DEMOCRACY WITHIN POLITICAL PARTIES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PPP

AND PMLN

(RESEARCHERS) (SUPERVISOR)

AHMAD NAWAZ (FA19A7MA025) PROF. HUNSI MUBARAK

DEPARTEMENT OF POLITICAL
SCIENCE

ISLAMIA UNIVERSITY OF BAHAWALPUR, BAGHDAD-UL-JADEED

CAMPUS

Session: (2019-2021)

1
 IN THE NAME OF

ALLAH

THE MERCIFUL THE COMPASSIONATE

2
 APPROVAL CERTIFICATE

The research entitled “Democracy within Political Parties: A Comparative Study of PPP and
PML (N)” is accept and approve in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master in
Education.

Internal Examiner: Supervisor:

External Examiner:

Chairman:

Date:

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 FORWARDING CERTIFICATE

The research entitled “Democracy within Political Parties: A Comparative Study of PPP
and PML (N)” is conducted under my supervision and the thesis is submitted to the Islamia
University of Bahawalpur in the partial fulfillment of the requirement of the degree of
Master in Political Science with my permission.

Prof. HUNSI MUBARAK

Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction....................................................................................................................3

1.1 Review of literature..............................................................................................................4

1.2 Research objectives...................................................................................................................5

1.3 Research questions...................................................................................................................25

1.4 significance of the study............................................................................................................5

1.5 Methodology of the research.....................................................................................................6

1.6 Data collection techniques.........................................................................................................6

1.7 Organization of the study...........................................................................................................6

Chapter 2: Background of Pakistani politics...................................................................................7

2.1 Background of political parties..................................................................................................7

2.2 The purpose of political parties...............................................................................................10

2.3 Role of political parties in Pakistan.........................................................................................11

2.4 How political parties work.......................................................................................................12

2.5 Need for political parties in a functioning democracy.............................................................12

2.6 List of political parties in Pakistan..........................................................................................13

2.7 Pakistan people’s party (PPP)..................................................................................................13

2.8 Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PMLN)....................................................................................14

2.9 Literature review......................................................................................................................15

Chapter 3: Methodology................................................................................................................24

3.1 Problem statement...................................................................................................................24

3.2 Data collection.........................................................................................................................25

3.3 Method.....................................................................................................................................26

3.4 Participants of the research......................................................................................................26

References......................................................................................................................................27
 DEDICATION

The thesis is dedicated to our father and mother who always support emotionally
and materially with prayers, love and patience. Without your support we do nothing.
Without their motivation we can’t do anything.
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Alhamdulillah, all praise belongs to ALLAH who has given us health and the
strength to finish this thesis. Many people have directly or indirectly helped us in
the process of writing this thesis. I have no words to express my sincere gratitude to
my learned research supervisor, Prof. Hunsi Mubarak Faculty of Political Science,
The Islamia university of Bahawalpur, for his continuous encouragement, support,
constructive criticism, and scholarly guidance throughout the course of study, which
has enabled us to complete our research work. We would also like to express our
gratitude to my friends and respondents for the support and willingness to spend
some time with us to fill in the questionnaires.

Moreover, I would like to pay my thanks to my classmates who always cooperate

with us in data analysis.

Finally, I would like to thank Higher Education Commission of Pakistan, who gave
us a chance for further study.
 ABSTRACT

This research was performed to investigate the role of political parties in Pakistan over the
last two decades. This paper also attempts to discuss how parties and their actions affect the
democratic culture in the state. I have investigated the roles of the political parties in Pakistan
by examining their different functions, which include the responsibility to represent the civil
society, to integrate the diverse elements of the society into a political system, and to respond
to the demands and needs of the public. The internal politics of political parties in Pakistan
and their criteria for recruitment and training leadership are discussed, as well as their effects
on the political system of Pakistan. The data were collected by researching secondary sources
that discussed and evaluated the functions of political parties in Pakistan. A content analysis
method was used to analyze the data and characterize the contributions of political parties to
the political culture of Pakistan and their effects on the democratic system of Pakistan. In this
thesis, I have investigated the roles and mechanism of political parties in Pakistan based on
an exploration of the roles of several prominent political parties, including the Pakistan
Muslim League (Nawaz group) (PML (N)) and the Pakistan People Party (PPP). The PPP and
PML (N) parties have remained prominent through the formation of alliances with other
parties. This research discusses the roles of these parties in representation, integration,
aggregation, recruiting, and training leadership during times in which these parties have held
both power in government and represented the opposition.
 Chapter 1

1.1. Introduction
The democratic process cannot function without the participation of political parties. By
participating in elections, political parties provide individuals with a choice in government
and the ability to keep governments responsible while they are in opposition to them.
Citizens' democratic rights are exercised when they join political parties, contribute their time
and money, and vote for their leaders. Citizens can influence policy decisions, pick and
engage political leaders, and run for office by joining a political party. Yet in other nations,
political parties fail to uphold the participation and accountability rights of individuals (Luna,
Rodríguez, Rosenblatt, & Vommaro, 2021). We believe that vibrant, accountable, and
inclusive multiparty systems give people a real say in how their government is run. Women,
youth, ethnic and racial minorities, people with disabilities, and gender and sexual minorities
are all included in the Institute's activities, which includes knowledge and resource exchange.
NDI's support extends across all levels of the party, from grassroots members to mid-level
officials to senior party leaders. The Centrist Democrat International, the Liberal
International, the Socialist International, and the Progressive Alliance are the only four major
political parties in the world who recognize the Institute. Through different networks, NDI
enables peer-to-peer exchanges and consultations. They also help political parties work
constructively with other groups and organizations, such as the media and election
administration (Salkin, 2021).

Democracy is a system of governance in which the people have the power to discuss and
determine laws (direct democracy) or to elect representatives to do so ("representative
democracy"). In each scenario, the process is free (as in, people have the freedom to choose,
they or the candidate can advocate for their position(s) through speech and assembly, and
individuals can join organizations to campaign for their positions). Who is considered a
member of "the people," and how authority is shared or delegated by the people, has evolved
over time and at different rates in different countries, but as time goes on, more and more
citizens of democratic countries have become involved. Democracy includes freedom of
assembly, association, and expression, as well as inclusion and equality, membership,
consent, voting, the right to life, and minority rights (Centeno, 2021).

1.2. Review of literature

Globalization has a significant impact on democratization. As Jan Aart Scholte points out,
democratization may take place in a variety of ways: Measures to enhance regulatory
agencies' openness and accountability; judicial reform; efforts to extend and upgrade civil
society activities; resource redistribution in favor of structurally disadvantaged groups; and
rewriting of constitutions to acknowledge supraterritorial publics (Dalton, Farrell, &
McAllister, 2011).

As indices of political progress, a structured political system offers stable institutions, an

accountable form of administration, and public involvement in decision-making processes.
Political development is the process of reconstructing or upgrading a country for the general
welfare of its citizens. This process also raises public awareness of the need for political
institutions that can react to society's objectives and meet people's basic needs. As a result,
political growth is aided by a stable political system, which includes institutions and their
activities. This may aid in the establishment of a healthy society at both the national and
global levels. To accomplish political development objectives, such institutions concentrate
political authority and institutionalize the system.

Every country has a unique political system. Developed countries have more stable
institutions and administrations, as well as the skills and legitimacy to manage such systems.
Less democratically developed nations, on the other hand, are often politically and
economically vulnerable. Economic development, it is often assumed, can only occur in the
context of political stability. One faction often retains power in these less democratic nations.
These regimes are authoritarian, and human rights are violated while they are in power.
Political brutality, murders, torture, and warfare are all typical tactics in these situations.
These kinds of undemocratic governments obstruct the wellbeing of the general public and
expose them to additional issues. For example, the political structure in many parts of
Pakistan is underdeveloped (Michels, Lipset, Paul, & Paul, 2017). As a consequence, certain
regions and people lack appropriate leadership, resulting in a lack of basic necessities and
resources, and they are susceptible to organizations like the Taliban, who are seen as a threat
to Pakistan and the rest of the world. Appropriate leadership in these regions has the potential
to alter the situation; unfortunately, none of the political parties have been able to offer
enough leadership and comprehend the demands and concerns of the people in these places.

Without political parties, modern democratic institutions cannot function effectively. Political
parties are seen to be critical to the smooth operation of contemporary governance. Pakistan
belongs to the group of countries that have failed to meet their political development
objectives. Despite the country's sixty-four years of independence, large swaths of the
population still lack access to adequate healthcare, sanitation, education, clean drinking
water, housing, and transportation (Diamond & Gunther, 2001). Many people still face
chronic poverty, unemployment, starvation, super exploitation, repression, injustice, police
brutality, religious fanaticism, military dominance, and the capitalist and feudal systems
every day in this era of globalization.

1.3. Research objectives

This Research focuses on the following objectives.

 To understand the political party system in Pakistan.

 To analyze the working of political parties with reference to democracy and
fundamental rights.
  To identify the undemocratic trends, autocratic attitude and family legacy in selected
Political parties of Pakistan.

1.4. Research questions

 What function do political parties play in Pakistan's political system?

 How to improve the democracy in the political parties of Pakistan?

 What are the functions of political parties when they are in power and when they are
in opposition?

 What role do political parties play in representing the people?

