August 02 Dawn Editorial and Opinion

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Dawn columns 02 August 2021

Editorial
Row over NCSW
EditorialPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 37 minutes ago
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SOME matters are simply too important to play politics on.
Protection of women’s rights is one of them. Unfortunately, the
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long overdue appointment of the chairperson of the National
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Commission on the Status of Women has run into an ugly,
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partisan controversy. Evidence of bias arose in the initial

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shortlisting process itself, but it came to a head two weeks ago

during the in camera meeting of the parliamentary committee to
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appoint the head of the NCSW, a post that had been lying vacant
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for two years. Opposition nominee Fauzia Waqar polled six votes
against five bagged by the PTI candidate Nilofar Bakhtiar. At that
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point, committee chairperson, the PTI’s Falak Naz, announced

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she was using her casting vote whereby both candidates ended
up with equal votes. Legislators from the opposition accused her
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of violating the rules which stipulate that the casting vote is used
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only when both candidates have polled an equal number of votes.

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Last week, the government nevertheless notified Ms Bakhtiar as

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the new NCSW chairperson. The PPP denounced the move in the
strongest terms and rejected the appointment as violating
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parliamentary rules and procedures and therefore illegal. PPP

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MNA Nafisa Shah asked the government to immediately

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withdraw the notification. The matter may now land up in court.
The post of chairperson NCSW has been lying vacant for two years. That
gives an indication as to the importance the government accords a statutory
body mandated to review laws and policies and monitor the
implementation of legislation pertaining to women’s protection, equality
and empowerment. The NCSW also plays a vital role in ensuring that the
government meets its international commitments; it can even advocate for
foreign policy to be shaped in a way to take into account the impact on
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women in Pakistan. The spate of horrific acts of gender-based violence that

have occurred in this country in the last few weeks alone is enough to
underscore why the NCSW must be made fully functional. An effective
NCSW is vital for spearheading efforts to bring about improvement in
women protection laws, and monitoring the way crimes against women are
investigated and prosecuted. In fact, it can even undertake an investigation
itself if not satisfied with the police report.
The Commission was established in 2000 as a landmark development in
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the history of women’s rights in the country. However, after the initial few
years during which it led the way in bringing about several pro-women
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laws, it has often been handicapped by bureaucratic interference, and
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insufficient, inconsistent funding, not to mention delays in appointment of
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members and chairpersons. Enough is enough. Parliament must
demonstrate the political will to review the law under which the NCSW was
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established and ensure that the fully empowered and autonomous
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Commission that was promised comes into existence. The women of
Pakistan deserve nothing less.
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Published in Dawn, August 2nd, 2021
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Mismanaging LNG
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PAKISTAN’S purchase of expensive LNG cargoes for the

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September-October delivery in less than three weeks after

cancelling cheaper deals underlines the government sector’s
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limited capacity to predict markets. At a just under-average rate

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of $15.5 per mmBtu, it is the most expensive spot purchase of gas

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by the country since the previous government started importing

LNG to fill the growing supply gap in 2015. Ironically, the
authorities had rejected the bids ranging between $13mmBtu
and $16mmBtu recently when the global LNG market began
increasing on growing supply disruptions. Surprisingly, the bids
priced between $13.79mmBtu and $13.99mmBtu from Qatar
were also called off in the hope of getting lower offers later
despite clear signs of surging global demand. The decision was

apparently based on the reading of the European markets where

plummeting gas prices had caused the rates in Asian markets to
drop. But not for long.
The authorities have defended the spot purchases of gas at higher rates,
terming it the lesser evil. “Pakistan LNG Ltd … was forced to accept four
LNG ‘spot’ tenders at $15.4 per mmBtu for September 2021; otherwise, the
replacement fuel (furnace oil), which is even more expensive, would have
resulted in September power prices higher by at least 20pc,” said the
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Petroleum Division. But the argument that “no one, without a crystal ball,
can perfectly time or beat an international commodity market” is weak.
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While it is correct that there is no perfect way of predicting the markets, it
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is equally true that the private sector is much better equipped to anticipate
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the market direction. Besides, the private sector also has the capacity to
take quick decisions based on its reading of market dynamics. Impeded by
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regulations, governments do not have such a facility. It is not the first time
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the authorities have made a mess, putting an additional burden on
consumers. Last summer, they couldn’t book cheaper, advance cargoes
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when prices were down, and paid much higher costs during winter when
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demand was at its peak. The fact is that the LNG business is hugely
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mismanaged by the bureaucracy. State agencies don’t have the experience

or capacity to handle it, causing people to suffer. The sooner the
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government removes the impediments blocking the private sector’s

