August 08 Dawn Editorial and Opinion

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Dawn Columns 08 August 2021

Editorial
Chaos in education
EditorialPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour ago
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WHILE there is little doubt that Pakistan has fared better than
many countries in terms of damage caused by the ongoing Covid-
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19 pandemic, quite a bit of this success appears to be down to
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luck. There is certainly no lack of chaos amongst the ranks of
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authority, and a tendency to work with little inter-provincial

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coordination. A case in point is the educational sector, where

millions of students have suffered an unprecedented degree of
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uncertainty created by the absence of a coherent policy

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regarding attendance at educational institutes at both the centre

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and provincial levels.

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It is essential to note that the same challenge is being faced by every

country, to a greater or lesser degree depending on the extent to which that
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country has been impacted by successive waves of the virus and the ability
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of respective governments to recognise that this is an ongoing and difficult

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situation and to act accordingly. But to come down to specifics, in Pakistan

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each wave has been met with a piecemeal response, one that often works at
cross purposes. On Wednesday, in Islamabad, the Inter-Provincial
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Education Ministers’ Committee decided that except for badly hit Sindh, all
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educational institutions would run in-person classes, but that attendance

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would be staggered. However, it was decided that universities and colleges

will remain open without restrictions. If the logic is that older students (the
minimum age for vaccination in Pakistan is 18) will presumably have been
vaccinated, are we to understand that it will be ensured that each and every
individual on campus will have proof thereof? Through the 18th
Amendment, education is a provincial matter; but surely the very existence
of the IPEMC is to ensure some degree of uniformity in responses, even
though Covid-19-related data on each province and city fluctuates on a
daily basis. What we have at stake here is the future of an entire generation
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of students in a country with already abysmal literacy rates. Surely more

forward-looking mechanisms can be devised.
Published in Dawn, August 8th, 2021
Looming peril
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THE situation in Afghanistan continues to deteriorate as Afghan
Taliban capture more territory and start to threaten major cities.
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Britain has advised its citizens to evacuate Afghanistan
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immediately given the gravity of the situation. Prospects of a
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negotiated settlement of the conflict appear remote and all

domestic and external stakeholders are now bracing for a
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protracted civil war. The spillover of this violence will affect all
neighbours of Afghanistan and the region as a whole. Diplomatic
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efforts by the US, Russia, China, Iran and Pakistan have failed to
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produce dividends and therefore it is prudent to ask who should

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share the blame for this terrible fate that has befallen
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Afghanistan. There is enough blame for everyone, which means

it is unfair to pin most of it on Pakistan that the US and many
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Western countries appear to be preparing to do. Pakistan may

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have made mistakes in the past by choosing favourites but times

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have changed and lessons have been learnt.

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It is true that Pakistan has in the past enjoyed significant leverage with the
Taliban but the poor outcome of the Doha talks shows that this leverage is
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now limited. This was evident when on Friday the Taliban shut a border
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crossing with Pakistan, demanding that visa restrictions be eased. Indeed,

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no country will be more adversely affected by the situation in Afghanistan

than Pakistan. It is in Pakistan’s interest that violence subsides and a
power-sharing arrangement between the Taliban and the Kabul
government is reached. The absence of such an agreement is not due to lack
of trying by Pakistan.
The threat of terrorism spilling across into our territory has now become a
major concern. It is estimated that terrorists belonging to TTP, Al Qaeda

and IS number over 7,000 and are based in Afghan territory across the
border from Pakistan. The chances of them slipping into Pakistan along
with the flow of refugees are very real. These concerns have been
communicated to all key players and it is hoped that the gravity of such
threats will be duly acknowledged by them. The primary concern for
Pakistan at this stage should be security of the homeland. There is not
much that it can do to stabilise the situation in Afghanistan but there is a
lot that it must do to minimise the impact of the potential spillover. During
their recent visit to the US, National Security Adviser Moeed Yusuf and DG
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ISI Lt Gen Faiz Hameed are reported to have communicated these concerns
to US officials. Foremost among these concerns is Pakistan’s argument that
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refugees should be camped on the Afghan side of the border. The issue
remains unresolved and can balloon into a crisis if not handled in a timely
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manner. The Pakistani leadership should start communicating its policies
in light of the evolving situation so that there is no ambiguity on where we
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stand.
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TikTok ban
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THE Islamabad High Court’s directive to the Pakistan