1.5. significance of the study

Pakistan's political system is multi-party. Gathering all accessible information on all political
parties is especially challenging, and this would be a huge subject for a Master's Thesis. The
goal of this research is to illuminate the issues that political parties confront and their
function in Pakistan's political system. The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the Pakistan
Muslim League Nawaz Group (PML (N) are the two political parties investigated in this
research. These political parties have governed Pakistan at different times during the past two
decades. This research also considers the responsibilities of political parties in terms of
representation, integration, leadership recruitment, and training, as well as how they act in
power and opposition. I wanted to learn more about Pakistan's major political parties and
their responsibilities in shaping the country's political culture. Their various behaviors and
responses are investigated.
1.6. Methodology of the research

This research discusses the role of political parties in the development of the democratic
political system of Pakistan. This research is suited to qualitative research methods because it
helps in understanding and exploring social phenomena, as well as developing in-depth
knowledge of the subjects. It will be difficult to gather the information of all political parties
and it is a considerable subject to discuss for a Master‘s thesis. Therefore, I shall narrow
down my research only to the prominent political parties of Pakistan, since during the
mentioned period, these parties remained prominent in the political scene of Pakistan. These
parties are the PPP, and the PML (N) over the past two decades. These parties have ruled
over Pakistan at different tenures during last twenty years.

1.7. Data collection techniques

In my qualitative study, I used secondary data since it has a number of benefits, including the
fact that it is readily accessible, inexpensive, and easy to preserve. During the data collecting
process, the data's dependability and correctness are taken into account. The majority of
secondary material is gathered from academics and columnists who have a strong and
impartial reputation. I examined internet and print media for information on the many
elements and issues of my study to support my findings. I conducted separate searches for
each of the four roles and read several publications on the subject. I also preserved essential
captioned links. I utilized articles in both Urdu (Pakistan's native language) and English from
newspapers published in Pakistan. I utilized literature as well as survey reports that I found
on the internet.

1.8. Organization of the study

The second chapter explores into Pakistan's political history from its inception to the present.
The achievements and weaknesses of Pakistan's political system, as well as the role of the
leadership in Pakistan, are addressed in separate parts. The history of numerous political
parties and their roles, which have remained important throughout the past two decades, is
discussed further in this chapter.

The third chapter explains the methodology, theoretical framework and techniques used in
this thesis. This chapter begins by defining the term "political party," outlining the problem
statement, and explaining the research questions. This chapter also goes through the key
ideas, methodologies, data collecting approaches, and participants that were utilized in this
study.

The fourth chapter describes the research's findings and discusses. The conclusion is
discussed in Chapter 5, and the chapter also ends with suggestions for future study areas.
Chapter 2
Background of Pakistani politics

2.1 Background of political parties

Pakistan's brief history has been filled with upheaval Pakistan has been unable to achieve real
stability in the past five decades due to fighting between provinces and a deep-seated rivalry
with India that culminated in a nuclear stalemate. It alternated between military control and
democratically elected administrations, secular policies, and financial support as a "frontline"
state throughout the Cold War and the war on terrorism(Aprilia).

The formation of Pakistan and India as independent nations on the 14th and 15th of August,
1947, respectively, represented a significant shift in the global map. The end of nearly 150
years of British rule was marked by the declaration of independence. It was agreed that the
division of Pakistan and India would be based on Muslim and Hindu populations. Pakistan
would contain cities with a Muslim majority, whereas India would include cities with a
Hindu majority. A significant number of Muslims came to Pakistan from the Indian
subcontinent. Approximately two million people died as a consequence of communal
violence and hate between Sikhs, Hindus, and Muslims. The overwhelming majority of the
casualties were Muslims. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was selected as Pakistan's
first Governor General shortly after the country's independence, but he died in 1948 (Reayat,
Veesrio, & Baloch, 2015). The Muslim League's most prominent member, Quaid-e-Azam,
had full support from the Pakistani people. His death had a major effect on Pakistani politics
since he was the only person who could unite all of the country's political leaders and
ordinary people behind a single national identity. His successor, Liaqat Ali Khan, was named
Prime Minister and attempted to address Quaid-e-inadequacies, Azam's but he was
assassinated in October 1951. The Muslim League is Pakistan's founding party. The Muslim
League, however, was never able to transition from a nationalist movement to a national
party after his death. The Muslim League suffered a leadership vacuum in Pakistan after the
deaths of Quaide-Azam and Liaqat Ali Khan. Power-hungry politicians continued to
represent opportunist groups that had already opposed Pakistan's formation. On the other
side, a battle for political control erupted between the Mohajir group, the nobility, and the
religious authority. Because of the bureaucrats' weakness and incompetence, there was no
political non-consensus, and they firmly became politicians who seized power. Ghulam
Muhammad, a former bureaucrat, was named prime minister, succeeding another bureaucrat
with an army background (Diamond & Gunther, 2001). During the early years, the monarch
made little effort to pay attention to the concerns of the ordinary people. Furthermore, these
politicians were unable to complete a Pakistani constitution. Skandar Mirza took full
advantage of the political parties' vulnerabilities in 1958, bringing Pakistani politics to a new
low. There was only one option to prevent a general election at the moment, and that was to
declare martial rule. On October 7, 1958, martial rule was proclaimed due to the collapse of
political parties. President Mirza issued a proclamation imposing martial law across the
nation and nullifying the Constitution. By dissolving the national and provincial legislatures,
he abolished the central and provincial administrations. Mirza was compelled to resign two
weeks later, and the main martial law administrator and supreme commander of the armed
forces, General Muhammad Ayyub Khan, took his position. During Ayyub Khan's reign,
Pakistan's bureaucracy became more powerful, as Ayyub Khan relied largely on the
bureaucracy to administer the country's political system. Ayyub Khan was replaced by
General Yahiya Khan, the army's commander-in-chief. Under martial law, Yahiya Khan
governed Pakistan for more than two years. Between 1947 and 1958, no national elections
were conducted since most leaders believed they would be rejected by the people (Hussain,
2018). Two indirect elections were held between 1958 and 1968, however none was handled
in a free and fair manner. Pakistan's first constitution was written by Ayub Khan. The
presidential system of government was created, with the president having absolute power. A
basic democratic system was created, with just 80,000 basic democrats electing the president.
The military has ruled Pakistan for more than three-quarters of the country's sixty-four years
of independence. Feudal landowners and the capitalist elite hindered the development of
democracy in Pakistan. These power-hungry organizations were unable to create a state and
identify or collect the interests of the people, both of which are necessary for developing
major socioeconomic policies for a newborn country. As a result, the poor and middle classes
were trapped in a cycle of poverty that still exists today. The first direct general election was
held in 1970, almost twenty-three years after Pakistan's founding, with just two parties
competing: the PPP from West Pakistan and the ANP from East Pakistan. These two parties
won by a landslide in the general elections. According to election results, the PPP emerged as
Pakistan's most powerful party, with a solid majority in Punjab and Sindh. In these elections,
Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman's ANP won an absolute majority of seats in the National
Parliament, a result that Z. A. Bhutto's PPP, which had won a majority of seats in the
assembly from West Pakistan, deemed unacceptable (Ziring, 1991). As a consequence,
President Yahiya Khan summoned the National Assembly to a special session. This
suspension prompted a demand for independence in East Pakistan, which Yahiya Khan
attempted to suppress via military persecution, culminating in a historical disaster: the
separation of West Pakistan (now Bangladesh) from East Pakistan (presently Pakistan). Z. A.
Bhutto was more effective in restoring parliamentary rule in Pakistan. In 1973, he aided in
the drafting of the country's third constitution in twenty-six years. He established a two-
hundred-and-seven-member National Assembly as well as four proportional-sized regional
legislatures. All members were to be directly chosen for five-year terms. According to the
constitution, Bhutto was elected Prime Minister of the Government by a majority of the
National Assembly. In 1977, 13 national elections were held, and Z. A. Bhutto was pitted
against a strong political alliance (Pakistan National Alliance, PNA). Bhutto won the
election, although the Pakistan National Assembly (PNA) only received 36 members out of a
total of 217. The opposition believed the election was rigged and began protesting the PPP
government. Bhutto brought in the army to restore law and order and to negotiate with the
PNA. The army chief of staff, Zia ul Haq, seized control of the government. As a
consequence, a new and lengthy era of martial rule began, which ended in 1988 with the
assassination of Zia ul Haq. Benazir Bhutto, the daughter of Z.A. Bhutto, was elected with a
majority of votes in November 1988 elections. However, in 1990, Ghulam Ishaq Khan,
Pakistan's president at the time, dismissed her government due to accusations of corruption.
In 1990, Nawaz Sharif was elected Prime Minister of Pakistan with a majority of the vote, but
Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismissed his government. Bhutto and Sharif alternated as prime
ministers throughout the democratic era (1988–1999) until 1999, when the general public had
had enough of the democratic era and its leaders' corruption. The dictator, General Pervaz
Musharaf, imposed martial rule in 1999 and reigned under the guise of democracy until
2008(Ameer, 2017). The people of Pakistan first welcomed the change of leadership in the
hopes of changing the country's unequal economic, social, and political structures, but within
two years, Pakistan's economy started to worsen.

