Journal of International Consumer Marketing

ISSN: 0896-1530 (Print) 1528-7068 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wicm20

Authenticity and Institutional Context: Individual

Preferences in China

Glenn R. Carroll, Mi Feng, Yuanqiong He, Kieran O’Connor & Lihua Wang

To cite this article: Glenn R. Carroll, Mi Feng, Yuanqiong He, Kieran O’Connor & Lihua Wang
(2019): Authenticity and Institutional Context: Individual Preferences in China, Journal of
International Consumer Marketing, DOI: 10.1080/08961530.2019.1590281

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Published online: 05 Apr 2019.

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JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING
https://doi.org/10.1080/08961530.2019.1590281

Authenticity and Institutional Context: Individual Preferences in China

Glenn R. Carrolla, Mi Fengb, Yuanqiong Hec, Kieran O’Connord and Lihua Wange
a
Stanford University, Stanford, California, USA; bBeijing Mikehudong Inc, 58.com, Beijing, China; cHuazhong University of Science and
Technology, Wuhan, China; dUniversity of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia, USA; eSan Francisco State University, San Francisco,
California, USA

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
This study explores how and when the institutionalized classification system for products (or Authenticity; institu-
services) in a specific national market domain affects consumer perceptions of authenticity. tions; China
We argue that “type authenticity” presupposes a well-established and taken-for-granted clas-
sification system for a product or service. In domains with such systems, individuals will
place greater value on products or markets that exhibit high type authenticity—other forms
of authenticity, including craft, moral, or idiosyncratic authenticity, will be less salient. By
contrast, in domains without institutionalized systems, individuals will prioritize craft or
moral or idiosyncratic authenticity over type authenticity. To test these arguments, we con-
ducted studies in China where we asked participants to express preferences and make
choices about products described to evoke various kinds of authenticity. We also asked
these individuals to assess the authenticity of the producer organizations as well as their
willingness to pay for associated products. Specifically, we tested the arguments with data
on the appeal of various fictitious producers of leather handbags and green tea among
Chinese individuals. While the leather handbag is known in China, it is not highly institution-
alized whereas white tea clearly is. The findings generally support the hypotheses.

Introduction of the world’s population, and represent the bulk

Many social scientists recognize the appeal of
authenticity among individuals (Grayson and
Martinec 2004; Beverland 2009; Peterson 1997).
This trend has been noted extensively in the U.S.
and other highly developed consumer markets,
leading some analysts to regard the appeal of
authenticity to consumers as a phenomenon typ-
ical of advanced economies. For instance,
Gilmore and Pine (2007) claim that consumer
concern with authenticity is a natural extension
of the historical focus on product and service
quality in highly developed markets.
Research on authenticity has also been con-
ducted primarily on consumers from advanced
markets, even when the products originate in
developing countries (e.g., handmade rugs, ethnic
handicrafts, and adventure tourism). Research on
the appeal (or not) of authenticity among con-
sumers in developing countries is much less
prevalent, especially systematic quantitative
research. Yet, developing countries contain most
of the future consumer market.
Why would consumers in developing markets
care about authenticity? On the one hand, the
typically simpler industrial structure and greater
agricultural orientation of these economies imply
that consumers might be more accustomed to
knowing (and choosing on the basis of) product
origins and craft production systems. On the
other hand, authenticity may be a taste criterion
of affluent highly sophisticated consumers in
developed markets and beyond the imagination
of those populations more concerned with sub-
sistence or basic product safety. Research on con-
sumer perceptions in developed markets also
shows that imported products from developed
countries often enjoy a positive effect of their
country of origin (COO), if it is clearly labeled.
So, the interest of consumers in less developed
markets to goods and services perceived as
authentic is far from obvious—indeed, percep-
tions of what is authentic likely even differ. And,

CONTACT Glenn R. Carroll gcarroll@stanford.edu Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA.

Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www.tandfonline.com/wicm.
ß 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
2 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
to our knowledge, little scientific research on this
topic has yet to be reported.
Accordingly, we ask here the basic research
questions, Do consumers in developing econo-
mies seek out and prefer for authenticity in their
products and services? And, if so, then what
forms does the appeal take? How do their tastes
and purchase preferences differ from those of
advanced economies?
The research objectives of this study address
these questions. Most broadly, we aim to develop
a theoretical framework for analyzing the appeal
of authenticity in consumer markets of developing
and less developed economies. As part of that
broad goal, we will demonstrate use of the pro-
posed framework by analyzing and making predic-
tions about two specific product markets in China.
Finally, we report tests of these predictions using
originally collected data from several empirical
projects, introducing new evidence into under-
standing authenticity in developing economies.
While there are many directions we might pur-
sue in exploring these questions and objectives,
we focus on an important aspect of market devel-
opment—classification. By market development,
we mean the establishment and organization of
economic, political and social institutions (includ-
ing norms) that underlay and support market
exchanges. In particular, we concentrate on how
institutionalized the classification system for a
product (or service) is. At one extreme, we
imagine a product market that relies on an estab-
lished and institutionalized classification system
of products to shape exchanges, much like the
markets for art or music where genres define the
categories of the classification system. At the
other extreme, we envision a product market
where there is no real operative classification
scheme. Parties in this type of exchange base
their actions on their own perceptions, beliefs,
and values, much like the market for hairstylists
or fitness trainers or tutors, for example. Of
course, most product markets can be placed
somewhere on a continuum spanning these two
extremes even though they tend to tilt to one
pole or the other.
Theoretically, we develop arguments linking
market development in terms of classification
with the appeal of several very different but
fundamental semantic interpretations of authenti-
city, what are sometimes called type, craft, moral
and idiosyncratic authenticity (Newman and
Smith 2016). As elaborated below, type authenti-
city concerns whether a producer is true to its
assigned social category. It is important to recog-
nize that type authenticity presupposes a well-
established and taken-for-granted classification
system for a product or service. In market
domains with such systems, we build on conjec-
tures to argue that individuals will place greater
value on products or markets that exhibit high
type authenticity while other kinds of authenticity
will be less salient, if not explicitly ignored. By
contrast, in market domains without institutional-
ized classification systems, individuals will priori-
tize other kinds of authenticity over type
authenticity. This is because type itself has less
meaning in these contexts—what value is there of
being an iconic type if no one knows about or
cares about the type? Other concerns
should prevail.
To test these arguments, we conducted
research in the People’s Republic of China.
Specifically, we executed three experiments and
one survey in China where we asked individuals
to make choice decisions based on the descrip-
tions of various (fictitious) producers of handbags
and silver needle tea (also called white tea, a type
of green tea) written to emphasize various kinds
of authenticity. Handbags are a universal global
product while green tea is a long-established and
highly institutionalized product among Chinese
people. We also asked these individuals to assess
the authenticity of the producers as well as their
willingness to pay for associated products that
socially constructed authenticity accords value
among consumers in advanced market. We rely
on a framework from organizational theory that
integrates most other contemporary usages of the
concept, by positing four kinds of authenticity,
type, craft, moral, and idiosyncratic (Carroll and
Wheaton 2009). Accordingly, while this study
investigates the empirical foundations of a spe-
cific theory, it also speaks to broader questions
about socially constructed authenticity.
The scientific goals we pursued in this project
differ from the usual theory-testing approach
found in many contemporary social science