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Telecommunication Authority that it should review its ban on

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the short video-sharing app TikTok is a much-needed call for

preserving the right to freedom of expression and digital rights
in an environment of intimidation. This week, IHC Chief Justice
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Athar Minallah raised some relevant and critical questions about

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the telecom authorities’ decision to ban the platform. The judge

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observed that the authority cannot use its powers in an

“unbridled manner” to block access to a popular app just
because of its misuse by a few users. He also dubbed the action
as moral policing in an arbitrary manner, saying this is not the
job of the PTA. He noted that the benefits of the platform
outweigh the disadvantages, and questioned whether the PTA
had even applied proper standards for judging obscenity or

immorality. It also emerged that the PTA had not consulted the
government before taking this controversial step.
The PTA’s disdain for TikTok is obvious, given how the authority jumps at
every opportunity to ban it. But this also betrays the censor-happy
authority’s poor understanding of the platform. TikTok allows its users the
unfettered freedom to create anything, and encourages originality and
humour. It is used by citizens of all ages, across the socioeconomic divide
and in every corner of the country. TikTok users are not just people having
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harmless fun, they are also teaching skills, have a political voice and are
talking about all kinds of experiences. The fact that our telecommunication
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authority fails to see the value in this content is unfortunate, and, instead,
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points to an appalling inclination to censor any platform that allows
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individuals to have a voice. Though platforms have more work to do to
improve their community standards, it is unclear what the government’s
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reservations are. Lumping all the so-called objectionable content under the
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umbrella term of ‘obscenity’ is unacceptable, as is the lack of transparency
in the regulator’s complaints. The fact that it has a history of policing
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‘morality’ only compounds the problem. The PTA needs to engage with the
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government and communicate its reservations about the content it deems
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genuinely harmful. These reservations can then be taken to the platform for
review. Consulting with digital rights experts and activists would be greatly
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beneficial in this process. This blanket ban on an app that democratises

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creativity and is a source of considerable income for scores of citizens is

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foolish and anti-people.

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OPINION
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Emerging threats
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Muhammad Amir RanaPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour

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The writer is a security analyst.

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GROWING insecurity and violence in Afghanistan are not only

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reducing the space for intra-Afghan political reconciliation, they

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are also threatening Pakistan’s border and internal security.

Anti-Pakistan terrorist groups like the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban
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Pakistan (TTP) will be further emboldened if the Afghan Taliban

continue to gain ground in Afghanistan. But that may not be the
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whole story. Religiously inspired extremist groups of all shades,

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violent and non-violent, will also seek inspiration from the

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Afghan Taliban’s ‘victories’. A new war of narratives will emerge

in the country, which will transform ongoing debates about state
and society and the role that religion plays.
The situation in Afghanistan is changing the character of terrorist groups

sheltering there. For instance, TTP chief Noor Wali Mehsud said in a recent
interview with CNN that his group aimed to make the tribal districts of
Pakistan (along the Afghan border) independent. He also claimed that the
TTP could take back control of the Pakistani tribal areas if forced to leave

Afghanistan. Apparently, this is a new position of the group; the previous

one was to establish an Islamic order in the entire country. Mehsud has
elaborated the new strategy of the group in his manifesto Inqilab-i-Mehsud,
and the notion of an independent state in the tribal region is being shaped.
In an ideological context, it shows that Al Qaeda’s influence over the group
is weakening. One of the key goals of Al Qaeda has been the restoration of
the caliphate system in the world, which was repeatedly echoed in the
statements of TTP leaders. But it seems that in recent years, the TTP has
sought more inspiration from its chief mentors ie the Afghan Taliban
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leadership in Afghanistan, which has apparently helped develop the TTP’s
nationalist credentials.
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Although there does not exist any demand for an independent state in the
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tribal or merged districts, the TTP may have started believing that a
nationalist rhetoric can boost its lost legitimacy among the tribes. It would
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also have learned from the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement that a nationalist
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agenda can make it popular among the masses, even though it cannot
transform itself into a rights-based movement.
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The TTP had developed the credentials of an insurgent group for a short
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time when it had territorial control in some tribal districts. But after its
defeat and relocation to Afghanistan, it remains a terrorist group in
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essence. By adding the objective of establishing a state to its agenda, the