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involvement in the LNG market the better it will be for consumers and the
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national exchequer. The private sector will bring gas at cheaper rates
without causing financial risk to the government.
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Against their will

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THE case of Reena Meghwar has highlighted yet again the

reprehensible practice of forced conversions in the country.
The case emerged last week when a local court in Badin, Sindh, allowed the
victim to leave her ‘husband’ and reunite with her family. This was Reena’s

third appearance in court since February 2021. She retracted her earlier
two statements about converting to Islam and wanting to live with her
‘husband’, saying that her previous stance was on account of the threat to
her family. The court not only ordered her release but also instructed the
police to register new cases against her ‘husband’.
Unfortunately, Reena’s ordeal is not uncommon. Her case is nevertheless

significant because a local court demonstrated its writ without bowing to
influential quarters that are often found supporting the perpetrators.
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Moreover, in a large number of such cases, the physical and emotional
duress of the victims remains in the background, and does not become part
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of the court record.
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Read: Forced conversion, real terror
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A similar case occurred last year when a 13-year-old Christian girl from
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Karachi was allowed to live with her so-called husband by the Sindh High
Court on the basis of spurious documents, and the girl’s statement that she
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was 18 years of age and had married of her own free will. The high court too
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later reversed its decision and put the teenager in protective custody when
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new evidence emerged.

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Estimates indicate that some 1,000 girls from minority communities mostly
in Sindh are forcibly converted to Islam every year in the country. Most of
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them are also under the legal marriageable age, yet the authorities are
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hesitant to take action as the perpetrators often have connections in high

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circles. Implementation of child marriage laws must be ensured to curtail at

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least one aspect of forced conversions. It is also time for the Sindh
Assembly to push back against regressive elements who had taken objection
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to a bill to deter forced conversions and succeeded in stopping its passage.

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OPINION
The Tunisian axis

Zarrar KhuhroPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 29 minutes ago

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The writer is a journalist.

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THE revolution may not be televised but the Tunisian coup is

certainly being live-tweeted. As soon as Tunisian president Kais
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Saied, with the backing of the army and police forces, suspended
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parliament and sacked Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi,

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Twitter burst forth with messages of support for the coup and
condemnation for Mechichi and the ‘Islamist’ Ennahda party
that backed him.
When these tweets were analysed a curious, if predictable, pattern began to

emerge: Marc Owen Jones, an assistant professor of Middle East studies at
Hamad bin Khalifa University, analysed a particularly popular hashtag,
“Tunisians revolt against the Brotherhood” examining about 12,000 tweets
from 6,800 unique accounts in the process. He found that most of those

tweeting on this hashtag were Emirati and Saudi influencers, and that the
vast majority of the pro-coup tweets originated from accounts reporting
their locations as being in the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Tunisians, who
prefer Facebook over Twitter, were noticeably absent.
The use of the word ‘brotherhood’ in the hashtag is a dead giveaway,

referring as it does to the Muslim Brotherhood, a party that is considered
enemy number one (or maybe two or three, depending on the day of the
week) by the rulers of the aforementioned countries. This, then, was a clear
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attempt to link Ennahda to the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that is
persecuted and proscribed in these countries, and which was crushed in
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Egypt following the coup that deposed Mohamed Morsi. If that wasn’t
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obvious enough, the most prominent influencer in this campaign, Saudi
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Monther al-Shaykh called the deposed prime minister the ‘Khamenei of
Tunisia’, thus equating him with the Iranian arch-enemy.
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It didn’t take long to make it official, with the UAE’s foreign minister
Shaikh Abdullah bin Zayed al Nahyan, soon calling his Tunisian
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counterpart, expressing his country’s “full confidence and support” for the
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actions.
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Tunisia was always an important prize.