2.2 The purpose of political parties

The Netherlands is a multi-party parliamentary democracy. National political parties are
eligible for government grants to support their activities under the Political Parties (Grants)
Act. A political party is an organization that brings together individuals who have similar
political views. By competing in elections, parties seek to elect as many of their members to a
representative body, such as parliament or a local council. They are also attempting to fill as
many government, municipal, and provincial executive posts as possible at the same
time(Epstein, 2020).
Various functions are performed by political parties. One is advocating for their constituents'
needs. They're also in charge of planning the schedules for the parties. Citizens may join
political parties, allowing them to participate to the party's platform formulation. With the
development and spread of modern party organizations around the world over the last few
centuries, political parties have become a major part of almost every country's politics. A
country with no political parties is extremely unusual. Some nations have just one political
party, while others have many. Parties are essential in both autocratic and democratic
governments, but democracies tend to have more than autocracies. The nation is controlled
by a single party in many autocracies, and some political scientists think that rivalry between
two or more parties is an essential component of democracy(Pomper, 1992).

Parties may arise from existing social divides, such as those between the upper and lower
classes, and by encouraging its members to work together, they can assist to simplify the
political decision-making process. Political parties usually include a party leader, who is in
control of the party's operations; party executives, who may select the leader and undertake
administrative and organizational duties; and party members, who may volunteer to help the
party, contribute money, and vote for its candidates (ELEZAJ, 2021). Political parties come
in a range of shapes and sizes, and they engage with their supporters in a number of ways.
Political donations are often controlled by legislation, and political parties may sometimes
rule in ways that favor people who give their time and money to them.

A significant number of political parties have ideological objectives. In democratic elections,

liberal, conservative, and socialist parties often contest; communism, populism, nationalism,
and Islamism are all prominent beliefs among major political parties. Political parties in other
nations will often use similar colors and symbols to identify themselves with a certain
philosophy. On the other side, many political parties may have no ideological connection and
are instead centered on patronage, clientelism, or the promotion of a specific political
entrepreneur(Barbu & Florescu, 2021).

2.3 Role of political parties in Pakistan

Political parties are the most important component of the political system when it comes to
influencing the direction, type, and extent of political growth. Without political parties, it is
impossible to accomplish the aims and objectives of political growth. They are essentially
social institutions, while the bureaucracy and military are state institutions. In emerging
countries like Pakistan, few state institutions are strong enough to withstand the influence of
society and its representative governments. Weak representative institutions will be unable to
protect the interests of society. The dominance of other state institutions will be a natural
consequence of this vulnerability (S. K. D. A. S. Shah, 2021). The political structure of
society is gradually weakened as a result of this. As a result of this condition of things,
political growth suffers as well. According to Weiner (1962), a country's political structure is
determined by who controls and allocates its resources. Political forces gain control of
resources and drive the nation toward political growth in countries with strengthened
democratic institutions. The state's influence on political parties is evident throughout
Pakistan's political history. Political parties are often characterized as organized conduits
between civil society and decision-makers and implementers, such as lawmakers. By doing
so, they assist their members and supporters and campaign for their demands in front of
parliament and the government. Although parties serve a variety of important responsibilities
and functions in a democratic society, the most visible duty is the selection and presentation
of candidates in political campaigns. Several academics have written on political parties and
their importance in democratic societies(Ullah, Mahmood, & Khan). Democracy's success
and strength are dependent on political growth. Political parties are an important element of
the democratic system and a significant driver of political change. Their constructive function
not only contributes to the country's political growth but also fosters a feeling of ownership
and belonging among the general public. Its power fosters political growth, whereas their
incompetence certainly fosters political deterioration.

2.4 How political parties work

The main and most important function of political parties in the wider context of democratic
activity is to serve as a mobilizing force. As stated in the theoretical framework of democratic
activity by Pippa Norris (2002), political parties operate at the meso-level. Norris (2002)
combined these four main explanations/schools of thinking in order to assess the degree of
political and democratic engagement. Political parties, according to her concept, are linked at
both the macro and local levels. They highlight the modernization process within a particular
state structure and encourage democratic participation by providing resources and incentive
to people. Political parties play a variety of functions in society. They may, for example, be
used to direct political power, aggregate public interests, and provide the public a choice.
Regardless of what roles they play in the political system, their fundamental aim remains the
conquest of power. To enhance their prospects of political success, they must have access to
significant financial resources, which may come from party member fees, bribes and
kickbacks, interest group contributions, public funds, donations, and so on. Another key
technique that parties use to enhance party identification, or the degree to which people
connect with them, is the party platform, which is the party's declaration of what it stands for
and what its goals are. Political parties are not vertical hierarchies (with specified processes)
like conventional bureaucracies; rather, they are informally connected to a CHIEF
PERSONALITY/ FAMILY by a core of resourceful individuals and groups. There is a
conflict between those who control vote banks on a geographical basis and those who
represent various interest groups.

2.5 Need for political parties in a functioning democracy

A democratic government enables political parties to engage people, debate problems, and set
priorities without establishing any bias within any community. When it comes to establishing
policy for and managing mass societies, processes like referenda, initiatives, and community
meetings have a very restricted reach. Furthermore, the size of a state influences the options
available to citizens. In a democracy, political parties serve a variety of purposes. They aid in
the formation of strong coalitions of citizens' bodies and interest groups, the development of
coherent policy programs, the facilitation of legislative candidate and political leader training,
the ability for voters to choose between governing teams and policies, and the organization of
government and accountability for their actions.

2.6 List of political parties in Pakistan

This is a list of political parties in Pakistan.

 Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan

 Jamiat Ulema-E-Islam

 Awami National Party

 Balochistan National Party

 Pakistan People’s Party Parliamentarians

 Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf

 Pakistan People’s Party (sherpao) Pakistan

  Multahida Qaumi Movement

 National Party

 Pakistan Muslim League (N)

2.7 Pakistan people’s party (PPP)

Pakistan's Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) is a social-democratic, center-left political party. In
the National Assembly, it is presently the third biggest party. The party was established in
1967 when a group of notable left-wing politicians in the nation banded together to oppose
President Ayub Khan's military rule, which was led by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. The PPP is
connected with the Socialist International, and its stated goals remain the same: to transform
Pakistan into a social democratic state, to promote secular and egalitarian values, to achieve
social justice, and to maintain a strong national defense. Along with the Pakistan Muslim
League-Nawaz and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, the party is one of Pakistan's three largest
political parties(Mahmood & Hashmi, 2020).

It has been a significant left-of-center movement in Pakistan since its founding in 1967.
Members of the Bhutto family have dominated the party's leadership. Sindh, Pakistan's
southern province, has its power center. The People's Party has been elected to power five
times (1977, 1988, 1993, and 2008), and it has been the biggest opposition party four times
(1970, 1990, 1997, 2002, and 2013). There have been four PPP Prime Ministers in all.

During the 1970s, the PPP dominated Pakistani politics, but it suffered a brief setback during
Zia-ul-military Haq's dictatorship. Following Zia's death in 1988, a two-party system
emerged, consisting of the People's Party and the Islamic Democratic Alliance, which was
subsequently replaced by the Nawaz League. From 1999 until 2008, the party was the main
opponent of the military administration headed by Pervez Musharraf (Javed).

During the 2013 General Election, the party accepted defeat, losing large swaths of support in
Punjab Province, where the developing Movement for Justice won the majority of the vote,
while maintaining provincial control in Sindh. In the 2018 General Election, the party failed
to form a government or emerge as the largest opposition party for the first time in its history.

2.8 Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PMLN)

Pakistan's Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) is a conservative political party that is centered
on the center-right. It is one of the country's three main political parties, together with the
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). Following the collapse
of the Islamic Democratic Alliance in 1993, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif formed the
party. The party's stance is conservative, favoring free markets, deregulation, reduced taxes,
and private ownership. Although the party has always backed social conservatism, its
political philosophy and platform on social and cultural matters has shifted in recent
years(Analytica).

The Pakistan Muslim League was founded following the 1985 elections, when Pakistani
Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo brought together supporters of President Zia-ul-Haq
into a single political organisation, the Pakistan Muslim League. Following President Zia's
death in 1988, a significant section of the Pakistan Muslim League, headed by Fida
Mohammad Khan, broke away from the Junejo-dominated party and established the Islamic
Democratic Alliance, a conservative coalition of right-wing and Islamist political
organizations. Under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif, the coalition established a government
in 1990(Ahmed, 2016). The coalition disbanded in 1993, and the Pakistan Muslim League
adopted its present form, identifying itself as the "Nawaz" group, as opposed to the "Junejo"
side.

The PML-N controlled Pakistan's two-party political system after its founding, together with
the People's Party. For nearly a decade following the 1999 coup, the party's own breakaway
group, the Musharraf-backed Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid), was eclipsed by the party's
own splinter faction, the Musharraf-backed Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid). The PML-N
regained popularity after being elected as the major opposition party in 2008. It regained
power after the 2013 elections, with Sharif re-elected for an unprecedented third term as
Prime Minister. The party suffered a major setback when Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was
disqualified in 2017. Sharif and his daughter Maryam were both sentenced to prison on
corruption charges, exacerbating the situation.

The party lost both the national and provincial administrations in Punjab, its stronghold, in
the 2018 elections. By 2020, it will be the main opposition party in Parliament, led by Sharif's
younger brother Shehbaz.

