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Patricia Novillo-Corvalan, The Tradition of The Female Quixote Offprint
Patricia Novillo-Corvalan, The Tradition of The Female Quixote Offprint
VO L UM E 107, PA RT 1
JANUARY 2012
dit sans les offenser, va bien plus vite que celle d’un homme, et en est bien plus tôt
remplie.
count of its having published writers who, though not chiefly concerned with
politics, had resigned university positions aer the coup d’état’. Flaubert’s
trial took place in under the imperial prosecution of Ernest Pinard, who,
not insignificantly, would also act as prosecutor in the trial of Baudelaire’s Les
Fleurs du mal () later that year. At the heart of Pinard’s legal case was the
crucial fact that Madame Bovary lacked a character—usually portrayed as the
‘Reasoner’ in the hugely popular plays of Dumas fils—able to censure Emma’s
adultery: ‘Qui peut condanner cette femme dans le livre? Personne. Telle est la
conclusion. Il n’y a pas dans le livre un personnage qui puisse la condanner.’
His unbending conclusion was that there was no moral purpose underpin-
ning the book as a whole. Indeed, the moralizing Pinard depicted Madame
Bovary as a dangerous novel which could prove extremely harmful if it fell
into the hands of susceptible lady readers suffering from excessive sensibility.
For the imperial prosecutor, therefore, the crucial question at this stage was
‘qui est-ce qui lit le roman de M. Flaubert?’. An alarmed Pinard maintained
that the principal readership of Flaubert’s novel was not constituted by men
who ‘s’occupent d’économie politique ou sociale’ (OC, ), warning that,
instead, the pages of Madame Bovary would be turned by the hands of ‘jeunes
filles, quelquefois de femmes mariées’, the same naive, young married wives
who, like Emma Bovary, would not be able to differentiate between reality
and illusion: ‘lorsque l’imagination aura été séduite, lorsque le cœur aura parlé
aux sens, est-ce que vous croyez qu’un raisonnement bien froid será bien fort
contre cette séduction des sens et du sentiment?’ (OC, ).
Yet the defence plea convincingly brought forward by Maître Jules Sénard—
an old friend of Dr Flaubert père—gave a twist to Pinard’s case by arguing
that Flaubert’s novel depicted ‘la vertu par l’horreur du vice’ (OC, ), and
that at the heart of the seemingly immoral book was a strong moral lesson, a
didactic principle that readers would, ultimately, be able to intuit and respond
to. In the end, Sénard’s strong defence plea successfully managed to acquit
Flaubert of the charge of publishing an immoral book, as it was announced in
the court’s verdict in February (see OC, ). Still, it remains undeniable
that the trial brought instant notoriety to Flaubert, and that the history of Ma-
dame Bovary would thereaer be deeply embedded in the various intricacies
of the legal case and moral censorship.
Moreover, in the novelistic evolution from Quixotism to Bovarysm the
scandal of Madame Bovary anticipated the scandal of Ulysses, as history re-
Frederick Brown, Flaubert: A Biography (London: Heinemann, ), p. .
Flaubert, Œuvres complètes, ed. by Bernard Masson, vols (Paris: Seuil, ), , . Further
references will be cited parenthetically in the text. See also Brown, pp. –, for a general
overview of the trial; Dominick LaCapra’s comprehensive study, Madame Bovary on Trial (Ithaca,
NY, and London: Cornell University Press, ); and Elisabeth Ladenson’s insightful study, Dirt
for Art’s Sake: Books on Trial from ‘Madame Bovary’ to ‘Lolita’ (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell
University Press, ).
e Tradition of the Female Quixote
peated itself more than fiy years later with a direct descendant of Emma
Bovary, Gerty MacDowell, the limping heroine of ‘Nausicaa’ whose mind has
been ‘lamed’, and ‘painfully misled’—as R. Brandon Kershner puts it—by
her excessive reading of popular romances. e deluded Gerty MacDowell,
as Suzette Henke also claims, has been ‘brainwashed by popular culture’; ‘her
mind is saturated with the orts, scraps, and fragments of Victorian popular
culture’. us the lame Gerty becomes, via the intermediacy of Flaubert,
a twentieth-century female successor of Don Quixote, whose head has been
turned not by chivalric romances, but by the mellifluous prose style of ladies’
magazines, popular sentimental fiction, and a female-targeted consumerist
culture. From a moral standpoint, Gerty MacDowell has inherited Emma
Bovary’s egotistical impulses, libidinal desires, and transgressive sexual be-
haviour, as Gerty derives increasing pleasure from the famous masturbation
scene in ‘Nausicaa’, which eventually fell prey to the inquisitorial scrutiny of
the censor.