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This is par for the course for the UAE, and to a lesser extent, Saudi Arabia,
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who have been obsessed with halting and rolling back any hint of
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democracy in the Arab world ever since the Arab Spring swept over the
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region. This was also the genesis of their current rivalry with Turkey, which
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backed the Arab Spring in the hope of seeing potential regional allies
emerge.
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From supporting the Sisi coup in Egypt and backing Sudan’s brutal regime
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against popular protests, to arming Gen Haftar in Libya and conducting

military operations in Yemen, these allies have used a combination of
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largesse, influence and military might to make sure the map of the Middle
East does not change in a way that leaves them out in the cold. The ‘siege’ of
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Qatar was also a part of this strategy, as was the outreach to Israel. And
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despite some tensions in their ties, the UAE and Saudi Arabia have
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remained largely united on these multiple fronts, along with their shared
desire to contain Iran.
Tunisia, despite being on the periphery of the Arab world, was always an
important prize, being the country where the spark of the Arab Spring was
lit. Despite ups and downs democracy has prevailed here ever since, and
worse still, it is Ennahda that emerged as the dominant political force. The
problem is that Ennahda is a representative of ‘moderate’ political Islam,

and in the words of scholar Mustafa Aykol, is in fact ‘post-Islamist’ having

evolved from its genesis as a religious opposition movement into a
consensus-seeking mainstream political party.
Its leader Rashid Gannouchi has for decades advocated not only freedom of
speech but also freedom of religion, stating clearly that a non-Muslim has
as much right to preach his religion to Muslims, as Muslims do to non-
Muslims. Naturally, this sort of thing is anathema to the UAE and Saudi
Arabia who, in Ennahda, see a model that could one day challenge their
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hold in their own countries. Thus, a proactive and aggressive strategy was
needed to strangle this troublesome infant in its crib. Interestingly, Daesh
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has also expressed pleasure at the situation, claiming that the ‘failure of
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democracy’ proves that their approach is the only way forward. One should
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also note that Tunisia was the highest per capita contributor of fighters for
Daesh in the entire world, with 6,000 Tunisians leaving to join Baghdadi’s
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forces.
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I do not presume to say that all was well in Tunisia or that there was not
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popular anger or resentment at a struggling economy, widespread
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inequality and the government’s abysmal handling of the Covid crisis. Far
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from it. There was also disillusionment with democracy itself, given that the
great hopes that sprung out of the deposing of Tunisian dictator Zainul
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Abidine ben Ali have not resulted in any significant improvement in the
lives of ordinary Tunisians. But there is more at play than just that, and in
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the great game underway in the Arab world, Tunisia is just the latest front
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in what promises to be a decades-long war of influence.

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The writer is a journalist.

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Twitter: @zarrarkhuhro
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Life after IMF

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Aqdas AfzalPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 28 minutes ago

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The writer completed his doctorate in economics on a Fulbright

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scholarship.
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THE IMF has raised several warning flags on the economic

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challenges facing developing countries in its latest World

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Economic Outlook. Essentially, the world is now firmly in the

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clutches of a ‘two-track recovery’, where due to strong fiscal and

monetary support and rapid vaccinations, rich countries are
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showing very robust economic growth — the US will have the

strongest growth since 1984. However, in the case of developing
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countries a large number are falling further behind because they

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lack the fiscal or monetary resources or access to vaccines. In