articles. In our view, tight testing of theoretical
propositions about the various meanings of
authenticity would be premature prior to estab-
lishing that, in fact, individuals can recognize and
use these meanings on their own. In other words,
we believed it was essential to make a case for
existence, or what Merton (1987) calls,
“establishing the phenomenon.” Simon (1968)
argues similarly that the initial development of
scientific ideas often comes from examining
empirical records. He goes on to claim that,
“philosophy of science must be fully concerned
with the origins of scientific theories as with their
testing—indeed that the two are inextricably
interwoven” (Simon 1968: 439).1 As we describe
below, a research orientation of discovery does
not imply that we forgo the development of
empirically falsifiable claims with respect to
behavior. It means simply that these claims take
on a different character than usual.
Theoretical framework on authenticity
Considered generally, authenticity is a semantic
attribution that individuals assign to certain
objects, individuals, places, and objectified activ-
ities such as services. For many consumers, the
attribution conveys value above and beyond
the objective and hedonic characteristics of the
object, especially when there is agreement about
it (Fine 2004; Kov
acs, Carroll, and Lehman 2014;
Potter 2010). However, the semantic meaning
underlying the attribution often varies from con-
text to context and from person to person. This
variability can be seen among analysts as well as
consumers and other individual members of
the society.
How does the meaning differ among individu-
als? A very fundamental–and long recognized–
difference involves distinguishing between
authenticity as a classification problem and
authenticity as a moral problem. In the classifica-
tion interpretation, users analyze whether the
object or entity meets the commonly accepted
criteria for inclusion or membership in a type or
category or genre. Obviously, this usage presumes
the existence of the associated type or category,
which is usually socially or culturally defined. For
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 3
example, a dance performance may be regarded
as an authentic Flamenco dance performance,
meaning that it accords well with the standards
and conventions normally associated with
Flamenco dance, a Spanish dance form originat-
ing in the Andalusian region. This is the primary
meaning that we focus on in this article—we
explore the differences of consumers’ authenticity
attributions between markets that have or do not
have developed institutionalized categories.
By contrast, authenticity as a moral problem
derives from existential philosophy. In this usage,
authenticity carries moral meaning about the val-
ues and choices seen as embedded in an object
or entity (Lau 2010). A person, for instance,
would be said to be authentic if she is sincere,
assumes responsibility for her actions and makes
explicit value-based choices concerning those
actions and appearances rather than accepting
preprogramed or socially imposed values and
actions. Likewise, by this interpretation, an
authentic dancer would be a performer who
expresses herself uniquely through her steps,
movements, and facial expressions rather than
just following a set choreography by rote (Sagiv
2014). Although there is some tension between
these two meanings, they should not be seen as
inherently contradictory or as mutually exclusive.
An entity can be seen as one or the other, as
both, or as neither.
Although each of the two basic meanings of
authenticity follows a long tradition, many con-
temporary usages rely only on one meaning and
ignore the other. Conversely, other applications
conflate the two meanings (perhaps unwittingly)
and muddle the concept. These variations in
usage are sometimes noted, but not always, creat-
ing confusion and misunderstanding. Finally,
there are also some other meanings noted, many
of which are not widely used. An exception
would be authenticity as provenance or what is
sometimes called nominal authenticity (Dutton
2003). This meaning refers to the veracity of a
claim of origins; an authentic entity does indeed
come from its purported origin (e.g., an original
silkscreen by Andy Warhol) whereas an
inauthentic one (often regarded as counterfeit or
fraudulent in this context) does not.
4 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
Typology of authenticities
In analyzing contemporary product markets,
Carroll and Wheaton (2009) identify two other
common meanings, that is, craft authenticity and
idiosyncratic authenticity. Craft authenticity con-
cerns whether something is made using the
appropriate techniques, methods and ingredients.
An example would be Orvis bamboo fly fishing
rods, which the company describes as represent-
ing “a lasting bastion of workbench
craftsmanship.” Idiosyncratic authenticity refers
to cases where there is a commonly recognized
historical quirkiness to the product or place. An
example is Snow’s Barbecue in Lexington, Texas,
an outdoor ramshackle operation with makeshift
pits and picnic tables, run by an 82-year-old
woman and only open one morning per week,
when its food usually sells out after a few hours.
Combining the two basic distinctions about
the meaning of authenticity with craft and idio-
syncratic provides a comprehensive typology of
four Weberian ideal types of authenticity. A
Weberian ideal type reflects the key conceptual
dimensions of a phenomenon, even though no
perfect realization may exist (think of the graphic
illustrations in a field guide to birds or plants).
Ideal types may overlap or intersect, meaning
that an entity might be characterized by more
than one type. For Weber, a crucial criterion for
an ideal type is that it possesses adequacy of
meaning and it is recognizable and interpretable
in the social world. Comprehensiveness in a typ-
ology implies that it encompasses all the regular
usages of the concept.
Weberian ideal typologies are sometimes
criticized for exaggerating differences among
types relative to their actual realizations in the
social world. For an authenticity typology, we
tend to regard this as a positive feature because it
casts light on important theoretical distinctions
that might be conflated or ambiguous in the real
world. In other words, it helps us see conceptual
differences often obscured in real entities or
obfuscated by ambiguous language.
Prior empirical research in developed markets
provides some empirical support for the typology.
Sagiv (2014) provided concrete examples using
this typology in her analysis of Israeli dance
troupes. Using more systematic data, O’Connor,
Carroll, and Kov
acs (2017) reported a series of
systematic empirical tests they conducted using a
variety of methods (experimental and non-experi-
mental) on participants from the U.S. Specifically,
they examined responses to three online experi-
ments and one behavioral experiment using
product descriptions designed to highlight the
various hypothesized types of organizational
authenticity. O’Connor, Carroll, and Kov
acs
(2017) also used archival data from an online
consumer review system to see whether patrons
recognize and value each of the four types of
authenticity. In general, they found evidence that
modern U.S. consumers: (1) recognize and distin-
guish among the four types of authenticity; (2)
find authenticity appealing and assign it higher
value even when contrasted with quality; and (3)
express a willingness to pay more for choices
they make about authentic products.
An obvious question that occurs to those con-
sidering this and other typologies on authenticity
involves how consumers and other individuals
prioritize the various meanings. They often ask,
which meaning of authenticity is most prevalent
and dominates perceptions and choices? That is,
does one meaning of authenticity come to mind
first for most people, most of the time? Our
answer, based on a deep appreciation of the prior
research on authenticity, is that there is no good
simple reply to this question—and never can be.
Why? Because in our view, social context matters
more than anything else; context colors and con-
ditions the meanings that are invoked and the
interpretations that are processed cognitively.
Accordingly, we believe that theory about inter-
pretations of authenticity should be developed by
identifying and specifying the social conditions
that make salient the various semantic under-
standings commonly used.
Claims as the context
How? What kinds of conditions or contingencies
should be considered? Two prior analyses focus
on the authenticity claim itself. Kov
acs, Carroll,
and Lehman (2017) examined authenticity self-
claims, proclamations by an organization’s man-
agers about its own authenticity. They