2.9 Literature review

The authors of this paper (Rahat, Hazan, & Katz, 2008), examine the connection between
internal party democracy, as measured by the inclusiveness of party selectorates, and the
fulfilment of two related democratic values: the degree of both nomination competition and
representation among the candidate lists that emerge. The empirical research revealed that the
three fundamental democratic characteristics discussed in this article have tense connections.
Low inclusivity leads to low levels of competition but high levels of representation; great
inclusiveness leads to high levels of competition but low levels of representation.  These
results are consistent with the cartel party's reasoning, which holds that democracy in one
aspect, intraparty involvement, promotes oligarchic tendencies in others, thus increasing top-
down decision-making authority. The debate between those who believe intra-party
democracy is a necessary component of a democratic polity and those who believe there is no
link between intra-party and inter-party (state) democracy can go on indefinitely as long as
authors evaluate democracy separately at each level (state and intra-party) and thus require
universal participation at both. As a result, these results contradict Putnam's (2000) findings
on social capital. Putnam argues that individuals must fulfil public responsibilities in order
for democracy to thrive, and that the health of public institutions is dependent, at least in part,
on ‘widespread involvement' in private voluntary organizations like political parties.
Furthermore, parties, as voluntary associations, have both the right (which the state lacks) and
the obligation (which the state lacks) to continue to exist as voluntary organizations. These
results suggest that a ‘labour division of labour' between the state and political parties is
required for democracy to be of high quality. Parties should improve competition and
representation, while the state should ensure the right to participate. Political parties, like
other key components in contemporary democracies, are exempt from the universal
participation requirement, so they may be utilized to fine-tune other parts of the democratic
polity. Our findings, like Michels' "iron rule," might be read pessimistically as restricting
democratic party politics' possibilities; nevertheless, authors choose a more hopeful
interpretation. All three values are required for effective democracy, but they do not have to
be maximized at the same time. Rather, there may be an effective "division of labour," with
one subsystem's less-than-fully democratic characteristics enabling that subsystem to
compensate for the democratic inadequacies of others in one value.

In this study (Toor & Saleem, 2020), researchers look at how Pakistani political parties were
portrayed in Pakistan's four major newspapers during the 2013 elections. The media plays an
important role in the election process because of its ability to shape the image of political
parties and leaders, as well as influence public opinion. This study looked at the editorial and
news coverage of Pakistan's three main political parties (PML-N, PPPP, and PTI) by two
English daily newspapers, Dawn and The News, as well as two Urdu newspapers, Jang and
Nawa-i-Waqt, from April 11 to June 11, 2013. The agenda setting theory was determined to
be applicable to this study based on the literature evaluation and the study's aim. The process
through which the media teaches viewers what to believe and worry about is known as
agenda setting. Walter Lippmann proposed the concept of agenda setting in the 1920s. This
theory describes how media generates particular pictures in people's brains, and how the
public responds to those images rather than to real-world events. The goal of agenda setting
theory is to play up and down topics that are linked to reality. The technique has been
employed in political science research to examine the propaganda devices deployed by
warring parties. Content analysis as a research approach that may be used to draw inferences
about the content of recorded text while discussing it as a methodology to evaluate or
interpret text data. The most important benefits of this scientific study technique are that it
offers precise insight into communication content as well as its dependability. The researcher
developed categories to examine how three Pakistani political parties were treated by English
and Urdu media in Pakistan. The frequency and direction of front page news and editorials
related to these categories were investigated using the content analysis method. Tilt/direction
was rated on a five-point scale that ranged from very negative to extremely positive.
According to the results, PML (N) got the most editorial and news coverage from the selected
media, with 106 (50.5%) on the topic of "elections." PPPP was the second most often covered
political party, with 80 (38.1%) editorials and front page news stories, while PTI was the least
frequently covered political party, with 24 (11.4%) editorials and front page news stories. The
results also indicate that PML (N) received the greatest news coverage from Dawn, The
News, Jang, and Nawa-i-Waqt, with 9 (56.3%), 25 (41.7%), 10 (58.8%), and 37 (64.9%)
news stories, respectively. Dawn, The News, and Nawa-i-Waqt offered PPPP the second
most frequent news coverage with 4 (25%), 24 (40%), and 16 (28.1%) news articles,
respectively, while Jang gave PTI the second most frequent news coverage with 4 (23.5%)
news stories. PTI had the least amount of front page news coverage from Dawn, The News,
and Nawa-i-Waqt, with 3 (18.8%), 11 (18.3%), and 4 (7%) front page articles, respectively,
while PPPP received the least amount of front page news coverage from Jang, with 3 (17.6%)
news stories.

The present study (Ishaq, 2020), examines the relationship between Pakistan's print media
and political parties. The main goal of this study is to look at how three Pakistani
parliamentary parties were portrayed among their constituents during the 2018 election. The
present investigation is based on the agenda-setting hypothesis. “The capacity to induce
cognitive change among people, to organize their thinking—-has been dubbed the Agenda
establishing function of mass communication,” according to Donald Shah, Maxwell
McComb, LittleJohn, and Foss (2008). To conclude, the media may be ineffective at teaching
us what to believe, but they excel in telling us what to think about” (293). This demonstrates
the media's capacity to set the "agenda" for trends and to draw attention to issues of public
interest. “Audience not only learns about public problems via the media, but they also learn
how much significance to attach to an issue or subject from the focus the mass media places
on it,” according to McComb and Shaw (1972), as cited in Wogu (2008). From June 25th to
August 25th, 2018, a month before and after the general election, the current study examines
all front-page news and editorials published in Pakistan's four leading English and Urdu
dailies, namely Dawn and The News (two English language dailies), Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt
(two Urdu dailies). Purposive sampling was employed by the researcher. The issues were
split into five categories: the importance of democracy; voter awareness; performance of
Pakistan's election commission; accountability process; and coverage of the mainstream three
political parties. For the ‘significance of democracy' category, all news items (first page news
and editorials) related to the fundamental idea of democratic society, freedom to select
political representatives, and amenities enjoyed by the people in democratic, progressive
liberal societies. The results show that out of a total of 647 front page news, 245 (37.86%)
were printed in major English dialectal newspapers and 402 (62.1%) in national language
(Urdu) publications. From June 25 to August 25, 2018, a total of 647 news stories regarding
the general election in Pakistan were published in major newspapers, with 326 (50.38
percent) of those stories focusing on the topic "Portrayal of political party leaders," the most
of any category. With 112 (17.3 percent) stories, the subject of "Apprehensions regarding pre
and post poll ragging" is the second most covered. The topic of "Political parties suffered
biased persecution" received 125 (19.3%) news items, while "Sensitize the people about the
importance of voting" received 50 (7.7%) news pieces, and "Report the party manifesto and
past performance" received 34 (5.25%) news items. There were 112 editorials written on the
topics, 32 of which (28.57 percent) were published in Dawn; the majority of them were
favorable, suggestive, and appreciative of voters' right to freely select political candidates.
The results show that the media paid the most attention to the politician-oriented narrative, in
which some politicians repeatedly blamed each other without evidence, even on highly
sensitive issues, as The Nation wrote, "Without a shred of evidence, that the PMLN
government "to please Western power" had deliberately weakened the pledge on the finality
of prophet hood, in exchange for hiding his clerical.  Dawn reported on some interesting
findings, stating that Balochistan appeared to be missing in national political engineering (3-
7-18 Dawn) because the leading political parties were least interested in holding corner
meetings, political power shows, and, most importantly, sharing any prominent agenda to
address Balochistan issues as priorities. “The nation’s main political parties are so controlled
by individuals who seem to be a permanent part of the political scene is definitely
disheartening from a democratic perspective,” Dawn noticed and wrote.

In this article (Malik, 2017), authors describes a comparative Study of PPP (1988-90) and
PML-N (1997-99). The Westminster system of governance was passed down to Pakistan by
its colonial masters. The fledgling state's most pressing issue at the moment was to create a
viable constitution that could satisfy the ambitions of both the central and the federating
units. The state legislature was given this difficult job, which it failed to do. The state's chief
of state dissolved it, which was followed by martial law and the dictator's constitution. The
constitution was largely rejected by the state's regions, and it was replaced by the
Constitution of 1973, which was drafted by an elected government. This constitution was
drafted by both parties, although it was changed significantly by the administrations of
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Zia-ul-Haq. The general people and intellectuals looked for a positive
change in the nature of democratic government as Zia's authoritarian reign came to an end. A
party-based democratic administration was anticipated to be able to modify the constitution
and tailor it to the desires of the state's many political interests and organizations. During the
decade of democracy, the job entrusted to elected governments could not be completed.
Different observers attribute various causes for the failure of democratic advances in
Pakistan, the most notable of which is the changing of administrations without finishing their
terms. Other factors include politicians' lack of commitment, their dismissive attitude toward
democracy and institutional growth, and the absence of democratic traditions and attitudes in
general. Another issue that overshadowed the workings of administrations throughout the
decade was the rule of majority in parliament (1988-99). The current research will
concentrate on this problem while contrasting the two administrations, namely Benazir's first
term (1988-90) and Nawaz Sharif's second term as Prime Minister (1997-99). Benazir's first
term was plagued by a lack of majority support in parliament, making it unable to enact any
legislation; on the other hand, Nawaz Sharif's second term was marked by absolute majority.
The ruling party was able to change the constitution without much debate on the "Floor of the
House" since there were just a few opposition members in the National Assembly. The goal
of this study is to look at the number dictum and its significance in the functioning of
Pakistan's parliamentary system. The government did not have the necessary majority
throughout the first term, making it a slave to the state's head of state, who could only
administer the government via presidential decrees. In contrast, the governing party altered
the perspective of the constitution and the executive powers simply by holding a majority,
without going through any official procedures. Although the courts and opposition did their
hardest to avoid such modifications in the constitution, the governing party used its majority
in parliament to make whatever decisions had seen fit.