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order to tackle these serious and urgent challenges there is now

a dire need to reimagine — and redesign — the IMF.
Amid the ruins of World War II, as the victors debated the contours of the
new economic world order, John Maynard Keynes proposed an
‘International Clearing Union’ which could confiscate rich countries’
persistent trade surpluses and offer them to poorer ones, thereby making
sure that the gains from trade would accrue to all nations. The US
delegation, however, was in no mood for sharing its reserves or power with

anyone. The US proposal for an ‘International Monetary Fund’ sought to

maintain the supremacy of the US dollar by making it the sole currency
convertible into gold.
This IMF-directed international economic order has not really worked for
the developing countries judging by the lack of convergence between rich
and developing countries’ living standards. Some economists have shown
that it would take most developing countries between 170 and 200 years to
catch up with the living standards of the US provided these countries grow
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two per cent more than the US every year. This was before Covid-19.
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The Covid-19 pandemic has further exposed the economic fragilities of
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developing countries. Where rich countries have been able to inject more
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than $11.5 trillion as stimulus, developing countries have been pleading to
get their loan payments deferred. Where the incidence of poverty has
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almost not budged in the US, almost 20 million people have fallen below
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the poverty line in Pakistan alone. On top of all this, lack of access to
vaccines because rich countries do not want to donate even their surplus
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vaccines will only make life difficult for people residing in developing
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countries.
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Some efforts have been made for reforming the IMF.

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Recently, and under pressure from the developing countries, some efforts
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have been made for reforming the IMF. For starters, IMF is in the process
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of issuing a historic stimulus of around $650 billion. However, the IMF is

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planning to allocate this stimulus or Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) on the

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basis of existing quotas and not on the basis of need.

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According to this formula, Pakistan would get about $2.8 bn, where the US
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would rake in about $113bn. Against the backdrop of massive economic

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devastation in developing countries, the IMF needs to not only increase this
stimulus to at least $1tr, but also distribute it on population and reverse
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quota basis, meaning that bigger countries with smaller quotas like
Pakistan would obtain a significant share of these SDRs.
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The IMF has also rightly highlighted vaccine inequality as the prime reason
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behind gaps in the ongoing economic recovery between rich and developing
countries. As such, developing countries of the world are woefully behind in
vaccinating their populations; some countries in sub-Saharan Africa have
completely run out of the vaccines they received under the Covax
programme. The cost of vaccinating at least 40pc of the people in the entire
world has been calculated at $50bn by the IMF itself. The IMF should push
for this money to be paid through the upcoming stimulus. For a better
world, the IMF also needs to take the lead in making a case for reform in

the sharing of life-saving technologies or pharma patents between the rich

and the developing countries especially during pandemics.
The economic gap between the rich and the developing world is as wide as
ever. The IMF may have representation from the developing countries but
at less than 1pc of the votes each for Indonesia, Pakistan and Nigeria it is
not the best design for safeguarding the interests of the developing world.
In order for the IMF to make tangible value addition in the lives of those
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residing in the developing world, the time has come for some serious
reforms. The institution would perhaps need to be redesigned in order to be
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made more representative as well as more accountable with respect to its
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policies. This is probably what Keynes also wanted to achieve through his
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proposal of setting up an ‘International Clearing Union’. What would this
world have looked like if his proposal had been pursued instead?
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The writer completed his doctorate in economics on a Fulbright
scholarship.
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aqdas.afzal@gmail.com
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Defining sexual harassment

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Sara MalkaniPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 27 minutes ago

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The writer is a lawyer.

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THE Protection against Harassment of Women in the Workplace

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Act was enacted more than 10 years ago. Since then, as cases
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have gone before harassment committees and ombudspersons,

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parties have struggled to determine the scope of incidents

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covered by the law and the nature of employment relationships

that fall within the law’s ambit.
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The Supreme Court recently passed, for the first time, a judgment
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interpreting a key provision of the Act: the meaning of ‘harassment’. In

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‘Nadia Naz v President of Islamic Republic of Pakistan & Others’, the

