The Emergence of Political Parties

The National Party:

Since the Ottoman conquest, the idea of nationalism had disappeared from the
Islamic community who abhor nationalism as a western import that would divide
them, yet they also believed that the true Muslim will not long obey any ruler who
does not enforce the Shariah. The movement that began in the 1876 was the first of
its kind. Its founder belonged to the elite that had been educated abroad, in schools
set up by Europeans, or in Egyptian government schools, many of whose teachers
were Europeans. This educated class acknowledged the benefits of westernization
to themselves and to their country. They wanted Egypt to become a parliamentary
democracy with constitutional monarch. The rights of citizenship should be
enjoyed by all people who loved and lived in Egypt, whether they were Muslim,
Christian or Jewish or indeed whether they were descended from ethnic Egyptians,
from immigrants from other parts of the Muslim world or from Europe.

The National Party (al-Hizb al-Watani) is the name of two successive movements
of Egyptian resistance against foreign economic or political control. The first
emerged in November 1879, after Khedive Ismail deposition. Although
purportedly an Egyptian protests movement against the privileges of Turks and
Circassians and against the Anglo-French Dual Financial Control, its initial patron
was Premier Muhammad Sharif, a constitutionalist. During the Urabi revolt (1881 -
1882), it became associated with the most radical elements in the National
Assembly and the officer corps, but it lacked a formal organization. However, it
proclaimed its program in the “Times”, the English newspaper, that was composed
by Wilfred Blunt, a British poet and writer who was known for his opposition for

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the British imperialism, and Sheikh Mohamed Abdu. The program was published
as follows:

1- The National Party accepted the Sultan as its caliph and that Egypt had to
pay the tributes. But, in the same time, it promised to fight for Egypt
national rights and privileges and to be totally independent in its internal
affairs.

2- The party expressed “loyal allegiance” for Khedive Tawfik, but it

conditioned this allegiance on Tawfik’s exact execution of the promised
parliamentary government and warned him against continuing his despotic
power.

3- The party recognized the Dual control as a necessity of Egypt financial

position and the debt as a matter of national honor. In the same time, it
rejected the Control’s method: direct control of Egypt’s finances.

4- The nationalists disavowed violence, but radically, they hailed the army as
the “armed guardians of the unarmed people” and the only power in the
country capable of establishing constitutional government.

5- The National party insisted that it was a pluralist movement, a political and
not a religious party. Its government would make no distinction between
Muslims, Christians and Jews, holding all men to be brothers and to have
equal rights.

6- The main motive of the party is the intellectual and moral regeneration of the
country by a better observance of the law, by increased education and by
political liberty, which they hold to be the life of the people.

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When British troops occupied Egypt in September 1882, the party vanished for a
while.

The National Party was revived in 1893 as a secret society, under the aegis of
Khedive Abbas Hilmi II and with strong ties to the government of the Ottoman
Empire in the house of Latif Pasha Selim, one of the founder of the old party. Its
leaders were Mustafa Kamil, Muhammad Farid, and several other professional
men educated in Egyptian and European schools. In the 1890s the party
disseminated propaganda in Europe against the British occupation of Egypt and
among Egyptians to back the khedive against the British agent and consul general,
Lord Cromer (Evelyn Baring). In 1900 Mustafa Kamil founded a daily newspaper,
al-Liwa (The banner), which became the National Party's organ. As known, the
Nationalists broke with Abbas in 1904. The widespread revulsion against
Dinshway sentences led to demands for reform in the British administration and
hastened Cromer’s retirement in 1907. For the first time since the Urabi revolution,
large number of Egyptians became politically active. Many Egyptians, Copts as
well as Muslims flocked to Mustafa Kamil’s standard. As a result of the
establishment of the Ummah Party, Mustafa Kamil agreed in December 1907 to set
up English and French edition of al-Liwa “The Egyptian standard” and “L’
Etandard Egyptienne” and to turn what had been set up a secret society into the
National party. For the first time Mustafa Kamil publicized the party's existence in
his long speech of 1907 and convened the first Nationalist assembly in December.
Its main goals were to persuade the British by peaceful means to withdraw their
occupying army from Egypt and to obtain a democratic constitution from Khedive
Abbas.

By the founding of “the National Party”, Kamel called on Copts to join Muslims in
promoting the nationalist cause and in working for unity and harmony. He
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advocated equality between Copts and Muslims and spoke of their age-old bonds
of love, insisting that “it is not possible to divide Muslims and Copts against each
other eternally.” In spite of the fact that some Copts had joined Kamel’s party and
helped him in his struggle to create a national movement against the occupation,
the Copts generally remained suspicious of the Party’s pro-Ottoman and pan-
Islamic direction that was intensified after Kamel’s death.