The purpose of this study(Hassan, Fazal, & Khalid, 2020), is to examine political hate speech
and various types of political hate speech used in political processions, particularly during the
election season. Generations of hate speech and intolerance discourse are enabled by hostile
criticism, libellous and disparaging remarks in these speeches. It is an effort to get a first
impression of the hate speech problem in Pakistan's political arena, as well as to show what
types of hate speech are being generated and what characteristics hate speech messages have.
This research looks at all political speeches made in political processions from January to
June 2018. The qualitative content analysis method is used for the purposes of analysis. After
analyzing the substance of all speeches and identifying all hate words and remarks, a
comparison of hate speech content is conducted amongst the three major parties. For this
study, all of Pakistan's political parties are considered the population. The Election
Commission of Pakistan updated its list of all registered political parties in January 2018.
Only three political parties, Pakistan Muslim League N, Pakistan People Party, and Pakistan
Tehreek-Insaf, were chosen for comparison study of hate speech generated during the parade,
using the purposive sample method. Creating categories is the first stage in content analysis.
Inductive and deductive approaches to categorization are both possible. In this study, a mix of
inductive and deductive classification processes are used, as categorization is carried out
while reviewing all of the politicians' remarks delivered during processions, as well as prior
studies and literature. Descriptive Statistics analysis is often used after classification for
comparison analysis. Through descriptive analysis, researchers evaluate and analyses the data
gathered throughout the study. This study uses a percentage pie-chart to illustrate how much
hate speech material each category has. It also displays how much hate content each category
contains, based on PTI political speeches. According to the results, hate material is composed
of 30% disparaging and insulting epithets. Hate material makes about 14 percent of both
hostile criticism and slander or defamation. Derisive statements or verbal irony account for
29 percent of the hate material in Pakistan Tehreek Insaf PTI political speeches. Malice or the
threat of inflicting harm were mentioned in 13% of all hate speech. In the months of January
to June, Pakistan Tehreek Insaf was the opposition, while Pakistan Muslim League PMLN
was the governing party. Because July is election season, the Pakistan Tehreek Insaf is the
target of the majority of PTI's hate speech. PTI officials often utilize offensive epithets in
their speeches, such as killer, money launderer, and Godfather. Second, hate speech material
contains a lot of linguistic irony or derogatory remarks. Most often used caustic phrases are
‘Mujha kiyun Nikala' and ‘Maulana diesel.' Elections foster a climate of hatred that may
escalate to violence. To improve poll results, religion, race, caste, and colour problems are
intentionally inflated. During the 2018 election, political opponents used derogatory words
such "donkey" and "children of prostitutes" to refer to each other for the first time. Finally, a
significant portion of speech material included disparaging language and swearing, while a
lesser portion contained threats of violence. To summarize, results show that political figures
in Pakistan play a significant role in spreading hate speech by making underhanded
comments against their opponents during processions.

The general public's views on democratic culture of Pakistan's three major parties, the ANP,
PML (N), and PPPP, are examined in this study (S. A. Shah, 2015). Comparative analysis is
used in this study. The study will focus on three political parties: the ANP, the PML(N), and
the PPP. The information is gathered from both primary and secondary sources. Surveys are
used to gather primary data. For this aim, a questionnaire was created and sent to a group of
100 people. Sampling was a good idea. Politicians, academics, and party workers were
interviewed to get their perspectives. To get a better knowledge of the parties' organization
and manifestos, official reports, party circulars, and pamphlets were used. Books, journals,
newspapers, and websites were used as secondary sources. The researcher inquired about
undemocratic behaviours in political parties using a questioner and interviews with political
experts. The respondents cited a variety of undemocratic tactics. The majority of respondents
focused on intra-party elections. The most important element of a party's democratization is
intra-party elections for the selection of the party leader, office bearers, and elections inside
the party for the selection of candidates for different positions. The only way to eliminate
elitism from politics is via party elections. The responders also condemn the rigged elections
for party positions. In response to the question, 97.6% of respondents said the sample parties
are family-oriented, and that there is no possibility for a common worker to become a party
leader under the current conditions. The only way to avoid the political chapter of inheritance
is to have party elections. The majority of people demanded that grass-roots parties hold
elections on a regular basis. The majority of respondents agreed that Pakistan's political
parties are not democratic in character, according to the results. On average, 85.6 percent of
respondents said the parties were undemocratic, while 13.6 percent said they were happy with
their current position. Only 6% of those polled had no opinion on whether they were
democratic or undemocratic. In these political parties, democratic procedures are not
followed in the choosing of leadership. In the sample political parties, there is no indication
that they elected a party leader for one or more terms who was not a member of their own
family. According to popular view, 78 percent of people think ANP is undemocratic, 82
percent think PPP is undemocratic, and 81 percent think PML has an undemocratic culture
(N). In the three sample parties, an average of 80.3 percent of respondents believed that the
party leadership did not emerge via a democratic process. Only 17.6% of individuals were
pleased with the current nomination process. Political parties' decision-making bodies must
be democratic. Members of these bodies should be elected via democratic and open party
elections. However, in the sample parties, these bodies are completely nominated, or the
president is granted the authority to dismiss members of these bodies at any time. According
to the poll, 79 percent of respondents said that ordinary members had no influence in the
party's decision-making process. Workers have a role in party activities at the local level,
according to 20.3 percent of respondents.

This research (Subhan), examines the idea of intra-party democracy in two of Pakistan's most
powerful political parties, the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League
Nawaz (PMLN), using the minimalist method of Schumpeterian democracy. This research
used a qualitative data method with a party-oriented approach. Through open primaries,
representative democracies allow the people to choose their leaders and candidates for public
office. The goal of this study is to see how much rank and file members engage in selecting
leadership and candidates for public office, as permitted under the Political Parties Order
2002 (PPO2002) and party bylaws (party constitutions). The study covers a period of 28
years, from 1988 to 2016, and is divided into two parts: 1988 to 2005 (18 years) and 2006 to
2016 (16 years) (10 years). To see widespread involvement in the political process, a party-
oriented strategy was used. The paper is then divided into three categories, labelled "full,"
"partial," and "no," to assess if the various parties fully comply with the PPO 2002 and party
bylaws' norms and rules, give lip service to them, or totally ignore them. The ‘full' category
includes parties that gave its members extensive chances to vote in intraparty elections when
choosing leadership and candidates for public office. The research discovered that during the
first sub-period, both parties completely disregarded the requirements of the PPO 2002 and
party bylaws by failing to hold intraparty elections. Intraparty polls were performed in the
second sub-period, however they were determined to be highly defective and in violation of
democratic norms.

In terms of political evolution, this research (Mushtaq, Baig, & Mushtaq, 2018), assesses the
role and functions of political parties in Pakistan. To assess the influence of political parties
in Pakistan's political evolution, a survey technique was used. In order to gather trustworthy
data, a survey was performed among MPhil and PhD students as well as faculty members of
political science departments at several institutions. Because political development is a
complicated topic that is difficult for laypeople to grasp, a purposeful sample method was
employed and a survey was performed in Lahore's universities. Participants in this research
were from Lahore College for Women, Government College University, Kinnaird College for
Women, Forman Christian College (A Charted University), and the Punjab University. A
total of 104 people from these institutions responded to the survey. There were 78 females
and 26 males among the respondents, with 25 university professors and 79 students. Of the
93 people who received an MPhil degree or were MPhil students, 11 had a PhD in political
science. Furthermore, 79 respondents were between the ages of 21 and 30, 15 between the
ages of 31 and 40, and 10 between the ages of 41 and 50. Researchers concentrated their
research on the years after 2008. This is crucial because, for the first time in Pakistan's
history, a democratic government headed by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) has completed
its five-year term, and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has gained power after
the 2013 elections. Political parties' perceived role and functions, the idea of political
development. The role of political parties in political development were all addressed in the
poll. Researchers were present throughout the administration of the questionnaire to explain
the context of the questions and get a better understanding of the responses. The five
dimensions are used to assess political parties' impact on Pakistan's political development. In
order to answer RQ1, the first four questions in the questionnaire focused on the function of
political parties in Pakistani politics. The first issue concerned people' ambitions, namely if
political parties had a role in satisfying residents' wishes. Before inquiring about the workings
of political parties in detail, this question was required to assess the respondents' general
perceptions of their productivity. The survey's second topic concerned political parties as a
connection between the state and society (public). Political parties, according to 63.5 percent
of respondents, serve as a link between the state and society, guiding the people toward
steady political growth. Another issue was whether state institutions such as the military and
bureaucracy are stronger than political institutions such as political parties in Pakistan. A
question regarding leadership split based on races, sects, or philosophy was posed in order to
better assess Pakistan's political leadership. Some questions in the questionnaire concerning
the idea of political development were also posed in order to evaluate the performance of
political parties. In answer to RQ1 on the role of political parties in Pakistani politics, most
respondents believe that political parties express people's wishes to parliament and serve as a
link between the state and society. According to the poll's results, Pakistani political parties
have not had a significant influence in the country's political, social, or economic
development. RQ3 respondents were convinced that if representative institutions such as
parliament and political parties play a role in a country's flourishing democracy, political
development can be ensured.
 Chapter 3

Methodology

The importance of political parties in the evolution of Pakistan's democratic political system
is discussed in this study. This study is well-suited to qualitative research techniques since it
aids in the comprehension and exploration of social phenomena as well as the development of
in-depth knowledge of the topics. Gathering information from all political parties will be
challenging, and it is a significant topic to address for a Master's thesis. Since a result, I will
limit my study to Pakistan's most significant political parties, as these parties were active in
the country's political landscape throughout the relevant time period. The PPP and the
PML(N) are the two parties of this research.  During the past two decades, these parties have
controlled Pakistan at various times (Dalton, 1985).