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Supreme Court stated that the meaning of ‘harassment’ in the context of the
law is limited to harassment that is of a sexual nature. It clarified that
harassment based on any other protected characteristic such as race,
religion or ethnicity is not covered by the 2010 Act, and that conduct that is
abusive or hostile, but not sexual in nature is not ‘harassment’.
The Supreme Court declared that the 2010 Act “confines or limits its
application to sexualised forms, including orientation of unwanted or
unwelcome behaviour or conduct displayed by an accused person towards a

victim or any organization”. The Supreme Court further noted that the
“aggrieved person under the [2010 Act] has the responsibility to prove that
the perpetrator truly had an accompanying sexual intention or overture…”
The judgement, however, does not offer a thorough analysis of the meaning
of sexual harassment. It begs the question: what is the scope of “sexualised”
harassment and what is the nature of conduct that expresses “sexual
intention or overture”.
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Conduct that is rooted in gender-based discrimination and
creates an abusive, hostile work environment must also be
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considered sexual harassment.
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It would be a mistake to think this only covers conduct that relates to sexual
activity or language. Conduct that is rooted in gender-based discrimination
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and creates an abusive and hostile work environment must also be
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considered sexual harassment.
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To understand the extent and nature of conduct that falls under the
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category of sexual harassment, it’s helpful to turn to guidelines of the Equal
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Employment Opportunity Commission of the United States, especially

since the definition of the 2010 Act mirrors this guidance. The EEOC
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guidance states that sexual harassment includes “unwelcome advances,

requests for sexual favours, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual
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nature” as well as sexual misconduct that has the “purpose or effect of

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unreasonably interfering with an individual’s work performance or creating

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an intimidating, hostile or offensive working environment”.

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Sexual harassment is actionable conduct in the United States under the

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Civil Rights Act of 1964 which makes “it an unlawful employment practice
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for an employer … to discriminate against any individual with respect to his

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compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of

such individual’s race, colour, religion, sex or national origin”. The EEOC
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guidelines specify that “sexual harassment” is a form of sex discrimination

prohibited by the Civil Rights Act.
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Interpreting the prohibition against sexual harassment in the workplace,

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the US supreme court has emphasised that the key consideration is whether
discrimination on the basis of sex created an abusive or hostile work
environment for the complainant. One supreme court decision held that
degrading comments addressed to a woman because of her gender (such as
‘you’re a woman, what do you know’, ‘we need a man as a manager’ and
calling the complainant a ‘dumb ass’ woman) constitutes sexual
harassment.

This interpretation was endorsed by the Lahore High Court in a judgement

from 2019, which also favourably cited another US supreme court decision
stating that “in evaluating the severity and pervasiveness of sexual
harassment, we should focus on the perspective of the victim” and that
“conduct that many men consider unobjectionable may offend many
women”.
While Pakistan does not have anti-discrimination legislation of the scope of

the Civil Rights Act in the US, Article 25 of Pakistan’s Constitution provides
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that all citizens are entitled to equal protection of the law. Article 25
specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex. The Statement of
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Objects and Reasons annexed to the 2010 Act states that the “Act builds on
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the principles of equal opportunity for men and women and their right to
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earn a livelihood without fear of discrimination as stipulated in the
Constitution”.
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In light of constitutional obligations, how should we read the Supreme
Court’s recent judgement? Sexual harassment cannot be restricted to
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conduct that is related to the act of sex. Harassment rooted in sex-based
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discrimination should be considered sexual harassment actionable under
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the 2010 Act, which must be read in light of Article 25 of the Constitution.
This is consistent with the purpose of the 2010 Act to address gender
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discrimination that impacts women in the workplace.

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The complete definition of harassment in the 2010 Act supports this view,
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as it includes “sexually demeaning attitudes”. While the court did not

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discuss the meaning of “sexually demeaning attitudes”, the inclusion of this

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phrase shows that the 2010 Act covers workplace conduct that
discriminates against persons because of their gender and creates an
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intimidating or hostile environment.

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The Supreme Court has recognised that while “anyone may be subject to
sexual harassment, in a culture and society like Pakistan, women are the
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distressing majority of victims”. Women face pervasive harassment in the

workplace when they are bullied, stereotyped and denied opportunities and
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benefits because of their gender. The judgement stated that the 2010 Act
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“rather than addressing the issue of harassment in all its manifestations …

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is a myopic piece of legislation that focused only on a minute faction of

harassment”. This appears to be an unduly strong criticism of the law.
While the Act is limited to sexual harassment, it nonetheless covers a wide
range of discriminatory conduct directed to persons because of their gender
that creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment.
The writer is a lawyer.