differentiate between type authenticity self-claims
and moral authenticity self-claims. They find that
individuals view type self-claims negatively while
they view moral self-claims positively. Lehman,
O’Connor, and Carroll (2019) examined the
behavioral responses of individuals based on their
interpretations of authenticity. They show that
when individuals perceive an entity as type
authentic, it often elicits a social response, while
the perception of an entity as morally authentic
prompts a self-oriented behavioral reaction. Both
studies suggest that different social and psycho-
logical dynamics surround the interpretation of
authenticity, yet neither of these studies attempts
to identify the situational circumstances or con-
text that will generate a particular interpretation.
Product/service market as the context
Another intriguing social context possibly worth
exploring is the product or service market
domain. That is, a consumer’s ideas about a
product or service (and its associated market)
might drive the interpretation–and that percep-
tions about the authenticity of certain products
or services are grounded in one interpretation or
another. For example, Qirko (2014) argues that
emotion in the music of Cuban bands and songs
conveys authenticity. The designation could be
idiosyncratic, rooted in early random historical
usage, and then persistent within a community.
For example, Leigh, Peters, and Shelton (2006)
describe how MG car owners delight in interpret-
ing car history and their own driving activities as
authentic. It is also possible that some general
features of products (or services) and their mar-
kets are associated with various interpretations.
For instance, Newman and Dhar (2014) claim
that consumers consider Louis Vuitton bags
made at the original factory more authentic than
those produced in more modern factories.
Attempts to identify these products or their
relevant characteristics might be induced from
empirical studies. For instance, Derbaix and
Derbaix (2010) show that music fans regard as
authentic those comeback tours of rock musicians
that remain faithful to the original productions
and feature musicians true to themselves per-
forming for passionate audiences. Likewise,
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 5
O’Connor, Carroll, and Kov
acs (2017) report that
diners reviewing restaurants tend to weigh craft
authenticity most heavily; they find a similar ten-
dency among individuals when asked to assess
burgoo, an unfamiliar meat stew. By contrast,
when choosing among various descriptions of
chocolate, individuals tend to favor type authenti-
city. Together, these findings suggest that the
product or industry might prompt different
meanings and associated values among authen-
tic products.
Culture as the context
A third interesting social context that might color
interpretations of authenticity is national culture.
Western and Asian cultures are thought by many
to contain important differences. Western cul-
tures are individualistic and Asia cultures—
including China—are collectivist (Markus and
Kitayama 1991). A collectivist culture implies
that individuals: (1) hold a self-conception that
strongly emphasizes their interdependence with
the groups and the society to which they belong;
(2) conform faithfully to social norms of groups
and the society; (3) regard hierarchy as legitim-
ate; and (4) judge individuals by their groups,
especially their ancestry (Wong and Ahuvia
1998). Some analysts attribute the origins of
Asian collectivistic culture to Confucian tradition
and associated ancient values.
What does collectivist culture have to do with
consumer choice? According to Wong and
Ahuvia (1998), individuals from collectivist cul-
tures are more likely (than those from individual-
istic cultures) to buy products that reflect social
norms rather than individual self-expression or
hedonic preferences. These authors also argue
that individuals from collectivist cultures are
more attracted to publicly visible possessions, and
that they are more apt to regard a manufacturer’s
identity and brand as an indicator of product
quality. In partial support of these arguments,
Zhang and Neelankavil (1997) show that advertis-
ing pitches emphasizing benefits to the collective
(rather than to the individual) are more effective
among Chinese consumers. Thus, beyond par-
ticular products and industries, the broader cul-
tural context may have a strong influence over
6 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
consumer decisions and the link between differ-
ent meanings of authenticity within them
(Haytko et al. 2018).
Economic development as the context
A primary focus of consumer research in devel-
oping countries addresses the effects of a prod-
uct’s COO, referred to as COO effects (Batra
et al. 2000; Arora et al. 2016). COO effects often
predict how products originating from specific
countries will be received in a developing coun-
try, based on perceptions of the origin country’s
image and its accorded status (Essoussi and
Merunka 2007). Other research in this vein
abstracts up a level to consider how the class of
products considered “foreign” fare in comparison
to products from domestic producers. These
studies sometimes consider how foreign origins
interact with product characteristics or typical
usages to generate consumer impressions and
appeal. For instance, whether a foreign product is
typically consumed in private or in public might
affect its appeal. Research of this kind also tracks
how the appeal of foreign products changes with
the market development of the economy (e.g.,
Zhou and Hui 2003). Zhang and Merunka (2015)
show than within China, differences among spe-
cific “territories of origin” also matter for percep-
tions of authenticity.
Product tastes also change with economic and
market development, mainly as a result of rising
affluence among the potential consumer base
(Wei 1997). For instance, Sun and Wu (2004)
find that Chinese consumers from urban (devel-
oped) and rural (less developed) areas both fre-
quently listed houses, color televisions, and cars
as products considered to reflect improved stand-
ards of living. However, when asked to describe
their ideal future image, urban consumers often
identified “spiritually enriching” and “natural”
while rural consumers were quick to cite “well-
to-do” and “material rewarding” (both groups
mentioned “healthy,” “relaxed,” and “stable”).
Consistent with Maslow (1943), this study shows
that economic development and the affluence it
brings corresponds with a shift in consumer
tastes from basic needs to more symbolic con-
cerns such as authenticity.
For example, Carroll and Swaminathan (2000)
noted the lack of appeal of micro-brewed beers
to Chinese consumers in Hong Kong in the late
1990s despite a strong appeal to expatriates.
Why? They conjectured that the difference might
be related to cultural legacy and the timing of
economic development:
We can think of several general reasons why Chinese
consumers might prefer modern technology to
traditional production for products such as beer. The
most intriguing has to do with the recency and
irregularity of economic and social development in
locations such as Hong Kong. Unlike in the United
States, where the virtues of traditional production get
romanticized, in places such as Hong Kong it is
remembered personally and vividly by many as the
source of quality imperfections, higher costs and
inaccessibility. (pp. 754)
Theoretical reduction and synthesis
With so many possible contexts to consider—
claims, product market, national culture and
economic development, among others—it was
challenging to decide how to proceed and to
choose the avenue that appears most productive
for theory and research. Given our objective of
developing general abstract theory, we reasoned
as follows. Authenticity claims, for instance, were
dismissed as the context because they are likely
to be endogenous to any valuations or percep-
tions made. Product market did not pass simple
face validity tests of consistency as a reliable con-
text for building general theory. As the Hong
Kong beer comment illustrates, the same product
market—beer, in this case—often shows very dif-
ferent interpretations across different instantia-
tions. National culture (or any other set of
subcultural communities) could be used as a reli-
ably consistent context for developing theory, but
doing so runs the risk of reifying culture by sim-
ply associating a different interpretation with
each culture, not to mention creating a hopelessly
balkanized set of one-off propositions. That left
economic development as a viable context for
constructing theory on the appeal and consump-
tion of authenticity. However, we doubt that var-
iations in authenticity’s appeal across national
economies can be explained by resorting to a

