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Guided Visualization and

Suggestibility: Effect of
Perceived Authority on Recall
of Autobiographical Memories
a a
John R. Paddock & Sophia Terranova
a
Department of Psychology , Emory University
Published online: 30 Mar 2010.

To cite this article: John R. Paddock & Sophia Terranova (2001) Guided Visualization
and Suggestibility: Effect of Perceived Authority on Recall of Autobiographical
Memories, The Journal of Genetic Psychology: Research and Theory on Human
Development, 162:3, 347-356, DOI: 10.1080/00221320109597488

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 The Journul of Genetic Psycholoxy, 2001, 162(3). 347-356

Guided Visualization and Suggestibility:

Effect of Perceived Authority on Recall
of Autobiographical Memories
Downloaded by [University of Waterloo] at 11:30 21 November 2014

JOHN R. PADDOCK
SOPHIA TERRANOVA
Department of Psychology
Emory University

ABSTRACT. The purpose of this study was to investigate a possible component process in
the formation of childhood pseudomemories in adults. Participants recounted a childhood
event, the details of which came from hearing others tell it (a know event) rather than from
their personal experience (a remember event). Then participants were placed in 1 of 4 pos-
sible conditions: They completed a guided visualization task led by an expert, a guided visu-
alization task led by a nonexpert, a visual search task, or a verbal list-learning task. For the
guided visualization task, participants listened to a middle-aged man on audiotape, who
asked them to imagine details about their know event. Half believed the person on the tape
was a well-known and esteemed psychologist (an expert), and half were led to believe that
he was someone who had gone back to school to study communications (a nonexpert). As
predicted, guided visualization led participants to rate their know event closer to a remem-
ber event. Planned comparisons demonstrated that the effect was significantly greater for
the expert versus nonexpert conditions. Results were applied to the process of false mem-
ory formation and the use of visualization procedures in psychotherapy.

Key words: false memory, guided visualization, pseudomemory, suggestibility

WHATEVER THEIR PARTICULAR diagnosable mental disorder (American

Psychiatric Association, 1994), people who seek psychotherapy often do so to
overcome acute feelings of demoralization and despair that significantly impair
social and occupational functioning (Frank & Frank, 1991). In attempting to facil-
itate positive change in those seeking treatment, psychotherapists of virtually all
orientations work to help people reconstrue their conceptualization of current as
well as previous life experiences (Atwood & Stolorow, 1984; Auld & Hyman,
1991; Beck & Emery. 1985; Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979; Fosshage, 1998;

Address correspondence to John R. Paddock. I708 Peachtree Street, N. W . Suite 400.

Atlanta, CA 30309; jpaddoc@emop.edu (e-mail).

347
 348 The Journal of Generic Psychology

Kelly, 1955; Kirschner & Kirschner, 1986; Kroll, 1993; Meichenbaum, 1994;
Rogers, 1961). New constructions emerge from the crucible of the patient-thera-
pist relationship (Achin & Kiesler, 1982; Benjamin, 1996; Cashdan, 1988; Sulli-
van, 1953) and therefore cannot not be influenced by the patient’s perception of
the therapist’s authority, competence, experience, and charisma.
Although this reconstrual process would seem to be a ubiquitous and neces-
sary component of effective psychotherapeutic intervention, some methods that
therapists use to help patients both make sense out of their past and learn to cope
in the present may have iatrogenic effects (Dawes, 1994; Lindsay & Read, 1994,
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1995; Loftus & Ketcham, 1994; Loftus, Milo, & Paddock, 1995; Loftus, Pad-
dock, & Guernsey, 1996; Ofshe & Watters, 1994; Pendergrast, 1996; Yapko,
1994). In particular, numerous therapists and self-help advocates have promoted
journaling (Bass & Davis, 1988, 1992, 1994) and guided visualization (Austin,
1994; Bradshaw, 1992; Dolan, 1991; Edwards, 1990; Fredrickson, 1992; Smith,
1993; Williams, 1994) as effective methods for assisting individuals in either
uncovering or developing a meaningful narrative of traumatic life events.
Recent research suggests, however, that not only can adults create false rnern-
ories of childhood experiences (Hyman, Husband, & Billings, 1995; Hyman &
Pentland, 1996; Loftus, 1993; Loftus & Pickrell, 1995), but imagery manipula-
tions such as guided visualization can increase one’s confidence that a recalled
event was actually experienced (Gamy, Frame, & Loftus, 1999; Gamy, Manning,
Loftus, & Sherman, 1996; Carry & Polaschek, 2000; Goff & Roediger, 1998;
Heaps & Nash, 1999; Paddock et al., 1998; Paddock et al., 1999).Thus, it is pos-
sible that therapeutic techniques that combine written memory work and visual
imagery could produce confabulated recollections.
In this study we examined the interpersonal context and process of possible
pseudomemory formation using a recently developed false memory paradigm.
Hyman, Gilstrap, Decker, and Wilkinson ( 1998)demonstrated that mental imagery
could encourage people to report remembering events that moments earlier they
had only known. Specifically, they used Tulving’s (1985) distinction between a
memory about which one has only a sense of familiarity and in which recognition
is based on details supplied by others (a know event) versus a memory from one’s
own personal experience (a remember event; see also Johnson, Hastroudi, & Lind-
say, 1993). Subsequently, Paddock, Terranova, Kwok, and Halpern (2000) repli-
cated this phenomenon in an undergraduate sample from a large engineeringschool,
which was chosen because students in highly technical fields tend to describe them-
selves as less interpersonally suggestible and open to change than those pursuing
liberal arts degrees (Cattell, Eber, & Tatsuoka, 1970; Conn & Rieke, 1994).
We drew from the same population of engineering students, limited our focus
to know events, and investigated the extent to which perceived expertise would
moderate the effect of an imagery manipulation. First, we expected to replicate
Hyman et al. (1998) and Paddock et al. (2000) and to demonstrate that when indi-
viduals generate a know event and then experience a guided visualization routine
 Paddock & Terranova 349