group is seemingly trying to appear as an insurgent movement, like the
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Baloch insurgents. But will this agenda ‘transformation’ confine the group
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to the tribal districts? Will it no longer launch terrorist attacks in other

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parts of the country? And what relations will it have with its non-tribal
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supporters and sympathisers in other parts of the country? The TTP is still
found to be involved in terrorist attacks beyond the tribal districts. It is not
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certain what kind of tribal nationalist characteristics it will develop or how

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popular the idea is within its close circles.

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The situation in Afghanistan is changing the character of

terrorist groups sheltering there.
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If real, this transformation indicates another threat; it can push non-tribal

militants into the fold of the Islamic State (IS) group and Al Qaeda or force
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them to form small militant outfits, if abandoned by the TTP, to pursue

their own ideological agenda. Another danger is that a TTP fully focused on
the tribal areas will be stronger in terms of its terrorist operations. It has
already intensified its attacks against Pakistani security and law-
enforcement personnel in ex-Fata as indicated by the more than 15 attacks
it launched against military and police there in July.

IS still exists in Pakistan though it is not as potent as it was until 2018. But
its potential cannot be underestimated as it can attract disillusioned youth
especially those in banned organisations like Jamaatud Daawa and Jaish-e-
Muhammad. The ongoing action by the government against these
organisations may push these youths towards groups like IS. Not being able
to celebrate the victory of their fellow ideologists adds to their
dissatisfaction. This requires extra vigilance by the law-enforcement
departments.
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The religious groups which have no sectarian bond with the Afghan Taliban
can also learn from the latter’s tactics. At the same time, they may take to
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the streets, fearing that rival sects could encroach on their turf, as
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happened in the 1980s. More precisely, the banned Tehreek-i-Labbaik
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Pakistan can react in such situations to keep themselves relevant and their
subscription intact. The Shia organisations, too, will face pressure, as a
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sense of insecurity will also prevail among them.
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However, a major threat will come from the Taliban’s supporters in
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religious and political parties and the media. The activation of the
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‘glorification syndrome’ is already evident in prevalent media narratives;
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the state is itself feeding such narratives through promoting dramas that
are based on fictional depictions of historical characters.
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It is not certain to what extent state institutions are prepared for the next
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phase of an ideological or a narrative warfare in the country and how they

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will deal with it, but at least they have a framework available now, which
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was missing in the past. The National Action Plan can be revamped; it was a
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consensus policy document that provided support in the war against

terrorism.
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Paigham-i-Pakistan is another document that has been signed by

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thousands of religious scholars of all schools of thought. Paigham-i-

Pakistan is a comprehensive counter-narrative against all forms of religious
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hate, but state institutions have not properly used the document. Moderate
religious scholars, civil society and the media must bring Paigham-i-
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Pakistan into the public sphere so that the prevailing ideological confusion
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can be minimised.
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The role of parliament cannot be ignored or undermined as this is the

forum which can help not only build consensus but also give direction for
the future course of the country. Once again there is a need for extensive
discussions in parliament over the changing regional and internal security
scenarios, their implications, and the possible ways out.
The writer is a security analyst.

Covid travel notes

Abbas NasirPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour ago
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The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
AS Covid-19 mass vaccination hovers around the 60 per cent

mark of the fully vaccinated population in most of Europe, its
impact on serious illness, hospitalisation, mortality and public
confidence is visible compared to the summer of 2020.