single dimension of level of economic develop-
ment—the framework is too narrow.
Instead, we propose a synthetic theoretical
framework that builds on general insights about
product markets. In other words, our proposal is
to link relevant abstract characterizations of
product markets to consumer demand for
authenticity. For instance, level of economic
development of a market, as indicated by degree
of exchange activities could be one driving force.
But we envision consideration of a much broader
set of dimensions of development of a market,
ranging from local production and distribution to
degree of regulation and more. Here we focus on
the market classification system.
Market classification system as the context
What aspect of product market development
likely affects consumer demand for different
kinds of authenticities? In examining fine dining
in the U.S., Carroll and Wheaton (2009) noted
that the institutionalized classification system for
the fine dining market has eroded dramatically
over the last several decades. Earlier (say the
1960’s), most fine dining restaurants could read-
ily be assigned clearly to one of about 30 well-
known categories such as seafood, steakhouse,
diner, pizzeria, etc. While these categories have
not completely disappeared today, most restau-
rants (usually well over 50 percent in a locale)
today belong to a single dominant category usu-
ally called “contemporary.” As a result, the
eroded classification system carries far less mean-
ing today and has far less value to diners, critics
and even participants in the industry. The break-
down of the institutionalized classification system
may have undermined type authenticity and
made it less compelling to both producers and
patrons. Carroll and Wheaton (2009) reason that
type authenticity became less prevalent in
this market:
… if for no other reason than type authenticity
obviously becomes more difficult to claim, represent
and perceive when the type classification system
begins to erode or breakdown. Under such
conditions, type authenticity might get undermined
entirely because classification generally becomes more
ambiguous (even if an object remains readily
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 7
classifiable into a persisting type, it may also qualify
for the newer less structured type.) At a minimum,
erosion of the classification system would seem to
relegate type authenticity claims to a subset of
(perhaps minority or vintage) types or categories.
(pp. 267).
Within food and dining, text analyses show
that public discourse about authenticity rose dra-
matically exactly when the classification system
was eroding. Some of this elevated discourse was
likely prompted by a rising interest in moral
authenticity with respect to food and authenticity.
But something else important might have been
going on as well, namely, type authenticity may
have been transformed or replaced or subsumed
by a conceptually related generic dimension of
authenticity that emphasizes skill and craftsman-
ship rather than fit to a specific type or genre. In
essence, highly skilled craftsmanship and its asso-
ciated trappings may represent a kind of fit to a
general super-category of authentic cooking or
cuisine. In other words, one kind of authenticity
replaced another in appeal: craft authenticity
superseded type authenticity.
While we think the replacement issue is intri-
guing, it also seems very context-specific. The ini-
tial point about the impact of the breakdown of
the classification system on type authenticity does
seem general and valuable, however. We suspect
that it holds broadly and could serve as a useful
starting point for comparing product markets.
Moreover, since many contemporary product
markets are bounded by national economic boun-
daries, perhaps because consumption has a cul-
tural basis, we also think that it can be used to
understand national comparative differences in
consumer demand for authenticity. So,
we propose:
Hypothesis 1 (H1): In market contexts where
transactions are not shaped strongly by institu-
tionalized classification systems, individual prefer-
ences and choices will prioritize other meanings
of authenticity (craft, moral, or idiosyncratic)
over type authenticity.
Hypothesis 1 springs from qualitative observa-
tions about food and dining in the US. Another
empirical expectation follows logically from our
conceptions of institutionalized classification: once
8 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
categories are established and institutionalized, it
would seem that high conformity to a category
must carry value, often about authenticity. That is,
the presence of an institutionalized classification
system would seem likely to generate producers,
products and services evaluated against the cat-
egory as type authentic. In fact, it would likely
cause considerable rethinking of institutional the-
ory if it does not hold. So, we also propose:
Hypothesis 2 (H2): In market contexts where
transactions are shaped strongly by institutional-
ized classification systems, individual preferences
and choices will prioritize type authenticity over
other meanings of authenticity (craft, moral,
idiosyncratic).
Analysis strategy: context and
outcome measures
We chose China as the context for testing these
arguments. We did so primarily because it is
potentially the largest consumer market in the
world, with over 1.3 billion individuals. China is
also quickly becoming an advanced consumer
economy with its per capita income soaring and
its consumers are becoming some of the most
sophisticated of any market.
A major design choice of this study involved
identifying and studying market contexts in
China with low (H1) and high (H2) levels of
institutionalized classification systems present.
We also wanted the study contexts to be signifi-
cant, visible, and active consumer markets. After
considering numerous possibilities, we selected
the markets for leather handbags and white tea.
By our expert and native assessments, leather
handbags represent the under-institutionalized
low classification context (H1) and white tea the
highly institutionalized market context (H2).
Leather handbags are very popular in China,
especially for women; the market size is estimated
at approximately US$1.2 billion in 2015. The
handbags sold in China range wildly in price.
Yet, China has little social history of leather
handbags. No specific regulations apply and little
agreed upon classifications of a formal or infor-
mal nature exist. The purported COO of a hand-
bag does apparently seem to matter to many
Chinese consumers and so we control for it in
one of the studies below by distinguishing
between Italian and Chinese handbags. Per
Hypothesis 1 above, when Chinese consumers
evaluate and choose various presentations of
handbags—both Chinese and Italian—we expect
that type authenticity will not dominate, but
rather craft, moral or idiosyncratic will.
White tea is a form of green tea, made from
the same plant but picked at a younger age and
sold to consumers with less processing. The
Chinese market for green tea is among the world’s
oldest and largest (Hicks 2009). The tea itself orig-
inates in Fujian Province and is considered a
drink of sophistication. White tea is a readily
available tea type but is not commonly consumed
by ordinary consumers outside of its production
regions. For those who know white tea, it is
regarded as a very good quality tea, if not always
the very best or most expensive. For those who do
not know specifically about white tea, it is none-
theless something that is easily interpreted cogni-
tively. Like all tea in China, green tea is a highly
institutionalized product and drink; it follows
well-known classification systems, albeit much of
this is informal or controlled through the supply
chain and pricing, as the state typically does not
regulate (Hilal and Engelhardt 2007). According to
Hypothesis 2, we expect that in comparing various
presentations of white tea, Chinese consumers will
prefer type authenticity over the other three kinds.
In assessing Chinese consumer preferences for
these products, we used the following sequenced
procedures. First, we designed and presented scen-
arios that asked consumers to make a choice
among the various options (cf. O’Connor, Carroll,
and Kov
acs 2017). Second, we asked respondents
how much they would be willing to pay for the
selected product, above or below a stated standard
price. Third, we asked them to evaluate the vari-
ous products on dimensions of interest. Fourth,
we asked participants about their perceptions of
authenticity of the various products presented.
Research study designs
Table 1 gives the basic design parameters of the
studies. The first two studies are about the authen-
ticity of handbags while the third and fourth stud-
ies are about the authenticity of white tea. We use