The Nationalists chose Muhammad Farid to succeed Kamil. He tried to widen the
party's appeal by circulating petitions demanding a constitution and by supporting
the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople. The party continued to grow for two
years, setting up branches in the provincial towns. Now the Nationalists established
night schools for workers and consumer cooperatives. Farid supported labor unions
and even the first strike organized by Egyptian workers. However, the Party split
over whether to cooperate with the khedive in spite of his reconciliation with the
British, whether to espouse pan-Islam even if doing so would alienate the Copts,
and whether to seek Egypt's liberation by legal or by revolutionary means.
Cromer's successors, Sir Eldon Gorst and Lord Kitchener, encouraged the khedive
and his ministers to muzzle the press and, after a Nationalist killed Premier Butros
Ghali in February 1910, passed special laws, banned or suspended newspapers, and
jailed editors - even Farid - to intimidate and weaken the party. Farid's departure
from Egypt in 1912 left the party leaderless and divided. During World War I, its
émigré leaders sided against the British - that is, with the Ottoman Empire and
Germany - but British security measures prevented them from inspiring an
Egyptian uprising. The Nationalists aided the Wafd in the 1919 revolution and,
when parliamentary rule was established in 1923, ran candidates for election. Led
by Hafiz Ramadan, the National Party remained a small but vocal element in the
fabric of Egyptian politics until the 1952 revolution, after which all political parties

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were abolished. Its name was incorporated by Anwar al Sadat into his National
Democratic Party, but the party itself was never revived.

Party of the Nation (Ummah):

Another group of Egyptians, mainly landowners and intellectuals opposed to

Mustafa Kamil founded a newspaper, named al-Jaridah and rival party hizb el
ummah (party of the nation). It was encouraged by Cromer who referred to its
members as the “Elite of Egypt”. It occupied an intermediary position between the
national party and the reform party. Moderate, secular and hostile to Pan-Islam, it
stood for the attainment of independence through co-operation with the Britain and
British-introduced reforms and for parliamentary government. The party was
opposed to the militancy of Kamel and his dependence on the Khedive and outside
powers for liberating Egypt. They believed that Egypt could not be liberated except
by the Egyptians themselves and through reform and that the khedive power
should be assumed by the representatives of the people. Many future political and
literary leaders, among them Saad Zaghlul and Ahmad Lutfi al Sayyid joined the
latter party.

The Constitutional Reform Party:

Because national party claimed to speak for people, Khedive Abbas and Ali yusuf
proceeded to form one directly under Palace control, the Constitutional Reform
party, which revolved around al-Muayyad newspaper, the Palace origin and the
mouthpiece for Muslim Egyptian opinion. It is characterized by Pan-Islamic Pro-
Ottoman sentimentalism to support the Palace in its opposition to Hizb al Watan
and El-Ummah.

Misr Party:

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In view of the tense situation between Muslims and Copts, a wealthy Copt,
Akhnukh Fanus announced in September 1908 the foundation of “Misr Party” on
sectarian principles, defending Copts’ rights and advocating cooperation with the
British colonialists. Although the British commended Akhnukh’s party, it did not
last long and failed to attract a lot of Copts, probably because of its sectarian
character. Some prominent Coptic figures accused Fanus of the collaboration with
the British authorities in destroying the national spirit in their homeland. It is
assumed that the secular and modern Copts preferred to join the Umma party, with
its moderate political views, while the regressive Copts stayed away from the
political parties.

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 The Egyptian Revolution of 1919 and the Wafd Party

Prior to the First World War, nationalist agitation was limited to the educated elite.
Over the course of the war, however, dissatisfaction with British rule spread
amongst all classes of the population. This was the result of Egypt’s increasing
involvement in the war, despite Britain's promise to shoulder the entire burden of
the war. During the war, the British poured masses of foreign troops into Egypt,
conscripted over one and a half million Egyptians into the Labour Corps. In
addition, the increased demand for Egypt’s agricultural and industrial products had
brought prosperity to some landowners, workers and peasants. The war, in the
same time, provided its own form of protection in the shape of reduced foreign
competition, allowing Egyptian manufacturers to increase production to meet the
extra demand from local consumers as well as the large number of British and
other foreign troops stationed in the country. The hardships on the Egyptian people
were less than during the war and were partially offset by the creation of new jobs
and stimulation of some manufacturing; the service sector of the economy was
especially active. Wages rose, but prices rose even faster and widespread layoffs
occurred after the war.