3.1 Problem statement

People communicate their goals, wants, and concerns to their governments via the platforms
of political parties. Political parties must bring together all sectors of society in order to create
a political system that benefits all people. There is a balance between public demands and
interests, as well as political goals, in a successful political system. As a result, the people
benefit from a good system. Over the last two decades, the PML (N) and the PPP have
emerged as two of Pakistan's most significant political parties. The function of these parties
in representation, integrating, recruitment, and training leadership will be discussed in this
study. In addition, I will look at the actions of these parties both in power and in opposition.

3.2 Data Analysis

I used content analysis to analyze the collected data. ―Content analysis is research technique
for making replicable and valid inference from text (or other meaningful matter) to the
context of their use‖65. All data collected from secondary resources was raw data. I used
theory-guided content analysis, where prior theoretical knowledge guided or helped to
analyze the secondary data. My first task was to categorize the data and I went through each
individual data source repeatedly, updated my notes, and arranged data according to relevant
topics, such as representation, integration, aggregation, recruitment and training leaders;
making government accountable; and organizing opposition. Later I prioritized data by topic.
I sorted the data and picked authorized, authentic, and relevant data to represent my research.
The next step was to enhance the useful data and to reshape it into an increasing abstract unit
of information. For this I used my theoretical work. In this procedure, I analyzed data through
a theoretical lens. Then I prioritized the relevant information to answer the questions and
objectives of the study.
3.2 Data collection
Data collecting is a method of gathering information for study. Primary and secondary data
are the two types of data available. A primary source is firsthand knowledge obtained by the
researcher via a variety of techniques, including observation, interviewing, mailing, or e-
mailing. Secondary sources are data that has been collected and released for a different
purpose. Secondary sources include a variety of publications such as journals, essays, reports,
institutional statements, and surveys performed by various organizations. In my qualitative
study, I used secondary data since it has a number of benefits, including the fact that it is
readily accessible, inexpensive, and easy to preserve. During the data collecting process, the
data's dependability and correctness are taken into account. The majority of secondary
material is gathered from academics and columnists who have a strong and impartial
reputation(Hooghe et al., 2010). Documents from well-known organizations were used for
this research. The similar approach was followed with newspapers, with only national
publications of high reputation being chosen. I examined internet and print media for
information on the many elements and issues of my study to support my findings. I conducted
separate searches for each of the four roles and read several publications on the subject.
However, I have selected just those that I believe to be the most important in order to get a
thorough understanding of the characteristics of political parties in terms of the four roles.

To investigate Pakistani Representation ‘I combed through a large amount of information and

chose information that demonstrates how the political system is structured in terms of the
representative body and how elected representatives in Pakistan's democratic system
represent the people. I've also chosen statistics that illustrate the actual image of
representation in Pakistan's political parties. Initially, I looked for political leaders of
Pakistan's political assemblies to represent them in Pakistan's assembly. I then used a
different search term: Political Representation in Pakistan. There were numerous articles or
relevant material to examine under these keywords. In the beginning, I structured my study so
that I could grasp the idea of integration. I began by Google searching the term "integration"
on the Internet, but no results were found. I rephrased the query to "concept of integration
among political parties," and I discovered two papers on the subject, but they weren't enough
to clarify the idea of integration among political parties. I went through the history of political
parties in Pakistan's political system to gather information on the recruiting procedure and
leadership training. I wanted to emphasize the political parties' internal democracy. That is
how the major political parties operate, and how political leaders collaborate with military
dictators to depoliticize society via legislation. To begin, I studied the history of Pakistan's
political system in order to get a better knowledge of the country's political system and the
function of political parties. I kept track of information on books, papers, and other materials
in my electronic notebook while I utilized library resources and the Internet. I also preserved
essential captioned links. I utilized articles in both Urdu (Pakistan's native language) and
English from newspapers published in Pakistan. I utilized literature as well as survey reports
that I found on the internet.

3.3 Method
To assess the influence of political parties in Pakistan's political evolution, a survey technique
was used. In order to gather trustworthy data, a survey was performed among MPhil and PhD
students as well as faculty members of political science departments at several
institutions(Wiesehomeier, 2018). Because political development is a complicated topic that
is difficult for laypeople to grasp, a purposeful sample method was employed and a survey
was performed in Lahore's and Bahawalpur universities. This study comprised participants
from Lahore College for Women, Government College University Lahore, Kinnaird College
for Women Lahore, Islamiyah university Bahawalpur, The government college and women
university bahawalpur and University of the Punjab.
 Chapter 4

Results and Discussions

4.1 Representation in Pakistan

In this section, I described how Pakistan's political system is arranged in terms of the
representative body and how elected representatives represent the people in the democratic
system. Pakistan has had a variety of governments since its founding, including presidential,
parliamentary, and dictatorial regimes. In 1962, Ayub Khan established the presidency
system of governance. People elected their representatives in this system using the basic
democratic system, and these representatives were able to vote for a president. The
parliamentary system was in place after the 1973 Constitution, and the parliament consisted
of two houses: a Senate (upper house) and a House of Representatives (lower house)
(National Assembly). In the legislative process, these two houses represented the people.

Pakistan's National Assembly is made up of 272 MPs who were chosen directly by the people
during general elections. People elect them by voting ballots in constituencies that are divided
by the population of the country's several regions. There are sixty dedicated seats for women
and ten reserved seats for religious minorities in addition to the 272 seats (descriptive
representation). To be eligible for these reserved seats, you must receive at least 5% of the
vote. The Senate is made up of a hundred members who are all chosen indirectly. In the
Senate, members of the provincial legislatures elect an equal number of representatives
(including four technocrats/religious scholars and four women) from each of the four
provinces; this is an example of territorial representation. Women, technocrats, and religious
intellectuals all have seats reserved. Members of the National Assembly elect four Senators
from the Federal Capital, including one technocrat/religious scholar and one woman. Eight
senators are elected from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in the manner
prescribed by the President by executive order (no reserved seat for technocrats/religious
scholars or women). Members of provincial legislatures are also directly chosen during
general elections.

The following are the numbers of seats in the provincial assemblies: Three hundred and
seventy-one seats in Punjab (two hundred and ninety-seven direct constituencies, sixty-six
reserved seats for women, and eight reserved seats for minorities); one hundred and sixty-
eight seats in Sindh (one hundred and thirty direct constituencies, twenty-nine reserved seats
for women, and nine reserved seats for minorities); and one hundred and twenty-four seats in
the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP). In provincial legislatures, Women and
religious minorities have seats reserved on the basis of obtained votes, which are elected
through party lists. There is also a 5% minimum vote requirement to qualify for these
reserved seats. We examine representation in Pakistan's political system in terms of three
kinds of representation.

Representatives of the National Assembly are chosen through population representation. The
country is divided into 266 constituencies with nearly equal numbers of voters, whereas the
Senate has a hundred members and each province has an equal number of legislators.
Women's representatives are present in every house. The Senate contains
technocrats/religious scholars, as well as women, who each represent their descriptive
characteristic; this is a form of geographical representation, in which each provincial
(territorial) region is represented equally. When we talk about the descriptive form of
representation, we're talking about things like gender, geographic proximity, ethnicity,
occupation, religion, and language, all of which are politically relevant.

How political parties represent the people?

Representatives of political parties contesting elections in a certain area organise several

gatherings and Jalsas (public meetings) in that area and speak to the people who attend those
Jalsas. They also appear on television discussion shows to represent their parties' positions on
critical subjects and manifestos. At these Jalsas, contesting candidates present their parties'
manifestos and entice ordinary citizens with various appealing packages and social and useful
activities that they will conduct for the improvement of the area if elected as a representative.
In the legislative process, the political leaders of a political party represent a specific group,
location, or number of people. They are elected by the people of that group, area, or number
of people.

One of them is the elected political leader. He is already familiar with the demands, wants,
and difficulties that his constituents confront, and he can represent them in the legislative
institutions. However, there is little discussion of problems in Pakistan between the two
chambers of parliament and the provincial assemblies. The presence of elected members is
usually low during sessions of these elected bodies, and these meetings are frequently
postponed due to a lack of quorum. This demonstrates the political parties' and their
members' lack of seriousness in both the national and provincial parliament. They do not use
descriptive representation to portray their population or area. Because they do not participate
in legislation, they do not present the problems and demands in the constituencies. In 2011,
only 168 of the 342 members of the House took part in the proceedings, with the rest 174
remaining silent. During the house proceedings, these 174 members did not say a single
word. When Pakistan is in crisis, the National Assembly, as well as the provincial assemblies,
fail to play their part in preventing the country from becoming engulfed in the crisis. This is
simply the power of those who came out on the roadways to fulfil the role of their
representatives. Members of the National Assembly, for the most part, did not follow through
on their promises.