Table 1. Program of Empirical Studies.
Study N Population sampled Product
1 128 PKU students Italian handbags
2 116 PKU students Italian & Chinese handbags
3 76 PKU students White tea
4 153 PRC students & shoppers White tea
the first two studies to test Hypothesis 1 and the
second two studies to test Hypothesis 2.
We conducted the studies to build on each
other in compiling evidence. The studies vary in
the types of authentic items featured, the usual
prices of the featured items, the types of individu-
als studied, the degree of real life involvement by
individuals, as well as the observational methods
and sample sizes. Consistency of findings across
different studies builds a stronger evidentiary case.
We conducted the first three studies in a uni-
versity behavioral lab in China using Mandarin
language instructions and materials, which were
translated and back translated to ensure accuracy.
We recruited participants from a pool maintained
by the highly regarded Peking University (PKU);
it is composed almost exclusively of students,
both undergraduate and graduates. In all three
studies, we recruited participants using a nominal
cash award (15–20 yuan, about $2-3). In each of
these studies, participants were required to visit
the lab. Participants were shown various descrip-
tions of a product, each written to emphasize one
of the various types of authenticity (detailed
below and shown in the Appendices in English
translation). Participants were then asked a series
of questions about their perceptions and assess-
ments of the various products described, includ-
ing their preferred choice.
The fourth study was designed to gather data
in the field. We developed a questionnaire with
the same information and questions as that of
Study 3, but also added some more detailed ques-
tions on consumer preference of each type of
white tea. We recruited respondents randomly
from supermarkets and the campus of a major
university at Wuhan. We also used snowball
sampling from the research teams’ personal
connections and a commercial survey firm’s
client database.
An important potentially confounding factor
for individuals assessing a product’s perceived
authenticity is its perceived quality. That is,
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 9
Method Hypothesis Tested Quality Confound
Behavioral lab exp. 1 Controlled strictly (high)
Behavioral lab exp. 1 Controlled Strictly (high)
Behavioral lab exp. 2 Controlled strictly (high)
Field Survey 2 Controlled Strictly (high)
consumers may use authenticity as a label or sig-
nal of underlying quality, even inadvertently or
subconsciously. Therefore, it is important to con-
trol for product quality. We did this by explicitly
telling participants that all product options were
high quality products in all four studies.
Findings
Studies 1 and 2: Product market with an
undeveloped classification system—handbags
Description. In Studies 1 and 2, participants in
the lab experiments were shown fictitious
descriptions of leather handbags and were asked
questions about them. The descriptions shown to
participants were designed to highlight what were
believed to be relevant signifiers of each of the
four types of authenticity.
After viewing the descriptions, participants in
both studies were asked to express a preference
for one product among an array of those
described. They later expressed their willingness
(or not) to pay more than usual in purchasing
their preferred product. The only difference
between Studies 1 and 2 is that in the former,
participants are asked only about imported
Italian handbags, while in Study 2, participants
were asked on a random basis about either
imported Italian handbags or domestic Chinese
handbags. We introduced this difference only out
of concerns about a possible COO effect.
Participants. For each of the studies, we drew
an independent sample from a student partici-
pant pool of more about 2,000 individuals
expressing an interest in participating in research
studies, maintained by the behavioral lab of a
business school.
Experimental procedure. We developed the
following scenario for use in the experiment (text
in quotes only):
On behalf of several good friends, you are going to a
nearby department store to buy a leather handbag in
the leather goods department. This handbag will be a
10 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
Table 2. Consumer Choice Among Italian Handbag Options (Studies 1 & 2).
Study Domain N Chose type auth. Chose moral auth.
1 Handbags 128 20%
2 Handbags 116 18%
Table 3. Consumer Assessment of Most Authentic Handbag Among Four Handbag Options (Studies 1 & 2).
Study Domain N Chose type auth.
1 Italian Handbags 128 39%
2 Italian & Chinese Handbags 116 35%
birthday gift for a classmate sent by you and your
friends. Although you don’t need to choose a product
that everyone would agree upon, you should choose
the best gift within the same price range. Then you
came to the store and asked the salesperson where
you can buy a bag. You were led to an imported
leather goods section and were introduced to several
handbags that were priced pretty much the same. The
qualities of the four leather goods were the finest
among their kind. Also, the quality differences
between them cannot be detected by most people. In
the following page, you are going to read descriptions
about the four products. Then you will choose the
one you are most likely to buy.
The product descriptions were written to high-
light one particular kind of authenticity among
the four under investigation. In both studies, par-
ticipants were presented the product descriptions
in the order of: Moral/Type/Craft/Idiosyncratic.
In Study 2 only, a distinction about national ori-
gin of the bag was introduced. On a random
basis, about half the participants were shown bag
descriptions purportedly from Italy and about
half from China. The bag companies were given
Italian and Chinese names and said to originate
from Italy or China. (Detailed products descrip-
tions for each scenario, Italian and Chinese, are
shown in Appendices A and B).
After seeing all the descriptions, participants in
each experiment where then asked to express a
preference for one of the products. Participants
were also asked which product is more authentic
and whether they would be willing to pay more
than the average product prices for their choice.
Findings for hypothesis 1
Table 2 shows the distribution of consumer
choice across the authenticity types for the two
handbag experiments. The pattern is significantly
nonrandom. Craft authenticity is clearly the
Chose craft auth. Chose idio. auth. Chi-Square Test p value
11% 54% 16% 61.42 <.001
18% 43% 21% 27.31 <.001
Chose moral auth. Chose craft auth. Chose idio. auth. Chi-Square Test p value
5% 47% 9% 30.60 <.001
9% 41% 16% 15.05 .002
dominant choice: 54% and 43% of participants
chose craft authenticity in Study 1 and Study 2,
respectively. As predicted by H1, type authenti-
city is not favored in the under-institutionalized
market context, chosen by 20% and 18% of par-
ticipants in Study 1 and Study 2, respectively.
Table 3 presents the consumers’ assessment of
most authentic handbag among four handbag
options. In both Study 1 and Study 2, the handbag
representing craft authenticity is considered as
most authentic by 47% and 41% of participants,
respectively, while the handbag representing the
second highest category—type authenticity—is
chosen as most authentic product by 39% and
35% of participants. In other words, participants
favor craft authenticity over type authenticity.
Figure 1 provides a different lens on H1. It shows
that the percentage of respondents expressing a will-
ingness to pay more for their choices by authenticity
types across the two studies. In all instances, more
than half of the participants said that they were willing
to pay more than the typical price for their chosen
products. This pattern gives additional support for
H1, suggesting that their choices are based on convic-
tion rather than happenstance.
Given the importance of COO in much previ-
ous research, we conducted some additional ana-
lysis for the handbag study where this
information was provided (Study 2). Table 4
shows handbag choices by COO. The dominance
of craft authenticity in this choice scenario is not
affected by COO. In fact, the only real change
that COO information produces is with type
authenticity: Type authenticity seems important for
the imported Italian handbags, more important
than idiosyncratic or moral, but that is not the case
for Chinese handbags, where type authenticity is
the lowest ranking choice preference. Perhaps the
difference arises because there is a relatively well-