The internal tensions in the country and the fact that the Ottoman Sultan joined the
German camp on the outbreak of the war prompted the British to declare Egypt a
British Protectorate in December 1914. Abbas was accused of adhering to the
enemy and was deposed. His uncle, Hussein Kamel appointed in his stead with the
title of Sultan. Because of allied promises during the war such as President

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Wilson’s Fourteen Points, Egyptian political classes prepared for self government.
By war’s end the Egyptian people demanded their independence.

The most important points in Wilson’s declaration were:

1- Adjustment of colonial claims, the interests of the people concerned must

have equal weight with the claims of the government whose title is to be
determined.
2- The nationalities which are under Turkish rule should have an undoubted
security of life and an opportunity of independent development.
3- The League of Nations should be formed.

In accordance with the principle of the right of all peoples to self-determination,

the Egyptian Delegation party, known as the Wafd, was formed and headed by
Saad Zaghlul; it became the mail party pressing the nationalist cause from that
point onward. Though it was not the first nationalistic movement, it has had the
longest lasting importance. It was to remain at the centre of Egypt political life
until the military coup of 1952.

Saad Zaghlul, the creator and leader of the Wafd party, was the son of a
moderately wealthy village headman; he received his early education in mosque
schools (el Kuttab) and al-Azhar, where he had come under the influence of two of
the nineteenth century’s great Muslim reformers, Jamal al-Din al Afghani and
Muhammad Abduh. In the turbulent months leading up to the Urabi Revolution,
Saad had helped Abdou edit the government newspaper and thus became deeply
involved in the revolutionary events of 1882. Saad was a follower of Urabi and

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participated in his revolution. This makes Urabi very influential in the movement
of the Wafd because he was influential in Saad Zaghloul’s life.

The idea for a wafd had originated among prominent members of the Umma Party,
including Lutfi al Sayyid, Saad Zaghlul, Muhammad Mahmud, Ali Sharawi, and
Abd al Aziz Fahmi.

The Wafd requested the British High Commissioner, Reginald Wingate, to allow
members of the party to attend the Paris Peace Conference in order to appeal for
Egypt’s right to self-determination. Wingate, however, refused to give them
permission, claiming that they did not represent the Egyptian people in any official
capacity. Therefore, Zaghloul printed up thousands of powers of attorney to be
signed by ordinary Egyptians and distributed nationwide. Zaghlul sent a telegram
to President Wilson requesting his support of the Egyptian cause. Meanwhile, the
powers of attorney campaign proved a huge success. A series of telegrams were
delivered at the Sultan divan with thousands of signatures expressing support of
Zaghlul. As a result, Wingate was greatly disquieted by the emergence of this new
Egyptian leadership, for the nationalist cause had lacked a popular and unified
leader since the death of Mustafa Kamel and the exile of Mohammed Farid. Thus,
Wingate arrested some of the Wafd members and sent them to Port Said on 8
March 1919. From there, a military vessel deported them to Malta.

On the following day, demonstrations broke out first by the students at the
Egyptian University, then by those at Al-Azhar. People of all denominations and
backgrounds, workers, farmers, or merchants, took to the streets throughout the
country. National unity crystallized when the revolution chose the cross and the
crescent for an emblem. The revolution spanned the religious divide between
Muslim and Christian Egyptians.

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On March 16, between 150 and 300 upper-class Egyptian women in veils staged a
demonstration against the British occupation, an event that marked the entrance of
Egyptian women into public life. The women were led by Safia Zaghlul, wife of
Wafd leader Saad Zaghlul; Huda Sharawi, wife of one of the original members of
the Wafd, Ali Sharawi and organizer of the Egyptian Feminist Union; and Mona
Fahmi Wissa. Women of the lower classes demonstrated in the streets alongside
the men. In the countryside, women engaged in activities like cutting rail lines.

The upper-class women participating in politics for the first time assumed key
roles in the movement. They organized strikes, demonstrations, and boycotts of
British goods and wrote petitions, which they circulated to foreign embassies
protesting British actions in Egypt.

The women's march of March 16 preceded by one day the largest demonstration of
the 1919 Revolution. More than 10,000 teachers, students, workers, lawyers, and
government employees started marching at Al Azhar and wound their way to
Abdeen Palace where they were joined by thousands more. Railroad and telegraph
lines were cut, taxi drivers refused to work, lawyers failed to appear for court
cases, and demonstrators marched through the streets shouting pro-Wafdist slogans
and demanding independence. Floods of protests and telegrams were delivered to
the Sultan declaring the nation’s support for Zaghlul, objecting to the arrests, and
demanding the release of the leaders and permission to travel to France. The
uprising in the Egyptian countryside was more violent, involving attacks on British
military installations, civilian facilities and personnel. By July 25, 1919, 800
Egyptians were dead and 1,600 others were wounded.