The National Assembly, according to the Pildat Citizens' Report on Pakistan, "plays no role
in addressing national crises. In this case, I'll use the lack of representation in today's
parliament as an example. Before the 2008 election, there was a movement in Pakistan to
restore the judiciary. Most political parties promised to restore the judiciary during their
election campaigns. Even Asif Ali Zardari, the PPP's co-chairman, and Nawaz Sharif, the
president of the Pakistan Muslim League (N), were given an agreement on judicial issues.
However, the PPP administration hesitated to do so67, and the judiciary was only restored
after people took to the streets to protest. The political leaders failed to demonstrate their
political involvement throughout the process of rebuilding the judiciary.

4.2 Integration in Pakistan

 Role of political parties in mobilizing the masses

During elections in Pakistan, political parties usually conduct rallies and Jalsas in
various parts of the country. The leaders of political parties address the crowds present or
watching on television at these rallies and Jalsas. They examine the major issues that the
inhabitants of that territory confront, as well as their needs and desires. They give answers
and make pledges to meet the people's wants and demands. The primary goal of these rallies,
Jalsas, and television chat shows is to educate and mobilise the public about the political
party's policies and practises, and to motivate them to join the party.

The primary goal of political parties is to entice individuals to join them. All political
parties are based in specific areas, and they exploit racism to obtain votes in those areas; for
example, the PML (N) is headquartered in Punjab. They only have a significant vote bank in
the Punjab province. The PPP, on the other hand, is based in Sindh. In the province of
Sindh68, they hold the majority of the vote bank. When it comes to main political parties, the
PPP and the PML (N), the PPP has deep roots in Sindh, whilst the PML (N) does not. In
Punjab, the PPP is in the same boat. The PML (N) is definitely the most popular party in
Punjab (which accounts for 60% of Pakistan's population), whereas the PPP has a little
following. The PPP is also unpopular in rural regions. The problem for both parties is that in
these rural areas of Pakistan, they rely mostly on Sardars (tribal chiefs) or Wadairas (feudal
lords). The same difficulties may be seen in the province of Baluchistan. The PML (N)
forged an alliance with the Jamhoori (democratic) Watan (country) Party (JWP) in 1990, and
the Baluchistan National Party (BNP) formed the provincial government with the help of
PPP. These feudal lords frequently rely on top-level political assistance to maintain their
political power and influence. They could merge into a single nation, but they are hesitant to
do so because they fear losing control of their tribe. It is stated that there can be no
integration70 till the Sardars are present. The PPP is one of Pakistan's most powerful political
parties, with a stronghold in the province of Sindh's rural districts. The key reason for its
influence in Sindh is that it fights solely for the rights of Sindh's people. They display the
dispute between the people of Sindh and the people of Punjab while doing so, and they
appear to show that the people of Sindh are dissatisfied. They educate and mobilise their
people in this particular form of combat, using the Sindh card. The ANP in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa and the PML (N) in Punjab, on the other hand, both mobilise their constituents
in the same way. This contradictory education and mobilisation is a glaring evidence of
Pakistan's major parties' lack of integration politics. This contradiction undermines the most
important aspect of democracy - integration – and acts as a driving force for people to reject
integration. This stage of integration in Pakistani politics is still in its early stages. The split
of Western Pakistan (Bangladesh) from Pakistan in 1971 is the clearest illustration of less
integration in Pakistani politics. This obviously demonstrates the lack of integration in
Pakistani politics. The partition of East Pakistan was, without a doubt, the culmination of
poor governmental management, social inequality, and financial scarcity. The available facts
and evidence suggest that the fundamental reason for the uprising was that West Pakistan's
political elite created policies that exacerbated East Pakistan's opposition and animosity to the
point where the system was on the verge of collapsing. When Pakistan was established, the
Mahajars (an ethnic designation for Indian refugees) were well-educated and business-
minded. They saw that a feudal system was not in Pakistan's best interests. They were always
opposed to feudalism. Pakistani political groups, on the other hand, just wanted to form a
government. As a result, Sardars and Wadairas were urged to join political parties. Mahajars
have suffered as a result of this in practically every era of political and dictatorial rule.
During General Ayub Khan's reign, the Mahajars were neglected and discriminated against
(1958-1969). The Mahajars suffered again during the reign of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bhutto
was a staunch supporter of the Sindhi people. Even in the government, Bhutto granted major
positions to Sindh residents from the countryside. During Zia-ul-presidency, Haq's the similar
problem arose. The Mahajars are now Pakistan's most ignored ethnic community, despite the
fact that they are business-oriented and well-educated. In their province's rural parts, the
Mahajars do not have a huge population. They have been kept out of major positions in the
bureaucracy and politics, and they believe they are losers in the system. This makes them feel
marginalised, and they're considering forming their own province as a result.
A study of the province of Baluchistan revealed that the area has been subjected to a period
of neglect and obstinate attempts to keep it in a state of deprivation. On the other hand, many
actions taken by practically all governments operate as roadblocks to integration. Denial of
democracy, economic exploitation, and exclusion from national advantages are among the
hurdles. The Bloch have not acquiesced and integrated into the nation as a result of military
excess (there are three military operations in Baluchistan). It has instead pushed them more
apart. Along with it, the military's overreach in Baluchistan has prevented its people from
fully integrating into the country.

4.3 Recruitment and training leaders in Pakistan

 How political parties recruit political leaders and parties internal politics

The politics of Pakistan's major parties is essentially family politics. First, we'll go
over the PPP. Z.A. Bhutto founded the PPP in 1967, and his daughter Benazir Bhutto took
over as party leader after his death in 1979. Her husband, Mr. Asif Ali Zardari, and her son,
Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, became joint leaders of the party after her killing in 2007. The PML
(N) is in a similar scenario, as it has had the same leader, Nawaz Sharif, since its inception in
1988. Shabaz Sharif, his brother, is now the Chief Minister of Punjab. Hamza Shabaz, Shabaz
Sharif's son, and Mariam Nawaz, Nawaz Sharif's daughter, are both politicians. Apart from
family members, no one else has been given the opportunity to present these parties. Every
four years, the ANP holds an election, which has been a tradition for the party. However,
Wali Khan's (the ANP's founding) family has dominated the organization's history for the
most part. The same is true of the MQM, which has been led by Altaf Husain, the party's
founder, since its inception. No one else has been given the opportunity to lead the party.
Other members of the party are not given a chance if elections are not held for the
recruitment of the party's head. For decades, the people have been seeing the same faces as
party leaders.

The leaders of our two major political parties have set the worst example of family
politics. These parties' leaders are attempting to maintain their positions inside the party, and
in order to do so, they have made amendments to the Constitution with mutual agreement.
They made amendments in the 18th Amendment to capture the party. If the party leader
believes that one of his members is not properly representing the party, he can write to the
speaker and request that he be removed. Party elections have been abolished as a result of the
intra amendment rule. This amendment will aid party leaders' authoritarian tendencies. When
a dictator takes power, he or she usually bans political activities and imprisons or exiles
political leaders, with little or no opposition from the general public.

There are frequently inaccurate membership lists and ineffective communication with
lower-level personnel. This is due to poorly managed political party headquarters and a lack
of skilled personnel with modern administrative abilities. As a result, the parties rely on their
leaders to keep the lines of communication open between the centre and lower-level
employees. When we look at Pakistan's whole political situation, we see the same thing, and
it's worth noting that in Pakistan, political leaders are not recruited through elections. In our
country, specific families, such as the Mazaris, Jatois, Mirs, Legharis, Tiwanas, Bhuttos,
Nawabs, and Sardars (all feudal families in Pakistan), run for parliament and become elected
representatives of the poor haris (agricultural workers), labourers, miserable shopkeepers,
workers, and ordinary people. In any aspect of life, social, economic, or political, there is no
match or likeness between the status of voters and their elected representative.

The entire populace is ruled by a small privileged class. It is obvious that over the
country's six decades of independence, not more than two hundred families shared political
authority. All of this is taking place because these powerful parties are posing as the leaders'
"family enterprises." Candidates for all posts are chosen by them. They understand the
advantages of power, whether it is held by them or by a member of their party. They seek
ultimate power in any case. Their administration, according to Rasul Bakhash Rais, is a:sort
of an oligarchy made up of close friends and trusted political figures and families who
exercise sovereignty. In Pakistan, students are the traditional activists who used to hold
authority. Unfortunately, parties were unable to effectively administer these nurseries.
Unfortunately, Pakistan has been subjected to a succession of military administrations, all of
which attempted to depoliticize the country. They used a variety of strategies to get the
desired outcome. They sometimes outlawed political organisations and imprisoned workers;
for example, when Zia ul Haq (the military ruler) took over Bhutto's dictatorship, he faced
public opposition. He outlawed political activity in Pakistan and worked to gradually
depoliticize the country because he believed that political activism would jeopardise his
power. When students organised a campaign against Ayoub Khan (also a tyrant), he realised
the army ruler would have to step down. His restriction on student unions cut off the
country's two most important sources of political workers and leaders. After Zia ul Haq
(1988–1999), four elected governments took control, but none of them focused on this critical
issue. Benazir Bhutto announced that the ban on student unions will be lifted, but she was
unable to do so. During Musharraf's presidency, student unions were outlawed. Students are
still required to sign an oath indicating that they will not engage in any political activities
throughout their studies. There is no formal training system in place among government
agencies or political parties. The Jamat-I-Islami (religious political party) recently launched a
training programme for its female members. Several non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
and civil society organisations have devised various tactics to improve women's political
engagement.

4.4 Making government accountable in Pakistan

How should political parties make government accountable?