Back to the future

Maleeha LodhiPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 25 minutes ago
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The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK & UN.
AS concern grows in Pakistan about the fallout of the

deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan, protracted
fighting that morphs into a civil war will pose severe dilemmas
and multiple challenges for the country. Prime Minister Imran
Khan reiterated this fear in a recent interview with an American

TV network when he said such an outcome would be the “worst-

case scenario for the country”.
Pakistan’s security is inextricably tied to Afghanistan. Prolonged strife in its

neighbour will expose Pakistan to security threats that it has dealt with in
the past at a heavy cost in lives and social and economic consequences. For
over four decades Pakistan has borne the brunt of war, foreign military
interventions and conflict in Afghanistan that produced grave
repercussions for the country’s security, stability and economic
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development. The destabilising ramifications are too well known to bear
repetition here. More turmoil on its western frontier would mean the
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country will have to simultaneously deal with internal, regional and
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international challenges that would flow from this outcome.
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In a back-to-the-future scenario Pakistan will be faced with a serious threat
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to its stability if civil war erupts in Afghanistan and spills over into its
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border areas. Pakistan has sought to mitigate this danger by fencing much
of the border, sealing illegal crossing points, increasing border posts,
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strengthening the capacity of the Frontier Corps, upgrading training of law-
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enforcement personnel, enhancing technical surveillance and stationing
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regular troops there. While these measures are necessary, they may not be
sufficient to stop the determined from crossing over given the long border
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and the mountainous terrain and topography.

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Moreover, a chaotic situation across the border will provide fertile ground
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and more space to a host of militant groups to continue operating from

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there. The principal but not only threat is from the TTP (the Pakistani
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Taliban) whose 6,500 members are based in Afghanistan and launch cross-
border attacks from there. A reunified TTP has reinforced its capacity. The
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latest report of the UN’s sanctions monitoring team notes that “the return
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of splinter groups to the TTP fold has increased its strength”. The TTP’s
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links continue with the Afghan Taliban, which are acknowledged by

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Pakistan’s security officials. TTP leader Noor Wali Mehsud surfaced rece-
ntly to announce in a CNN interview that his militant group will continue
its “war against Pakistan’s security forces” and its aim is to “take control of
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the border regions and make them independent”.

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A civil war next door would pose serious threats to Pakistan’s

security and multidimensional challenges.
A surge in violence in North and South Waziristan has led to rising

casualties among Pakistani security personnel in recent months. Since May,
there have been 167 terrorist incidents in KP and Balochistan, an ominous
portent of what could lie ahead. Armed groups residing in Afghanistan
would pose a threat to Pakistan with some making common cause with

elements who were defeated but dispersed after a series of successful

operations by security forces. The UN report says that “a significant part of
the Al Qaeda leadership is based along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border”
while ISIS-K or Daesh “remains active and dangerous”.
Pakistani military officials have already warned of terrorist sleeper cells

being galvanised if there is protracted fighting next door. In Balochistan
there could be a further rise in violent activity by revived dissident and
other groups orchestrated by hostile foreign intelligence agencies. Thus,
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Pakistan’s hard-won gains in its counterterrorism campaign could be
upended. The prime minister said pointedly in the PBS interview that a civil
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war in Afghanistan would mean “terrorism in Pakistan”. Also, forces of
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extremism in the country will take heart and be emboldened by the
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Taliban’s military success.
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A civil war could also lead to a fresh refugee influx into Pakistan which has
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hosted three million Afghan refugees for decades now. Pakistani officials
worry that fighting will force more Afghans to flee with estimates of new
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refugees ranging from 500,000 to 700,000. Apart from instituting more
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effective border controls the government is working on a plan to establish
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camps near the border to prevent refugees from entering the mainland.
Whether the Iranian ‘model’ can work here is open to question especially as
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tribes are so intertwined on both sides of the border. Using the

nomenclature ‘externally displaced Afghans’ to describe them could put at
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risk international assistance for these refugees as that depends on their

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refugee status. World Bank funding for refugees too could be in jeopardy.
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Then there is the likely economic fallout that Pakistan also experienced in
the past. Given how fragile and vulnerable the economy is the shock from a
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civil war next door and threat of violence at home will jeopardise prospects
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of growth and investment. This will place Pakistan in a zone of instability

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which will dampen trade and investment badly needed to achieve economic
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growth targets. The recent past shows that Pakistan had to bear billions of
dollars in economic losses in the aftermath of 9/11 when the ‘war on terror’
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spilled over into the country’s border areas and cities.