Indeed, the ‘Nausicaa’ episode was the detonator of a full-scale court suit
against Ulysses in the United States as one of the editors of the Little Re-
view, Margaret Anderson, had sent an unsolicited copy of their ‘Nausicaa’
instalment to the daughter of an eminent New York lawyer. e young lady
in question was neither impressed by Gerty’s exhibitionism—‘he [Bloom]
could see her other things too, nainsook knickers, the fabric that caresses
the skin [. . .] she let him and she saw that he saw’ (U, . –)—nor by
Bloom’s voyeurism and onanism: ‘Mr Bloom with careful hand recomposed
his wet shirt. O Lord, that little limping devil. Begins to feel cold and clammy.
Aereffect not unpleasant. Still you have to get rid of it someway’ (U, .
–). e much-offended puritanical daughter dutifully protested to her
father, who in turn referred the whole matter to John Sumner, the secretary
of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice. e main issue at stake
here, as Paul Vanderham makes clear, was that Sumner believed (like Ernest
Pinard in the trial of Madame Bovary) that Bloom’s masturbatory scene in
front of the not-so-innocent Gerty might reach—and therefore corrupt—the
minds of young lady readers:
[Sumner] believed that the episode of Ulysses before him constituted a double violation
of the young person he was sworn to protect. e first offence was committed when
the July–August instalment of Ulysses penetrated the domestic realm to corrupt the
lawyer’s daughter with a story of sexual perversity. [. . .] e gravity of the second
R. B. Kershner, Joyce, Bakhtin, and Popular Literature: Chronicles of Disorder (Chapel Hill
and London: University of North Carolina Press, ), p. .
Suzette Henke, ‘Gerty MacDowell: Joyce’s Sentimental Heroine’, in Women in Joyce, ed. by
Suzette Henke and Elaine Unkeless (Brighton: Harvester Press, ), pp. – (pp. , ).
Paul Vanderham, James Joyce and Censorship: e Trials of ‘Ulysses’ (London: Macmillan,
), p. .
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offence undoubtedly lay not so much in Bloom’s immorality as in the young person’s
impurity: she was not the innocent of the Victorian imagination.
In the end, and in spite of John Quinn’s strong defence plea which argued
that ‘a young person would not understand the sex allusions and therefore
could not be corrupted by them’, Sumner’s legal prosecution of the Little
Review for publishing obscenity prevailed, and in February Ulysses be-
came prohibited in the United States, a verdict that would not be overridden
for more than a decade. In this way, beneath the surface of Flaubert’s and
Joyce’s trials emerges a complex pattern that draws a correlation between the
modern figure of the female Quixote and the larger forces of censorship, a
relationship that becomes even more discernible when a third scandal takes
place. Charges of immorality and political subversion were brought against
Manuel Puig, one of the most important post-Boom Latin American writers.
In this way, e Buenos Aires Affair was added to the international blacklist
of immoral novels and followed in the legal footsteps of Madame Bovary and
Ulysses.
e Buenos Aires Affair unfolds a detective story in which Gladys D’Onofrio,
an artist manquée, is kidnapped by her sadist lover, the successful art critic
Leopoldo Druscovich. Although the heroine mysteriously disappears in the
first chapter of the book, this is not a conventional detective thriller, but
rather a deeper exploration of the character’s libidinal obsessions, aspirations,
and childhood traumas set against the background of Argentina’s political
turmoil in the s. In effect, the novel fell under the scrutiny of the cen-
sorship policy during the government of Juan Domingo Perón. Puig’s official
biographer and translator, Suzanne Jill Levine, states that in April ‘the
book was withdrawn from circulation and in April released in censored form:
entire paragraphs with references to Perón, or to police and military brutality
during the first Peronist era, were whited out, as were “obscene” or “perverse”
sexual details’. e following year, adds Levine, ‘the situation grew worse
and the book was banned as pornography. Words became actions when the
Morality Division of the Federal Police sequestered all copies of the novel
in January ’. e so-called ‘obscene’ sexual details that the Morality
Division found particularly unpalatable were the explicit masturbation scenes
of Gladys D’Onofrio, which were signalled in the text through a stream of
experimental footnotes that culminated in Gladys’s sexual climax. (Molly
Ibid., pp. –.
Ibid., p. .