Wingate understood the strength of the nationalist forces and the threat the Wafd
represented to British dominance and had tried to persuade the British government

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to allow the Wafd to travel to Paris. However, the British government remained
hostile to Zaghlul and the nationalists and adamant in rejecting Egyptian demands
for independence. Wingate was recalled to London for talks on the Egyptian
situation, and Milne Cheetham became acting high commissioner. He soon
realized that he was powerless to stop the demonstrations and admitted that matters
were completely out of his control. Nevertheless, the government in London
ordered him not to give in to the Wafd and to restore order, a task that he was
unable to accomplish.

London decided to replace Wingate with a strong military figure, General Edmund
Allenby, the greatest British hero of World War I. He arrived in Egypt on March
25. The next day, he met with a group of Egyptian nationalists and Ulama. After
persuading Allenby to release the Wafd leaders and to permit them to travel to
Paris, the Egyptian group agreed to sign a statement urging the people to stop
demonstrating. Allenby, who was convinced that this was the only way to stop the
revolt, then had to persuade the British government to agree.

On April 7, Zaghlul and his colleagues were released and set out for Paris.
Meanwhile, Britain convinced President Wilson to acknowledge Egypt as a British
protectorate, an acknowledgement that was given the very day that the delegation
arrived at Varseille, a fact that demoralized them since the delegation was counting
on Wilson’s support as the spokesman of self-determination. Some delegation
members wanted to return to Egypt and resume the struggle there. Zaghlul,
however, insisted on continuing the mission and attempting to convince the
European parliaments of Egypt’s right to self-determination.

Great Britain tried to exclude and then manipulate the Egyptian delegation by
negotiating behind its back with the Egyptian government and several less

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important political figures in an attempt to reach a compromise and to undermine
Zaghlul's basic purpose which was to gain Egypt's full independence. With this
idea in mind, the British government sent out a committee chaired by Lord Milner
to Egypt in December 1919 to determine the causes of the disorder and to make a
recommendation about the political future of the country.

In spite of marital law that was imposed on the country since the War, the Wafdist
organization had steadily strengthened its hold on the country and its demand for a
boycott of Milner’s commission was almost totally effective. The Sultan and his
Ministers were the only Egyptians prepared to meet its members. They declared
that the Egyptian Delegation, headed by Zaghlul, was the sole legitimate
representative of the people. The boycott was so effective that it took Milner only
three weeks to realize that Egypt was united behind the Wafd on this. It therefore
decided that the best way forward would to be jettison the label “Protectorate” in
the hope that this concession would bring Egypt agreement to the substance of
British requirements. Lord Milner's report recommended that the protectorate
status of Egypt was not satisfactory and should be abandoned and that Britain
continue negotiations with Zaghlul, a recommendation the government accepted.

However, a serious spilt within the Wafd between the moderates led by Adli and
the militants led by Zaghloul was one of the main issues that affect the Egyptians
matter. Adli advocated compromise with Britain, while Saad insisted on the
continuation of the struggle until Britain yielded to all the nation’s demands.
Britain colonial policy of divide and rule made extensive use of this split in the
Wafd ranks. While suppressing the militants, Allenby accommodates the moderates
and negotiated with them.

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At this stage, Adli succeeded in convincing Zaghloul of taking part in the
conversations with Lord Milner. A delegate from the British government went to
Paris to invite Zaghloul to London. The Zaghlul-Milner negotiations started on
June 1920. In July, they came near to breakdown, but on August they were saved
by a memorandum presented by Lord Milner. This proposed the negotiation of a
treaty which should recognize Egypt’s independence on the one hand and on the
other would give Britain the right to station troops in Egypt to protect imperial
communications. The memorandum split the Egyptian delegation. The moderates
took the view that nothing better could be obtained during this period. Zaghloul led
the extremists who judged the memorandum to be a blueprint for a disguised
protectorate. In order to resolve the disagreements in the delegation, four of its
members returned to Cairo to sound out opinion. Despite of his promise to Adli to
not to affect the people opinion, Zaghloul sent a manifesto pushing the wafdist to
reject it. The great debate within the Wafd resulted in demands for amendments
and clarifications. The negotiations ultimately failed due to Zaghlul’s insistence on
full independence and Milner’s insistence on a British presence in Suez Canal and
on the protection of foreigners in Egypt.

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