Last summer, resort towns and beaches were more or less deserted with
regional lockdowns being enforced in many countries and neither EU
nationals nor their own citizens had the freedom of movement they have a
year down the line.
In the small town by the Mediterranean midway between Valencia and

Alicante where we currently are, the July-August population, swollen by a
rush of holidaymakers, soars to some five, even six, times of the normal.
But last year, that was not the case.
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This year, a quick dash to the supermarket leaves you wondering where you
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are as, in a matter of a few moments, you hear Dutch, German, French,
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Flemish, Polish, Russian, and, of course, English being spoken around you,
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in addition to Spanish. I have seen car number plates from the Baltic states
too.
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The tourists are here like a tidal wave and have swamped
everything from beaches to roads to supermarkets to
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restaurants to local shops.
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The tourists are here like a tidal wave and have swamped everything from
beaches to roads to supermarkets to restaurants to local shops. The
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residents of the town understand the significance of the tourist to the local
economy.
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But the too cavalier, badly behaved tourist is a pain. Inconsiderate

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behaviour is so annoying with some of them dumping their rubbish on the

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streets and roads rather than walking/ driving to the communal bins that
dot this town every few hundred metres.
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Some holiday-makers are found playing loud music till almost sunrise. One
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assumes they collapse from sheer exhaustion after their all-night karaoke
and dance, not to mention an excess of food and drink. On one night alone,
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the police reported attending to 135 noise complaints in villas in our small
town.
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Thus, there is always underlying tension between the fulltime residents and
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these seasonal visitors. This is not to say local business owners have not
welcomed the surge in visitors, particularly after a dismal 18 months where
many were forced to pull down their shutters, lay off staff and barely
survive in a hand-to-mouth situation themselves.
A restaurateur friend is displaying an earlobe-to-earlobe smile this year.

Seeing the rush at supermarkets which are now open seven days a week it
will be safe to say that they are raking it in and already employing many
more people for the summer than even two years ago.

I say this simply because after suffering long periods of lockdowns and/or
seeing at least some among friends and family face the full brunt of the
pandemic, one notices many people appear to be holidaying with a sense of
vengeance this year. Mandatory masks indoors are the only reminders of
the pandemic. Those who were able to hold on to their jobs during the
pandemic must clearly have greater holiday budgets than usual as most
could not take a break in 2020.
After being fully vaccinated, we also decided to take a small holiday in the
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Dordogne region of France and then the Spanish side of the Pyrenees about
three weeks ago. Sadly, our budget was abysmal but I am not complaining.
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France today is just ahead of Romania and Bulgaria in the fully vaccinated
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ranking and behind most of its EU/European neighbours. When we visited
our lovely (vaccinated) friends Jose and Mylene in the area most famous for
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foie gras (love it or hate it), the usually busy touristy region appeared quite
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deserted. Looked like Covid was casting a long shadow.
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Driving through the Pyrenees on our way back, the traffic and the number
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of people at least on the French side appeared far less than other years
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when we have been in the area of beautiful green mountains, streams,

lakes, meadows, and the tell-tale clanging of the bells around the milch
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cows’ necks.
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Driving down to the other side to Huesca in northeast Spain and then
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looping back towards the mountains brought us to the small village of

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Loarre. A few kilometres away is the Loarre Castle which celebrated its
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1,000th anniversary last year quietly amidst the Covid lockdown.

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Built high up on rocky ridges/projections of a mountainside as a lookout

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post when the Moors were being pushed back from the north, it has a
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commanding view which, on a clear day, enables those in the ramparts to

see as far as Zaragoza some 100 kilometres to the south.
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The flow of tourists on the Spanish side seemed a bit heavier than the
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French side of the Pyrenees but the locals told us it was nowhere near pre-
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Covid years. Still, as the Spanish vaccination drive moves apace, having
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overtaken even the UK’s, confidence and visitors are returning fast.
As we drove back from mountains southeast towards our own little town
some 550 km away via Zaragoza and then Teruel we drove past another
stark reminder of our Covid-hit world. Teruel airport has been developed as
a commercial aircraft storage facility.