Suzanne Jill Levine, Manuel Puig and the Spider Woman: His Life and Fictions (New York:
Farrar, Straus and Giroux, ), p. .
Ibid.
See Manuel Puig, e Buenos Aires Affair: novela policial (Buenos Aires: Seix Barral, ),
pp. –.
e Tradition of the Female Quixote
Bloom’s orgasmic, unpunctuated soliloquy may well have provided the model
for these erotic passages.) We can then deduce that the evolution from Quix-
otism to Bovarysm and MacDowellism, or the diasporic movement of Don
Quixote into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries across both sides of the
Atlantic, has been marked by a reception history characterized by suppression
and prohibition as the relationship between Flaubert, Joyce, and Puig is trian-
gulated by censorship and fused in a legal dictum that labelled their novels as
filthy, obscene, and pornographic.
Like her French and Irish predecessors, Puig’s heroine Gladys is not only
an eager devotee of ladies’ journals and sentimental fiction but also a con-
summate fan of radio soap operas and romantic Hollywood movies starring
female luminaries such as Greta Garbo and Joan Crawford. Gladys shares
the sexual desires of her French and Irish sisters (which also differentiates
them from the virtuous, desexualized female Quixotes of the seventeenth-
and eighteenth-century French and English traditions) and overtly engages
in scenes of genital pleasure which raised many eyebrows in s Argentina.
In her comparative study of ‘Nausicaa’ and e Lamplighter, for example,
Kimberly Devlin highlights the crucial fact that ‘Joyce endows Gerty [. . .]
with one attribute missing from Cummin’s heroine and anti-heroine alike:
the capacity to feel sexual desire for the hero’. e sexual promiscuousness
implicit in Emma’s, Gerty’s, and Gladys’s transgressive desire—we can think
of Emma’s veiled cab ride with her new lover Léon through the streets of
Rouen, Gerty’s awareness of Bloom’s masturbation and her rapturous orgas-
mic Os, and Gladys’s sexual permissiveness and genital gratification—became
one of the most significant moral predicaments about the dangers of reading
corrupting books.
in which Gladys confesses to the lady reporter that: ‘mi mayor ambición
es realizarme como mujer en el amor’ (‘my highest ambition as a woman
is to fulfil myself in love’). In this fictional interview a seductive Gladys
transforms herself into the author and protagonist of the type of sentimental
fiction she has read in the rose-tinted columns of glossy women’s magazines
and romantic Hollywood films.
Joyce and Puig juxtapose the clichés of romantic fiction with the language
of popular culture, namely newspapers, pulp fiction, publicity slogans, beauty
products, and the current trends in feminine fashion. is polyphonic dimen-
sion of Gerty MacDowell is foregrounded in Joyce’s o-quoted letter to his
friend Frank Budgen, in which he famously described the ‘Nausicaa’ episode
as ‘written in a namby-pamby jammy marmalady drawersy (alto là) style with
effects of incense, Mariolatry, masturbation, stewed cockles, painter’s palette,
chitchat, circumlocutions, etc etc’. In ‘Nausicaa’ this heteroglossic effect is
further underlined by the disparity between the conventional description of
Gerty MacDowell as a romantic heroine, ‘slight and graceful, inclining even to
fragility’ (U, . –), and the powerful discourse of female-targeted publi-
city slogans which advertised quack remedies, ‘but those iron jelloids she had
been taking of late had done her a world of good much better than the Widow
Welch’s female pills and she was much better of those discharges she used to
get and that tired feeling’ (U, . –). For Suzette Henke the artificially
enhanced and narcissistic Gerty ‘serves as a herald of the twentieth-century
goddesses staring from the covers of Cosmopolitan, Woman’s Day, and Play-
boy’. It may also be claimed that Gerty serves as a herald of her Argentinian
avatar, Gladys D’Onofrio, who stares from the covers of the glossy fashion
magazines of the Southern Continent of the Americas. Like her Irish sister,
Gladys has fallen easy prey to the seductive powers of female-targeted pub-
licity spaces of Harper’s Bazaar: ‘En este momento lo que ansiaría es pasar
por mi piel el perfume corporal polinesio que recomienda una página en-
tera de su revista, porque esta noche quiero sorprender a alguien con una
nueva fragancia’ (p. : ‘Right now what I’d most desire is to spread on my
skin the Polynesian body fragrance which is recommended on a full page
of your magazine, because tonight I want to surprise someone with a new
scent’). If Emma Bovary became the victim of the unscrupulous commercial
manœuvres of Lheureux, so Gerty and Gladys emerge as the unhappy and
vulnerable targets of the proliferating world of media advertisement. Gerty
MacDowell owes her pastiche existence to Bovarysm and, of course, to other
Western female models ranging from Homer’s virgin princess Nausicaa to the
Blessed Virgin Mary and, as Kimberly Devlin has convincingly argued, the
Puig, p. . Further references will be cited parenthetically in the text.