Figure 1. Willingness to Pay for Handbags in Studies 1 & 2.
Table 4. Consumer Choice Among Italian and Chinese Sourced Handbags (Study 2).
Study Domain N Chose type auth. Chose moral auth.
2 Italian Handbags 58 26% 12%
2 Chinese Handbags 58 10% 24%
developed institutionalized classification system for
Italian handbags but not for Chinese handbags. It
is hard to prefer type authenticity when there is
not much of a widely recognized type.
Table 5 shows consumers’ assessment of the
most authentic handbag by COO. The results
suggest that the product representing craft
authenticity again was chosen as the most
authentic product by the highest percentages of
participants rather than other products for the
handbags from both Italy and China, consistent
with H1. Again, a higher percentage of consum-
ers view type authenticity as most important for
Italian handbags than for Chinese handbags.
Study 3: Product market with a developed
classification system—white tea
Description. In the lab experiment of Study 3, par-
ticipants were shown fictitious descriptions of white
tea, and were asked questions about them. The
descriptions were designed to highlight what we
designed to be relevant signifiers of the each of the
four types of authenticity, similar to what can be
found on menu cards in expensive hotels in China.2
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 11
Chose craft auth. Chose idio. auth. Chi-Square Test p value
40% 22% 12.05 .007
47% 19% 22.16 .001
After viewing the product descriptions, partici-
pants were asked to express a preference for one
product among four of those described. They later
were asked to identify which product is most
authentic and express their willingness to pay
more than usual for their preferred product.
In a separate pretest to Study 3, we asked partici-
pants to rate each description as being more or less
associated with each authenticity type. We regarded
this set of questions as a manipulation check—we
wanted to see if participants would recognize and
lineup the descriptions with authenticity types. Out
of caution, the pretest also included a quality option
among the product descriptions.3 After seeing all
the descriptions, we then asked participants to iden-
tity the product they most strongly identified with
each authenticity type or quality. This manipulation
check showed support for the materials used.
Participants. As with the prior two studies, we
drew an independent sample from a student par-
ticipant pool of more than 2,000 individuals
expressing an interest in participating in research
studies, maintained by the behavioral lab of a
business school. Participants were recruited by
offering a gift card of nominal value. Students
12 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
Table 5. Consumer Assessment of Most Authentic Handbag Among Four Handbag Options (Study 2).
Study Domain N Chose type auth. Chose moral auth.
2 Italian Handbags 58 40% 5%
2 Chinese Handbags 58 29% 12%
needed to come physically to a behavioral lab to
participate in the experiments.
Experimental procedure. We developed scen-
arios for a tea bar and a tea shop, which we sub-
sequently grouped together in the data analysis
since patterns were similar. The scenarios read
(text in quotes only below):
Scenario for white tea in tea bar. “Recently, a tea bar
opened near your home. You brought several friends.
The waitress introduced you to a new white tea
product called Silver Needle. The waitress brought
you and your friends to a sample bar where four
different brands of Silver Needle were shown with
written descriptions of each. The four products were
priced very similarly. Now you are going to read the
descriptions of these four products and decide which
one to buy and share in the tea bar with your friends.
Scenario for white tea in tea shop. “You are going to
a nearby grocery store to buy a white tea product
called Silver Needle to share with your friend after
dinner. After going into the grocery store, the
salesperson brought you to the corresponding shelf
and told you there are several different kinds of Silver
Needle, priced very similarly. In the following page
you are going to read the description and then decide
which one to buy.”
After the initial scenarios, participants in Study 3
were then presented detailed product descriptions
in the same order: Type/Moral/Craft/Idiosyncratic
(see Appendix C). As for quality, participants were
told: “The four types of white tea represent the fin-
est quality of white tea; you can hardly find any-
thing better in the market. Also, the quality
differences among the four products are minimal
and not detectable by most people.”
Participants were then asked to express a pref-
erence for one of the products. Participants were
also asked which product is more authentic and
whether they would be willing to pay more than
the usual prices for their choice. Willingness to
pay more is another way of measuring strength
of choice preference.
After making their choices, we asked partici-
pants their age, gender, education level, native
language, major, family income, address, and
Chose craft auth. Chose idio. auth. Chi-Square Test p value
47% 9% 31.04 <.001
34% 24% 6.25 .100
whether they were familiar with white tea before
the study. We conducted a debriefing with each
participant to gather additional information. We
also asked participants whether they knew about
white tea; very few knew much about white tea.
Study 4. Product market with a developed
classification system—white tea
Description. In Study 4, we developed a ques-
tionnaire with the same scenario as the tea bar
scenario in Study 3. The questionnaire has the
same product descriptions and the same ques-
tions as Study 3. Study 4 also asked a set of add-
itional questions related to the likelihood of
purchasing each product and assessment of
authenticity of each product with 7-point Likert
scales. We used a well-known survey company
named 51diaocha in China (similar to Qualtrics)
to distribute the questionnaire. The questionnaire
has a QR code that participants can scan with
their smart phones or computers and answer the
questions on these devices.
Participants. We used four primary channels
to recruit participants. First, we recruited stu-
dents on a major Chinese university campus and
asked them to complete the questionnaire on-site.
Second, our research team went to the entrances
and exits of supermarkets and tea bars/houses in
Wuhan, China to randomly select consumers to
fill the questionnaire on-site. Third, we used a
snowball approach to send the survey link
through the research team’s personal connections.
Fourth, we collaborated with 21diaocha and ran-
domly sent out the survey to their client data-
base. Through these four channels, we collected
157 questionnaires. We deleted four cases where
(1) the respondents had never consumed white
tea; (2) the respondents only spent less than
3 minutes to answer the questionnaire; (3) the
answers to the questions showed obvious random
picking of the answers. The final valid sample is
based on the remaining 153 respondents. The
approximate percentage from each of the four