In the normal course, what is visible from the motorway as you zoom to
your destination is a couple of dozen aircraft, some cannibalised, on a vast
tarmac. But currently, there are nearly 100 planes parked there.
Easily identifiable markings and makes tell you that there are a number of
commercial airliners parked there belonging to, for example, Lufthansa
(two A-380s included) and British Airways Boeing 747s among others.
While global aviation and airlines show signs of recovering from the natural
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calamity, Covid-19’s ravages will pale into insignificance when viewed
against the manmade disaster that visited our national flag carrier PIA in
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the shape of Aviation Minister Ghulam Sarwar Khan. Can PIA ever recover
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from that?
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The writer is a former editor of Dawn.
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abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

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Provisional status
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Sajjad AhmadPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour ago

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The writer is lecturer at the School of Economics and Social Sciences, IBA,
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and author of The Gilgit-Baltistan Conundrum: Dilemmas of Political

Integration.
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LAST year, after a high-profile meeting on the status of Gilgit-

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Baltistan, Interior Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed told the media

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that all political parties had agreed on a provisional provincial

status for GB. The meeting was attended by government and
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opposition parties as well as army chief Gen Qamar Bajwa. Last

year on Nov 1, the anniversary of GB’s independence from Dogra
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rule, Prime Minister Imran Khan, while visiting Gilgit, said GB

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would be given provisional provincial status.

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Going forward, the law and justice ministry recently finalised the draft of
the 26th Amendment to the Constitution, submitting it to the prime
minister for review. The proposed legislation is aimed at awarding GB
provisional provincial status, and is expected to be presented in parliament
for debate. If passed by a two-thirds majority in parliament, GB would
likely be given the status of province through an amendment in Article 1 of
the Constitution. But will this amendment resolve GB’s chronic issues?

Since the independence of Gilgit on Nov 1, 1947, and the end of Dogra rule,
Pakistan has administered the region through the centre, initially by
imposing the colonial-era FCR and setting up a ministry for Kashmir and
the Northern Areas. Dogra forces captured and annexed Baltistan in 1840
while later after the Treaty of Amritsar, Gilgit was also captured. However,
other small kingdoms beyond Gilgit remained independent and never came
under Dogra subjugation. Hence maintaining that the entire Gilgit region
was part of Dogra’s Kashmir state is historically debatable. The locals also
argue that Baltistan and Gilgit were taken through force and hence cannot
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be considered a part of Kashmir.
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However, in the early period of the Kashmir dispute, Pakistan merged the
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region of GB with Kashmir to gain more votes in a possible UN plebiscite on
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Kashmir. Hence Pakistan’s international position is that Kashmir as of Aug
14, 1947, included GB, and that the issue will be decided later. This makes
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GB itself a disputed territory between India and Pakistan. This also resulted
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in the lack of representation of GB lawmakers in the national legislature.
GB until 2009 was governed through the centre. In 2009, a reform order
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transferred some powers to elected representatives. But a parallel system of
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federally appointed civil servants is still intact; they enjoy more powers and
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resources. The locals argue that their assembly and lawmakers are not
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empowered in policymaking and financial matters.

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Will the 26th Amendment resolve GB’s chronic issues?

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The bill is expected to be passed in the national legislature as the PTI-led

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government maintains that all parties favour a provisional provincial status

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for GB. Both the main opposition parties, the PPP and PML-N, have a
history of introducing reforms in GB. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto pioneered reforms
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which abolished the FCR, and ended local raja rule and forced labour in
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GB. The PPP in 1994 introduced the first party-based elections and in 2009
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promulgated the GB Empowerment and Self-Governance Order.

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The PML-N in 2015 constituted a high-powered Committee on

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Constitutional and Administrative Reforms in GB which was convened by

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the former adviser to the prime minister on foreign affairs, Sartaj Aziz. The
committee reviewed the constitutional status and administrative set-up.
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After consultation with major stakeholders, the committee recommended a

provisional provincial status for GB until the final settlement of the
Kashmir dispute.
The PTI formed the government for the first time in GB after last year’s
election with a promise to address the grievances of locals and it pledged to
award GB provisional provincial status. If the amendment goes ahead, the
PTI will be the first party to resolve the region’s constitutional ambiguity.