Selected Letters of James Joyce, ed. by Richard Ellmann (London: Faber & Faber, ), p. .
Henke, p. .
e Tradition of the Female Quixote
heroine from Maria Cummin’s novel e Lamplighter. In e Buenos Aires Af-
fair Puig drew from this pool of Bovarysm and MacDowellism, albeit blended
with the stereotypes of romantic Hollywood films.
At the same time the evolution from Quixotism to Bovarysm and Mac-
Dowellism is populated with ultimately tragic creations, whose existence is
marked by sudden death or a profound disillusionment, as the romanticized,
high-flown ideals of their cherished romances, novelettes, magazines, or films,
collides with the sordid reality of their everyday lives. It is noteworthy that
Cervantes finished the second part of Don Quixote with the death of his hero,
who lucidly remarks on his deathbed: ‘Yo fui loco y ya soy cuerdo; fui don Qui-
jote de la Mancha y soy ahora, como he dicho, Alonso Quijano el Bueno’ (‘I
was mad and now I’m sane; I was Don Quijote de la Mancha and now, as I’ve
said, I’m Alonso Quijano the Good’). e peaceful yet pitiful death of a sane
Alonso Quijano sets a stark contrast with the horrific and disturbing death of
his female avatar, Emma Bovary, with arsenic poisoning. According to Laden-
son, ‘the fate Emma meets is differently literary: dying in sordid agony, she
is plagued by a persistent taste of ink, a nauseous reminder of the books that
had intoxicated her’. As a form of illusion, Bovarysm is intrinsically tragic,
thus disavowing its extended novelistic kinship with the comic impulses of
Quixotism: Emma Bovary can only signal the beginning of a tragic act that
will endlessly circulate across the centuries in different languages and places.
erefore Gerty and Gladys can only inherit the frustration and dissatisfac-
tion of their French predecessor. eir personal and social circumstances in
their marginal Ireland and Argentina will not be able to fulfil their romantic
dreams: Gerty’s thwarted relationship with Reggy Wylie, her drunken father,
and unflattering lameness; while Gladys’s facial deformity, her masochistic
relationship with Leopoldo Druscovich, and the general political turmoil in
Argentina have almost driven her to suicide. Gerty’s lameness and Gladys’s
facial deformity mark the end of their romantic dreams and the impossibility
of attaining the idyllic life they fervently desired. In other words, the limping
leg—‘Tight boots? No. She’s lame! O!’ (U, . )—and the blind eye—‘el
párpado izquierdo también había sido desgarrado y el globo ocular había
quedado destruído’ (p. : ‘Her le eyelid had also been torn and the eyeball
had been destroyed’)—violate the code of romantic perfection, becoming a
synecdoche in which the disabled part stands for the rest of the body.
e Fear of Fiction
e motif of the powerful effects of reading, the idea that the contents of
a book may be capable of infiltrating the minds of susceptible readers and
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Don Quijote de la Mancha (San Pablo: Real Academia
Española, ), p. . Ladenson, p. .
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that their reality will, as a result, be perceived through the fabrics of fiction,
remains at the core of Cervantes’s masterpiece. e mysterious, almost threa-
tening idea that the everyday world in which we live may be overtaken by
the hidden laws of fiction underscores a disquieting situation in which the
power of literature envelops its readers, or victims, under its mesmerizing and
deceptive magic. In a way, Cervantes not only paved the way for the arrival of
a female Quixote, but also anticipated the metaphysical anxieties of Borges,
as readers read books in whose pages they are also written, and the secret
powers of an encyclopedia or infinite library will eventually absorb the reality
in which we live. ‘[e] fear of fiction’, Alberto Manguel reminds us, ‘has been
expressed in the Western world since the days of Plato, who banned poets
from his ideal Republic.’ In Chapter of Don Quixote the priest and the
barber believe that the only way to cure their deluded master is by destroying
the very books which have poisoned his understanding. As they scrutinize the
library of Don Quixote, which stands as a monument of the chivalric genre,
priest and barber busily pass their judgement upon the hundreds of titles
that fall into their hands and, with the backing of Don Quixote’s niece and
maid, mercilessly condemn them to the fire (although a few first editions are
mercifully saved).