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Beyond this, a civil war can lead to a regional proxy war, as it did in the
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past, but with more damaging consequences and drawing in more countries
that perceive threats to their security and are already beefing up their
defences. It could turn out to be fiercer than what followed the Russian
military withdrawal in the 1990s as neighbours and near neighbours act to
protect their interests. More regional states have security concerns now
than was the case during Afghanistan’s previous bout of civil war because of
transnational armed groups and foreign terrorist fighters who operate from
there. They include ETIM, Daesh, IMU, TTP and of course Al Qaeda. There

are also fears of fighters in Syria relocating to the region. A proxy war could
trigger a regional geopolitical crisis of uncertain proportions.
All this may sound alarmist but it is predicated on a worst-case scenario of

Afghanistan descending into chaos and civil war. This only underlines the
urgency of regional and international diplomatic efforts to avert such an
outcome. There is time yet for these efforts to make headway. Ultimately
however, it will be up to the Afghan parties to make the difficult
compromises that can deliver peace to their long-suffering people.
18
The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK & UN.
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Daily, Weekly, Monthly Update 03410280618

Dawn columns 02 August 2021

partisan controversy. Evidence of bias arose in the initial

shortlisting process itself, but it came to a head two weeks ago

point, committee chairperson, the PTI’s Falak Naz, announced

only when both candidates have polled an equal number of votes.

Last week, the government nevertheless notified Ms Bakhtiar as

parliamentary rules and procedures and therefore illegal. PPP

MNA Nafisa Shah asked the government to immediately

withdraw the notification. The matter may now land up in court.

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women in Pakistan. The spate of horrific acts of gender-based violence that

The Commission was established in 2000 as a landmark development in

EditorialPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 38 minutes ago

PAKISTAN’S purchase of expensive LNG cargoes for the

September-October delivery in less than three weeks after

limited capacity to predict markets. At a just under-average rate

of $15.5 per mmBtu, it is the most expensive spot purchase of gas

by the country since the previous government started importing

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apparently based on the reading of the European markets where

mismanaged by the bureaucracy. State agencies don’t have the experience

government removes the impediments blocking the private sector’s

Published in Dawn, August 2nd, 2021

Against their will

EditorialPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 2 minutes ago

THE case of Reena Meghwar has highlighted yet again the

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Unfortunately, Reena’s ordeal is not uncommon. Her case is nevertheless

new evidence emerged.

hesitant to take action as the perpetrators often have connections in high

circles. Implementation of child marriage laws must be ensured to curtail at

to a bill to deter forced conversions and succeeded in stopping its passage.

Published in Dawn, August 2nd, 2021

The Tunisian axis

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The writer is a journalist.

THE revolution may not be televised but the Tunisian coup is

parliament and sacked Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi,

When these tweets were analysed a curious, if predictable, pattern began to

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The use of the word ‘brotherhood’ in the hashtag is a dead giveaway,

Tunisia was always an important prize.

against popular protests, to arming Gen Haftar in Libya and conducting

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and in the words of scholar Mustafa Aykol, is in fact ‘post-Islamist’ having

in what promises to be a decades-long war of influence.

The writer is a journalist.

Published in Dawn, August 2nd, 2021

Life after IMF

Aqdas AfzalPublished August 2, 2021 - Updated 28 minutes ago

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The writer completed his doctorate in economics on a Fulbright

THE IMF has raised several warning flags on the economic

challenges facing developing countries in its latest World

Economic Outlook. Essentially, the world is now firmly in the

clutches of a ‘two-track recovery’, where due to strong fiscal and