Its recent victory in AJK elections is also a significant development as

opposition from the AJK assembly against a provisional provincial status
for GB is likely to be reduced.
For representation of GB in the national legislature, Articles 51 and 59 of

the Constitution also need to be amended. But representation is not the
only concern. Access for GB’s lawmakers to all constitutional bodies like the
National Finance Commission, National Economic Council, Council of
Common Interests, the Indus River System Authority, etc will be pivotal.
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People also want the complete transfer of administrative, financial, and
legislative powers from the centre to the (future) province, in keeping with
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the 18th Amendment.
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How legislators will deal with Article 257 which relates to accession of the
state of Jammu and Kashmir to Pakistan and to what extent the proposed
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bill will transfer the powers to GB remains to be seen. Constitutional expert
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Dr Syed Jaffar Ahmed says that “going beyond our present position on GB
might affect Pakistan’s international position on Kashmir issue”.
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The writer is lecturer at the School of Economics and Social Sciences, IBA,
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and author of The Gilgit-Baltistan Conundrum: Dilemmas of Political

Integration.
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Twitter: @saj_ahmd
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Displaced Afghans
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Dr Noman AhmedPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour ago

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The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi.

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AS Afghan Taliban fighters gain ground next door, the possibility

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of a mass exodus of Afghan civilians is becoming increasingly

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likely. Thousands of ordinary Afghans are leaving their homes as

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the conflict intensifies. Tragic memories of the Soviet-era war in

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Afghanistan are still fresh in the minds of the elderly Afghans

who bore the brunt. Many left their country and arrived in
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Pakistan.
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A sizable number of Afghans were accommodated in refugee camps set up

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and managed by the UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, and other supporting
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organisations. Hundreds of such camps were set up primarily in KP from

where many Afghans came to various cities and towns, mainly Peshawar
and Karachi. At one point, Pakistan hosted over 4.5 million Afghan
refugees. According to the UNHCR, 1.4m still live in Pakistan with over
300,000 in Karachi alone.
As Afghanistan braces for further displacement, there are concerns of

migration to neighbouring countries. The interior minister has said that
Pakistan will follow the ‘Iran model’ in dealing with refugees. This model

restricts refugees to camps in border locations and prevents them from

entering cities and towns. Stricter border control is being discussed.
If Afghan refugees arrive in Pakistan, it will be very difficult to keep them in

camps. Past experience shows that a number of them have social
connections and will opt to live in Karachi. There are exclusive informal
settlements where Afghans have continued to live for about four decades.
The Afghan basti (settlement) along Sohrab Goth is an example. Afghans
with meagre resources make it to such informal settlements that are spread
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across various locations in the city. Better-off Afghans are found living in
Gulshan-i-Iqbal, the upmarket neighbourhoods of District East and even
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affluent neighbourhoods like Defence.
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Refugees from Afghanistan will likely be drawn to Karachi.
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Migration to Karachi is already high. The results of the 2017 census show
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that Pakhtuns constitute 15 per cent of the total population — one of the
highest concentrations outside KP and Balochistan. With language and
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sociocultural affinities, Afghans generally find the Pashto-speaking
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population a huge social resource in the metropolis.
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Research shows that while the UNHCR made possible the repatriation of
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Afghan refugees during better times, their footprint remains in Karachi

where many young Afghans were born and raised. They never returned to
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Afghanistan and see Karachi as their future. Some well-connected Afghans

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have even acquired CNICs making them ‘citizens’. While our agencies
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officially treat Afghans as foreign nationals, according them refugee status,

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the reality of their lives is different. Certain political parties also support
citizenship rights for Afghans born and living in this country.
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Karachi is thus an attractive city for newcomers. Most of Karachi’s

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livelihood opportunities lie in the informal sector. There are many sectors
where those of Afghan origin dominate. Waste management and
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enterprises related to trash collection, disposal and resource recovery have

a sizable Afghan presence. These energetic entrepreneurs have upgraded
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their capacity. From isolated waste pickers and scavengers, they now run
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well-managed collection services, sorting and separation yards etc. They