When we look at Pakistan's political scenario, the ineffectiveness of the political leadership
after the Quaid-e-Azam developed a negative perception of the government non the minds of
the people. Following Quaid-e-Azam, the regimes of Ayub Khan, Yahiya Khan, Benazir
Bhutto, and Zia ul lHaq were arbitrary and harsh. These governments were successful in
endangering and destroying democracy, the legislature, and even the courts. Each of these
institutions operated in accordance with the president's judgments and preferences. Since its
inception, Pakistan has never given independent democracy a chance. Worst of all,
accountability has never been concentrated on the administration in the country.

The PPP and the PML (N), along with its partners, were in power twice between 1988 and
1999. When a political party gains power, it seeks to expand its powers. Every leading
political party aspires to weaken its adversaries85. The PML (N) was in opposition when
Benazir Bhutto of the PPP took office in 1988. Punjab was also ruled by the PML (N), which
had 60 percent of the province's population. Bhutto attempted to disrupt the Punjab
government by bringing charges against opposition figures. The opposition, on the other
hand, provided rewards to ruling members in order to strengthen its position in parliament in
order to bring a vote of no confidence against the government. ― Patronage politics rarely
supports the governing party, given the short lifespan of civilian administrations. Typically,
political leaders switch parties after finishing or nearing the end of their term in office. When
Nawaz Sharif took over in 1993, and during his reign, lawsuits were filed against Bhutto, her
family, and other leaders. During their subsequent regimes, they faced similar problems. Both
the PPP and the PML (N) abused their positions of power and attempted to intimidate the
opposition by filing criminal charges against each other. This spectacle lasted until 1999,
with both parties attempting to intimidate the other. When Musharaf (a military general) took
over the democratic government in 1999, the play came to an end. The Registration of
Printing and Public Ordinance, 1997 was passed by Nawaz Sharif's PML (N) government to
restrict the press and freedom of expression88. However, there have been recent
advancements in this manner of action. The media is now free, and citizens use it to pressure
opposition parties to work effectively by sitting in opposition to legislation. We can connect
media freedom to government accountability since the media critiques the government's
wrongdoings and exposes these wrongdoings to the general public.

This creates a scenario and raises people's awareness, whereas governments used to have
tight control over the media. There was only one official media outlet present, and its sole
purpose was to portray the government as a hero. In the current circumstances, however, the
opposition is not the only one that condemns the government's bad behaviour. In today's
world, the media serves as the most powerful opponent to any government.

4.5 Organizing of opposition in Pakistan

Opposition! Critical or constructive

The rule of opposition has always been nonsensical in Pakistan's political culture.
Opposition political parties are not doing a good job. Instead of focusing on real concerns,
they want to disrupt the administration or earn points. The political culture of accountability
in Pakistan is intriguing and controversial. The ruling party views accountability as a kind of
justice, while the opposition views it as extortion. Opposition political groups do not assist
the dominant party. Instead, they want to bring down the government. The opposition party's
sole goal is to undermine the ruling party's administration to the point where it will be forced
to dissolve it. Opposition parties do this to seek public support in order to become the next
ruling party. There has been a terrible fight between Pakistan's two most powerful parties for
the past two decades. The opposition party constantly generated chaos for the ruling party,
forcing the ruling party to dissolve its government, such as when the PML (N) was in power
and the PPP was in opposition in 1990-93. Benazir Bhutto, the PPP's chairperson, led the
opposition and refused to work with the PML (N). Instead, the PPP made every effort to
destabilise the PML government (N). Similarly, when the PPP was in power and the PML (N
was in opposition in 1990, the PPP administration narrowly avoided a no-confidence vote.
Both parties, while in opposition, strengthened their relationships with the military
establishment at the time, and the country was in a state of lawlessness. As a result, from
1988 to 1999, there were six prime ministers. No government has ever been able to finish its
constitutional term. Instead of supporting the government, the opposition tried everything it
could to bring it down. As a result, the opposition party's participation in Pakistan's political
history has not been productive or helpful to the incumbent party. Instead, the opposition
party used illegal criticism and negativity as a strategy to bring down the ruling party's
government. In Pakistan's present political landscape, the PPP is the ruling party, while the
PML (N) is the opposition. Now, the PML (N) is attempting to destabilise the administration
by applying pressure in a variety of ways, including organising anti-government protests,
challenging the government's actions in court, and a variety of other methods. The opposition
has staged a protest rally against the government, which has been criticised for its
performance. They only do it to destabilise and weaken the government, with the goal of the
dream becoming the next ruling party after this one fails. The opposition has been critical of
the government. Opposition parties are holding public rallies to protest the government. The
reinstatement of the judiciary was also aided by this opposition. During this time, the
opposition joined the regular citizens on the streets. They filed lawsuits at the Supreme Court
against the government. However, we must congratulate the current opposition because they
have learned from their mistakes in the past. The current opposition not only criticises the
government for its wrongdoings, but also supports the government in measures that are in the
national interest, such as supporting the government in the constitutional amendment
procedure. After the attack on the ISAF troops on the Pakistani Check Post in the Mehmaand
Agency, the opposition backed the government in passing a resolution denouncing drone
attacks and shutting down NATO supplies.
Chapter 5
Conclusions

While there are four separate issues in this study, they all revolve around the same question:
what role do political parties have in Pakistani politics? The study discovered that political
parties are more often a source of division in Pakistani politics than the goal of unification.
This has resulted in unbalanced regional growth as well as widespread public unhappiness.
The study also discovered that political parties are formed in a way that reflects family
politics, denying the rest of Pakistan's population the opportunity to compete for and
democratically win elections. Democratic concepts such as popular participation and the rule
of law are uncommon in Pakistani politics, and the sovereign state of Pakistan's constitution
can be amended at will by the "conniving" party membership. As a result, political parties
lack majority support, leading to increased public dissatisfaction. However, I must applaud
the efforts of a few opposition political groups in restoring hope to the Pakistani people. This
thesis examines the role of political parties in Pakistan during the previous two decades, and I
used Randall and Svsand's "a sequence of potential functions" to help me answer my research
questions. These authors talked about these concerns in terms of functions. These functions
are focused on the electorate (representation, integration), linkage-related (political leader
recruiting and training), and government-related (making government accountable,
organising opposition). Randall and Svsand's four functions helped me comprehend the roles
of parties in the democratic system, particularly in Pakistan. The function of each function in
Pakistan's political system is discussed. People in Pakistan elect representatives, yet these
elected representatives do not represent their constituents in the legislature. Politicians have
not up to the task of forming a national movement, preferring instead to take a regional
strategy. The truth is that only around half of the eligible electorates vote in each election
cycle. Many voters believe they are underrepresented in national politics and hence refuse to
engage. Political leaders have failed to build a national political institution from the
beginning, as Rounaq Jahan writes in her book, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration.
Civil society is divided into several factions representing religion, ethnicity, languages, and
other factors, with no clear national philosophy. In order for Pakistan's democracy to function
properly, leaders must look beyond limited religious, ethnic, or social concerns. Politicians
must reach out across racial and religious divides. Electorates must also be educated about
their rights and responsibilities. Part of Pakistan's democratic dysfunction, however, can be
attributed to a lack of citizen understanding. Politicians have ensured that the majority stay
uninformed about democracy, whether on purpose or by mistake. As a result, politicians,
even opposition parties, are to blame for the lack of genuine democracy in the country.
Political parties are run like family businesses. The parties are based on individuals rather
than on a coherent set of ideas and ideals. The PPP, for example, appears to be mostly a
Bhutto family party. The party's leaders are invariably members of the same family. Since its
inception, the PML (N) has been led by the same people. Diversity of thought is marginalised
in this setting, and the status quo is maintained even when it is not working. This situation
can only be changed if the public is well-informed and educated on how true democracy
works. It is critical that political parties, particularly at the local level, recruit and train
members in a better organisational framework. Politicians at the local level need to be given
additional responsibilities in their parties and in society's governance. Building a political
party on a single person or family does not bode well for democracy's survival. Everything
must be put on hold just because the political leaders are not present, which is damaging to
the society's smooth operation.

Any government that is more accountable is more stable and functional. Governments must
be held accountable for their actions, according to socialcontract theory. If the government
fails to please the people, it may be replaced at the next election. In the past, any government
that wanted to gain power threatened and pressured the opposition to repress them.

Between 1988 and 1997, the government and opposition engaged in a game of hide-and-seek
that eroded Pakistan's political structure and led to military intervention. If the government is
held accountable through the influence of political parties, the elected officials in charge will
avoid any form of corruption. Today's media, both electronic and print, play a vital role in
holding government officials responsible. Because the media keeps a close check on the
government's actions and crimes, and because of the freedom of expression, the media
broadcasts the government's wrongdoing to the public via the Internet, television,
newspapers, and radio. Opposition parties exist to counter government policies that are
contrary to public opinion. In any country's political evolution, the opposition party plays a
critical role. Opposition should, nevertheless, play a critical but productive role. In Pakistan,
the opposition has stayed largely silentRather than assisting the administration in developing
helpful policies, the opposition only criticises it. Currently, there is another kind of
government opposition: electronic and print media, which keep a careful eye on both the
government and the opposition's actions. Pakistan's political progress may never be fully free
of challenges. However, more research and study can help to alleviate these issues in
Pakistan's political system. However, politicians and leaders will have to work together as a
nation, from the grassroots up to national party leaders, to achieve this. To address the issues
plaguing Pakistan's political system, a thorough investigation should be conducted to
determine the source of the lack of integration and how the entire country could be united
into a single political entity.
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