e moral of the story—or the lesson the priest and the barber seek to
inculcate here—is that by burning a whole archive of chivalric fiction they
will be able to restore the sanity of their friend. But the combustion of a whole
library is unable to erase the long-lasting impressions these books have made
on the hero’s imagination, so the adventures of the ingenious hidalgo Don
Quixote de la Mancha acquire a new heroic impetus from the smouldering
ashes of the burning pyre. In a similar situation, Madame Bovary senior urged
her son Charles to cancel Emma’s subscription to Rouen’s lending library,
complaining that Emma is only occupied with reading ‘des romans, des mau-
vais livres, des ouvrages qui sont contre la religion’ (p. ). As Fox has argued,
‘she [Madame Bovary senior] does not burn Emma’s books, for it is civilized
bureaucratic France, not inquisitorial Spain, but she does threaten to report
the book lender to the police’: ‘N’aurait-on pas le droit d’avertir la police, si
le libraire persistait quand même dans son métier d’empoisonneur?’ (p. ).
Elisabeth Ladenson maintains that Flaubert is deliberately drawing attention
to the age-old moralistic belief that ‘excessive novel-reading is poisonous and
should be prevented, if necessary by official intervention’. Yet Emma’s ima-
gination has already been filled with sorrowful lovers gazing at the moon,
long passionate kisses, Walter Scott’s romantic old manor houses, Lamartine’s
poetic sensibility, the clandestine novels she read in the convent, and the fine
Alberto Manguel, A History of Reading (New York: Viking, ), pp. –.
Fox, p. .
Ladenson, p. .
e Tradition of the Female Quixote
satin bindings of the keepsakes that made her shiver as she carefully unfolded
them. By the same token, in e Buenos Aires Affair Gladys’s mother objects
to her daughter’s consumption of the popular Buenos Aires magazine Rico
Tipo [Wise Guy], which featured colourful drawings of sensual female figures
who are described as ‘invariablemente altísimas muchachas bronceadas de
breve cintura, talle mínimo, flotante busto esférico y largas piernas carnosas’
(p. : ‘girls invariably very tall and tanned, with narrow waists, size zero,
floating round bosom and long shapely legs’). She complains that her daugh-
ter ‘se pasaba el día [leyendo porquerías] con la columna vertebral arqueada’
(p. : ‘spends all day long bent over reading this trash’) and instructs her
father never to buy them again. But Gladys’s imagination has already been
saturated with the female stereotypes endorsed by popular fiction, and the
‘rags to riches’ stories advertised in Hollywood films and radio soap operas
that would have an enduring and disastrous effect in her life.
e female Quixotes of Flaubert, Joyce, and Puig stand at the forefront of
a fictional canonicity which implies the return of a transgendered version of
Don Quixote, as Cervantes’s hero is reborn in a different gender, culture, and
history. e rebirth of Don Quixote as a female Quixote from Flaubert to
Puig signals a self-conscious aesthetic act that endlessly exposes the parodic
effects of the original—whether what is parodied are chivalric romances, ro-
mantic literature, or popular romances—as well as taking to greater lengths
the moral predicaments about the dangerous effects of reading ‘corrupting’
books. Inevitably, their highly provocative lady readers became inextricably
bound up with the larger forces of censorship, the same moral law that recast
them in the new role of immoral heroines. And while Flaubert’s, Joyce’s, and
Puig’s Quixotic protagonists have inherited the archetypal romantic and de-
luded attributes of their seventeenth-century male ancestor, their modernity is
also reinforced with a stronger gender dimension associated with androgyny,
sexual transgression, and eroticism.
e motif of a fictional character whose powers of reason have been ob-
scured by the veil of romance has exerted an irresistible fascination through-
out the last four hundred years: from Cervantes to Flaubert, Joyce, and
Puig. When Joyce conjured up the ghost of Flaubert’s Emma Bovary he also
summoned (in)advertently the ghost of Cervantes’s Don Quixote. ere even
remains the aerthought that the whole design of Ulysses may have been
modelled not just on the great epic masters, Homer, Virgil, and Dante, but
also on the medieval and Renaissance legacy of Rabelais and Cervantes, as
Joyce told Arthur Power: ‘Just as Rabelais smells of France in the Middle Ages
and Don Quixote smells of the Spain of his time, so Ulysses smells of the
Dublin of my day.’ But the flavour and atmosphere that Joyce instilled in
Power, p. .
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