designed to add texture and detail to it, individuals will shift their judgment and
be more likely to report it as a remember event. Second, we expected that inter-
personal context would be an important moderating variable in the anticipated
shift from know to remember. We predicted that the effect would be greatest when
individuals believed that the guided visualization procedure was being conduct-
ed by a psychologist-psychotherapist expert versus a nonprofessional.

Method
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Participants

There were 359 undergraduates (174 men, 185 women, M = 20.19 years,
SD = 2.46 years) who volunteered to participate in this experiment for intro-
ductory psychology course credit.

Design

Participants were randomly assigned to one of four experimental conditions,

and within each condition, participants were randomly assigned to one of two
rehearsal groups; in one, participants rehearsed the generated know event by
answering a series of open-ended questions about it, and in the other, participants
generated a know event without being asked questions (see procedure for detailed
descriptions). The groups were as follows: expert, with questions ( n = 43); expert,
no questions (n = 52); nonexpert, with questions ( n = 49); nonexpert, no ques-
tions ( n = 43); visualization control, with questions ( n = 42); visualization con-
trol, no questions ( n = 42); verbal control, with questions ( n = 44);verbal con-
trol, no questions (n = 44).

Materials and Procedure

A 32-year-old Caucasian female conducted the experiment. After the partic-

ipants completed informed consent procedures, the experimenter read instruc-
tions aloud and asked participants to follow along silently. First, she provided a
general description of memory encoding processes and defined, per Hyman et al.
(1998), a know event as a memory whose details are supplied by others, and a
remember event as a recollection from one’s own personal experience. Next, she
read an example of a possible know event, in which the person recalls attending
a neighborhood friend’s birthday party at the age of 7: “You do not recall specif-
ic details of the party. but you have heard a sibling recall how much fun was had.
. . . He [the sibling] remembers that he was 9 years old; therefore, you know your
age. You remember your old neighborhood and some of your friends there, but
you do not recall this specific birthday party.” She encouraged participants to ask
any questions necessary for understanding the difference between know and
 350 The Joaurnul of Genefic Psychology

