 2008 and nominated the capital of Ecuador, Quito, as the headquarters of

UNASUR (Borda, 2014). All member countries approved the treaty upto 2010 and UNASUR

was officially put into effect, operationalized as an transnational juridical personality and

recognized by the United Nations (Borda, 2014; Baer, 2015).

Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 8

This came just in time as UNASUR would be tested in a real world security crisis. The

Columbia-Venezuela crisis gave UNASUR an opportunity to demonstrate its usefulness as it

effectively handled the diplomatic situation, helping it solidify its credibility as a South

American Organisation, uniting the region under one organisation, albeit temporarily. It was only

able to give both sides a fair chance due to the lack of US influence in the organization (the US

was in stern opposition to the Venezuelan regime).

However, this wasn’t to last for long, as the continent lacked the infrastructure to

facilitate the large volumes of intra continent trade that the organization was anticipating (Baer,

2015) . The member countries also lacked economies to sustain such trade. Along with this, the

virtual collapse of the Venezuelan economy eventually led to the downfall of UNASUR (Burges,

2018).

PROSUR

The demise of institutions like the South-American Nations Union (UNASUR) and the

rise of new others such groups as the Lima Group (2017) and also the Forum for

South-American Progress (PROSUR) show that, contrary to popular belief, regional integration

isn't really disappearing, but rather being realigned toward the goals and political and

philosophical stances of new governments. From a historical viewpoint, the replacement of

regional organisms after changes in the political spectrum of each era in Latin America may be

regarded as a constant aspect of its regional processes.

Another essential factor to consider in understanding the trajectories of Latin America's

regionalisms throughout this historical context is their proximity to or separation from the

Pan-American conceptual framework, specifically, North-American influence in its objectives

Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 9

and institutionalization. In this sense, mainly two paths can be observed as a result of proximity

or disassociation from Pan-American regionalisms: those aiming to strengthen Latin-American

independence by dismissing and limiting the United States of America's (USA) impact within the

region, and those aiming to bring Latin-American countries closer to the hegemonic power.

(Honorio, 2019; Bianculli, 2016).

The "Presidential Declaration on the Renewal and Strengthening of South American

Integration" was adopted at a conference of South American presidents on March 22, 2019, in

Santiago, Chile. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay and Peru

expressed their desire to establish and solidify a regional space for coordination and

collaboration in this Declaration, setting the groundwork for the Forum as for Progress of South

America to be launched (PROSUR). For these nations, the initiative will take the place of

UNASUR's function. These were some of the goals and motives of PROSUR which were to be

put into effect:

● The pliable and versatile development of the forum; a thrifty, light structure; transparent and

coherent operating procedures and an efficient decision-making process.

● This Forum will prioritise the discussion of integration problems relating to infrastructure,

economy, health, defense, security, and the fight against crime, as well as the prevention and

response to natural catastrophes, with flexibility.

● The full validity of a democratic republic and the respective constitutional orders; the

advancement, protection, respect, and guarantee of rights and fundamental freedoms; states'
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 10

sovereignty and territorial integrity in accordance with international law, will be essential

requirements for participation in this space (Ministério das Relações Exteriores,2020)

Through the changes listed above, we see that PROSUR is reconstituting the left-leaning

UNASUR into a neoliberal, right-wing group as a newly dominating South American regional

organisation over the past couple of years. This brings forward the shift that the process of

regionalism in South America has gone through over the course of UNASUR and now continues

to be moulded by PROSUR since 2019.

Conclusion

The Process of Regionalism in Latin America has been in the works for two centuries

now. Since the era of Simone Bolivar to contemporary South America, the region has attempted

to create a regional organization under which they can unite. Time and again these attempts have

been made and have seen limited success. A prime example of this is the success and eventual

downfall of UNASUR as chronicled above.

PROSUR is little more than a centre-right alternative to the leftward leanings of

UNASUR. Ultimately it remains to be seen if PROSUR can overcome the deep ideological

divide which today plagues the Latin American region. This divide is very evident in the

purposeful exclusion of Venezuela from the Chilean Summit on the formation of PROSUR on

account of its leftward leanings (El Comercio Perú, 2019). The future of PROSUR remains

dubious as the center right ideology at its core does not easily lend itself to European Union style

integration. Moreover, the pattern of regionalism in South America has served as testimony to
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 11

regionally integrate on the tacit observance of political partisanship rather than consolidate

consensus among all South American nation-states.

While the idea of a unified South American region is still an aspiration for many, the

countries have so far been unable to overcome the deep seated ideological divides which separate

them. The process of regionalism in Latin America is perpetual and dynamic. Neither has it

settled down nor formed a concrete organization like the EU or even ASEAN, but is rather in its

formative stages. With the collapse of UNASUR and the rise of PROSUR, the question remains,

what's next?
Comparing Regionalism: UNASUR & PROSUR 12

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