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have also invested capital to acquire vehicles and rented premises to run
their business. Various informal settlements in Karachi have these
enterprises in abundance. At the other end, illegal activities, such as drug
trafficking and gun-running, also absorb some sections of displaced people.
The challenges for the provincial administration, that acts in lieu of a local
government, are considerable. How does the administration intend to
accommodate new Afghan refugees? Do we have a city-level plan to extend

urban basic services including healthcare and education? Has a

coordination mechanism been worked out with the centre to deal with the
matter? Unfortunately, although the migrant population adds substantial
numbers to the city every year, there is no response with respect to housing
and community facilities by the administration.
Parties that consider Karachi their traditional political bastion are averse to
accommodating migrants, including Afghans. For them, the new population
aligns itself with their political opponents. Such beliefs only deepen social
18
fault lines. A rational approach to dealing with this impending situation is
to begin a dialogue with the centre and prepare for the expected inflow of
6
refugees.
80
02
Karachi already lacks a city plan to guide development and management
trends. With more people — including Afghans — knocking at its door, an
41
effective rehabilitation strategy is needed. The federal government can
03
revitalise the National Alien Registration Authority to streamline the
presence of non-citizens. A human crisis can be averted if proper plans and
s
guidelines are in place and if there is no further delay.
te
da
The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi.

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August 08 Dawn Editorial and Opinion

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Daily, Weekly, Monthly Update 03410280618

Dawn Columns 08 August 2021

authority, and a tendency to work with little inter-provincial

coordination. A case in point is the educational sector, where

uncertainty created by the absence of a coherent policy

regarding attendance at educational institutes at both the centre

and provincial levels.

It is essential to note that the same challenge is being faced by every

of respective governments to recognise that this is an ongoing and difficult

situation and to act accordingly. But to come down to specifics, in Pakistan

educational institutions would run in-person classes, but that attendance

would be staggered. However, it was decided that universities and colleges

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of students in a country with already abysmal literacy rates. Surely more

Published in Dawn, August 8th, 2021

negotiated settlement of the conflict appear remote and all

produce dividends and therefore it is prudent to ask who should

Afghanistan. There is enough blame for everyone, which means

Western countries appear to be preparing to do. Pakistan may

have made mistakes in the past by choosing favourites but times

have changed and lessons have been learnt.

crossing with Pakistan, demanding that visa restrictions be eased. Indeed,

no country will be more adversely affected by the situation in Afghanistan

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EditorialPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour ago

THE Islamabad High Court’s directive to the Pakistan

Telecommunication Authority that it should review its ban on

the short video-sharing app TikTok is a much-needed call for

Athar Minallah raised some relevant and critical questions about

the telecom authorities’ decision to ban the platform. The judge

observed that the authority cannot use its powers in an

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beneficial in this process. This blanket ban on an app that democratises

creativity and is a source of considerable income for scores of citizens is

foolish and anti-people.

Published in Dawn, August 8th, 2021

Muhammad Amir RanaPublished August 8, 2021 - Updated about an hour

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The writer is a security analyst.

GROWING insecurity and violence in Afghanistan are not only

reducing the space for intra-Afghan political reconciliation, they

are also threatening Pakistan’s border and internal security.

Pakistan (TTP) will be further emboldened if the Afghan Taliban

whole story. Religiously inspired extremist groups of all shades,

violent and non-violent, will also seek inspiration from the

Afghan Taliban’s ‘victories’. A new war of narratives will emerge

The situation in Afghanistan is changing the character of terrorist groups

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Afghanistan. Apparently, this is a new position of the group; the previous

essence. By adding the objective of establishing a state to its agenda, the

to the tribal districts? Will it no longer launch terrorist attacks in other

certain what kind of tribal nationalist characteristics it will develop or how

popular the idea is within its close circles.

The situation in Afghanistan is changing the character of

If real, this transformation indicates another threat; it can push non-tribal

them to form small militant outfits, if abandoned by the TTP, to pursue

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phase of an ideological or a narrative warfare in the country and how they

consensus policy document that provided support in the war against

Paigham-i-Pakistan is another document that has been signed by

thousands of religious scholars of all schools of thought. Paigham-i-

The role of parliament cannot be ignored or undermined as this is the