remember events and made every effort to make sure all understood the defini-
tions before proceeding.
Next, each participant took up to 15 min to think about and write down in as
much detail as possible a know event that had occurred between the ages of 5 and
10 years. The experimenter provided no additional specific instructions about the
nature of the event they were to report.
Participants assigned to the expert condition were told that they would next
hear a 15-min audiotape designed to help them relax and visualize the know event
they had just written down. The experimenter introduced the audiotape by
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explaining that the person on the tape was a 50-year-old licensed psychologist, a
professor of clinical and counseling psychology, and someone who had published
in both the clinical and empirical research literatures. She told participants that
the psychologist had over 25 years of experience as a psychotherapist, was held
in high esteem by his peers as one of the state’s best clinicians, and that on the
tape he was using a technique frequently used by psychotherapists to enhance the
recall of autobiographical memories. She pointed out that he was considered an
expert in helping people recall and make sense out of early life experiences, and
that he had made the audiotape as a favor to the experimenter.
Participants assigned to the nonexpert condition were told that they would
listen to a 15-min audiotape that was designed to help them relax and visualize
in detail the know event they had just written down. The experimenter introduced
the audiotape for this condition by explaining that the person on it was a 50-year-
old man who had returned to school to study communications in order to pursue
a broadcasting career, and he had made the tape as part of his training as a favor
to the experimenter. For both of these imagery conditions, the experimenter asked
participants to sit quietly, without putting their heads down, to listen and follow
the directions on the audiotape.
In actuality, the tape was identical in both imagery conditions. It was made
by a licensed psychologist with considerable radio broadcast experience, who
prepared the participants by saying: “Settle back, . . . take a couple of deep
breaths, and try to relax and get as comfortable as possible. . . . [Cllose your eyes
and take three deep breaths.” Next, he guided participants through various aspects
of the know event each participant had written. Then he encouraged them in the
following way: “Think about that event and try to remember as much as possi-
ble. . . . [Go] through it in your mind’s eye. . . . If you were outside, what were
you seeing?. . . What were the colors? . . . The vegetation? . . . The sounds? . . .
Was it a bright day, full of sunshine, or was it a cloudy, rainy, dreary day? . . .
Who was with you? . . . What was the temperature?” He asked participants to
hold this image in their minds and try to picture themselves at the time, to imag-
ine what they were wearing, how comfortable they felt, and whether anyone could
tell what they were feeling. He concluded by asking them to “recreate all of this
as vividly as possible” and then gave a few minutes for participants to sharpen
their image. The tape was approximately I3 min long.
 Paddock & Terranova 35 I

Participants assigned to the control conditions generated know events

according to the same instructions used in the guided visualization groups. Then
those in the visual control condition performed a visual search task derived from
the popular book series Where’s Waldo? instead of listening to an audiotaped
visualization procedure. The experimenter provided each person with a Where’s
Waldo? in Hollywood (Handford, 1993) book and instructed participants to fol-
low along as she read the directions aloud. Then she asked participants to be as
silent as possible, to not remark on any of their findings, and to relax and dili-
gently search for Waldo in any of the scenes in the book until she told them to
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stop. The experimenter kept time and allowed the participants to search for Waldo
for approximately 13 min, the same amount of time as that allowed for those lis-
tening to the guided visualization audiotape. Once again, the experimenter
encouraged questions if there was any confusion among the participants and then
instructed them to begin. For the verbal control group, instead of listening to the
audiotape, they completed the first part of the California Verbal Learning Test
(CVLT; Delis, Kramer, Kaplan, & Ober, 1987). For this portion of the CVLT, the
experimenter read a list of 16 words and, immediately upon finishing, asked par-
ticipants to write as many as they could remember. She repeated this procedure
five times, which took 15 min, approximately the same amount of time as imagery
group participants spent listening to the audiotape.
After going through the guided visualization exercise, visual search (Waldo)
task, or verbal memory (CVLT) task, half of the participants immediately com-
pleted their rating on the dependent variable: a continuous I I -point knowhemem-
ber scale ( 1 = know, 6 = unsure, 1 1 = remember). The remaining individuals first
wrote down answers to open-ended (not multiple choice) questions about the
know event (e.g., regarding the time, place, type of environment, their emotion-
al state and that of the people around them at the time of the event) before mak-
ing the dependent variable rating. They used the remaining 20 min of the I-hour
experimental session to complete their written answers to the questions.

Results
With an alpha level of .01, a 2 (questions vs. no questions) x 4 (condition)
analysis of variance demonstrated significance only for condition, F(7, 351) =
33.05,MSE = 5 . 8 9 , ~< .001, q 2 = .22. For subsequent analyses the questions ver-
sus no questions cells were collapsed. Planned comparisons showed that as pre-
dicted, mean knowhemember scores were significantly higher with a large effect
size in the guided visualization groups (expert and nonexpert) compared to con-
trols (Waldo and CVLT), t ( 3 5 5 ) = 8.43, p < .001, d = 3 9 (large). In addition,
planned comparisons with guided visualization groups demonstrated higher mean
knowhemember scores for those in the expert condition, t ( 3 5 5 ) = 4.33, p < .001
(one-tailed), d = .46 (moderate). Table 1 reports descriptive statistics for all con-
ditions as well as the results of post hoc (Scheffk) comparisons among means.
 352 The Journal of Generic Psychology

Post hoc comparisons showed that mean knowhemember scores for the nonex-
pert condition were not significantly higher than the visual (Waldo) control but
exceeded those for the verbal (CVLT) control group.

Discussion

Results of this study replicate and extend previously reported research

(Hyman et al., 1998; Paddock et al., 2000) on the manipulation of knowhemem-
ber judgments of autobiographical memories. Specifically, in a controlled experi-
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ment, guided visualization influences young adults to shift their judgment of a

know event, based principally on details provided by others, toward something
remembered from personal experience, a remember event. In contrast to Paddock
et al. (2000), who found that dispositional characteristics of participants in their
study fail to account for notable amounts of variance in knowhemember judg-
ments, this experiment illustrates the importance of an individual’s perception of
the interpersonal situation in suggestibility research. When a perceived expert
leads one through a guided visualization exercise, the knowhemember shift
exceeds that obtained when a nonprofessional (student) directs the imagery ses-
sion. Just as is the case in psychotherapy, where a patient’s perception of the ther-
apist’s expertise enhances the healing qualities of the relationship (Frank & Frank,
1991), so in this study did participants’ beliefs in the competence of the people
conducting the guided visualization exercise affect reconstrual of know events.
These findings are important for at least two practical reasons. First, once again,
empirical research demonstrates the potential hazards of imagery when used in
“memory work” (Lindsay & Read, 1994, 1995). Although our findings do not sug-
gest that guided visualization is a dangerous intervention per se-indeed imagery
techniques have demonstrated effectiveness in the treatment of anxiety and other
psychological disorders (O’leary & Wilson, 1987; Turner, Calhoun, & Adams,
1992)-practitioners should be cautious about the context in which they apply this
procedure. Put bluntly, using guided visualization to enhance retrieval of any mem-

TABLE 1
Descriptive Statistics and Post Hoc (SchefE) Comparisons
on Mean Knowmemember Scores
~~ ~

Condition
Score Expert Nonexpert Waldo CVLT

M 6.80, 5.27a.b 4.4 1a,c 3.36at2.c

SD 2.48 2.31 2.65 2.21

Nore. CVLT = California Verbal Learning Test. Means in a row sharing subscripts are significantly
different from each other. For subscripts a and b, p < .001, and for subscript c, p < .05.
 -~ Paddock & Terranova 353

ories, especially those of traumatic experiences, can lead to creation of false posi-
tives. Real-life shifts from know events to inaccurate remember events could have
tragic consequences for patients and their families, such as in recent cases of grown
children publicly accusing and suing parents, charging them with sexual abuse, only
to recant such accusations later (Farmer & Goldstein. 1993;Loftus, 1997; Loftus et
al., 1996; Pendergrast, 1996; Van Til, 1997; Wakefield & Underwager, 1994).
Second, our data provide a humbling reminder to psychotherapists about
variables that influence patients in their reformulation of past or current life expe-
riences. That is, although well-defined intervention strategies or techniques facil-
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itate cognitive and behavioral change, the interpersonal influence and authority
of the therapist’s person should not be underestimated; this is especially true in
light of the empirical data on false memory creation and recent court cases in
which a therapist or other authority such as a police official has convinced an indi-
vidual that he or she has been sexually abused, has witnessed a murder (Loftus
& Ketcham, 1994; Ofshe & Watters, 1994; Terr, 1994). or has been cornplicit in
satanic cult ritual abuse (Wright, 1994).
As with any research, conclusions must be tentative pending replication. In
addition, we wish to temper our report of these findings with the following three
caveats. First, we did not design the study to assess whether the observed effect for
the guided visualization directed by a perceived expert was a function of his appar-
ent credentials and assumed competence or his alleged use of a technique “fre-
quently employed by psychotherapists to enhance the recall of autobiographical
memories.” Second. it would be interesting to examine the malleability of
knowhemember judgments, especially when the know event supposedly occurred
prior to the offset of infantile amnesia, say, before the age of 16 months. If a
knowfremember shift of an event that happened in infancy occurred in response to
guided visualization interventions, then it would strengthen the argument implicit
in this article: that these imagery procedures could be one mechanism for forming
pseudomemories. Third, as an anonymous reviewer of this article suggested, it is
possible that participants in the nonexpert condition did not fully follow the guided
visualization instructions: hence, the lack of significantly different knowfremember
scores between this g o u p and the visual (Waldo) control. Although this may have
happened to some degree, mean knowfremember scores were still greater for the
nonexpert versus verbal (CVLT) controls, suggesting that participants did follow the
imagery directions. Keeping in mind these caveats, future researchers should
address how the following contribute to the know-to-remember shift for autobio-
graphical memories: people’s beliefs about expertise, the effectiveness of visualiza-
tion procedures, gender, and the age at which the know event supposedly occurred.

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Received August 25, 2000