Table 6. Consumer Choice Among White Tea Options (Studies 3 & 4).
Study Domain N Chose type auth. Chose moral auth.
3 White Tea 76 34% 24%
4 White Tea 153 42% 27%
channels above is: 10% from university campus;
40% from supermarkets and tea bars/houses; 40%
from personal connections of the research team,
and 10% from 51diaocha’s client database.
Participants were recruited by offering a gift card
of nominal value. In the final sample, 78 (51%)
are women and 75 (49%) are men. 95.4% of
respondents have bachelor’s degree or above. 56
(36.6%) are currently university students while
the rest are working in various organizations
(private or state-owned organizations).4 90.9% of
respondents have family annual incomes above
50,000 yuan.
Findings for hypothesis 2
Table 6 provides the distribution of consumer
choice across the authenticity types for Study 3
and Study 4. In both studies, type authenticity is
clearly the dominant choice: 34% of participants
in Study 3 and 42% of respondents in Study 4
chose the product representing type authenticity.
This is consistent with H2, which predicts that
type authenticity is the most favored choice in a
highly institutionalized market context.
Figure 2 shows the percentage of respondents
expressing a willingness to pay more for their
choices by authenticity type across Study 3 and 4.
In Study 3, more than half of participants choos-
ing certain authenticity type option were willing
to pay more for their chosen products. This per-
centage is especially higher for type authenticity
(81%) and idiosyncratic authenticity (94%) than
for moral authenticity (56%) and craft authenti-
city (56%). In Study 4, 48% of the participants
choosing type authenticity option said that they
were willing to pay more than the typical price
for their chosen product. The percentages were
lower for other authenticity options. While the
percentage of those respondents who were willing
to pay more for their choices are overall much
lower in Study 4 than in Study 3, it still clearly
shows, as it has in Study 3, that consumers gen-
erally value type authenticity more than other
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 13
Chose craft auth. Chose idio. auth. Chi-Square Test p value
21% 21% 4.77 .189
10% 20% 11.37 <.01
authenticity interpretations. This pattern gives
additional support to H2.
Table 7 shows respondents’ perceptions of
which product is most authentic and the likeli-
hood of purchasing each product (1–7 scale) in
Study 4. When asked which product is most
authentic, 50% of respondents chose type authen-
ticity, while only 14%, 16%, and 20% of them
chose moral, craft, and idiosyncratic authenticity,
respectively. This result is also consistent with
H2: In a highly institutionalized market, type
authenticity is more salient than moral, craft or
idiosyncratic authenticity.
When asked how likely to purchase each type
of tea in a 7-point scale (1 ¼ very unlikely and
7 ¼ very likely), type authenticity received the
highest mean score (5.21) among four types of
white teas. Consistent with H2, the t test of mean
difference between type authenticity and craft
authenticity (the second highest mean score)
shows that the respondents are significantly more
likely to buy white teas with type authenticity
than with craft, moral and idiosyncratic authenti-
city (t(type>craft) ¼ 4.11, p < .02).
Discussion
Studies of individual perceptions and behaviors
across countries and economies often explain dif-
ferences as cultural. The most basic of these
kinds of explanations note the differences and
simply attribute them to culture, leaving aside fur-
ther analytical characterizations or distinctions,
although the mechanisms of cultural activation are
often recognized (Kacen and Lee 2002). Another
popular type of cultural analysis looks for more
abstract common characterizations of cultures and
points to similar outcomes as consequences. When
it comes to Chinese culture, a very common char-
acterization concerns its collectivist (as opposed to
individualist) orientation (Sun and Wu 2004; Tan
et al. 1998), which signifies the tendency of its
members to value groups with higher priority
than individuals. Another popular characterization
14 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
Figure 2. Willingness to Pay for White Tea in Studies 3 & 4.
Table 7. Consumer Preferences Among White Tea Options (Study 4).
Study Query N Type
4 Authenticity (Top choice) 153 50%
4 Likely to Purchase 153 5.21 (1.29)
Note: For Row 2, the measurement scale for likelihood of purchase for each tea product is from 1 (very unlikely) to 7 (very likely). The standard deviations
are in parentheses. Similarly, t test of mean difference is between products that provoke type authenticity and craft authenticity.
casts Chinese culture as high (as opposed to low)
context driven, meaning that information to inter-
pret events and actions already exist within an
individual, it is implicit to interpretation (Hall
1989; Kim, Pan, and Park 1998).
While appreciating the value of these tradi-
tions, our approach here differs in two important
ways. First, we focused on a single aspect of con-
sumer behavior, authenticity. Second, we
attempted to explain observed behavioral differ-
ences by resorting to market development, in
particular, the level of development of classifica-
tion of the market. This approach led us to argue
that markets with highly developed classification
systems will foster consumer tastes that favor
type authenticity while those without developed
classifications systems will favor other interpreta-
tions of authenticity. The reported empirical
studies of Chinese consumers using leather hand-
bags and green tea as the product market con-
texts provide support for these arguments.
The theoretical framework used here, whereby
consumer behavior across cultures is explained
by resorting to varying market conditions is, we
believe, capable of generating a more general the-
ory of consumer behavior. Of course, its value is
only hinted at here. To become useful, we need
Moral Craft Idio. t test/Chi2 Test p value
14% 16% 20% Chi2 ¼ 14.0 .003
4.93 (1.30) 4.95 (1.24) 4.82 (1.41) t(type>craft) ¼ 2.10 .02
studies of more products, more market contexts,
and more cultural variations. However, given the
global trends of business and personal consump-
tion, we suspect that studies on these topics will
become increasingly more important, both theor-
etically and managerially. While the challenges
involved are awesome, they are also exciting. We
look forward to watching relevant theory and
research progress.
Conclusion
Scholars and marketers widely recognize that
consumers from advanced economies find
authenticity appealing in their products and serv-
ices. Less is known about when and how consum-
ers in developing economies seek out and prefer
authenticity. In addressing this issue, we show in
this study that the institutionalized classification
system for products (or services) in a particular
national market domain can affect perceptions
and demand for authenticity. Using an established
theory of authenticity as a starting point, we
argued that “type authenticity” presupposes an
institutionalized taken-for-granted classification
system for a product or service. We then predicted
that in national market domains with such

developed systems, individuals will place greater
value on products or markets that exhibit high
type authenticity—other forms of authenticity,
including craft, moral, or idiosyncratic authenti-
city, will be less salient. By contrast, in national
market domains without institutionalized classifi-
cation systems, individuals will prioritize craft or
moral or idiosyncratic authenticity over type
authenticity.
In testing the arguments, we conducted experi-
ments and a survey in China where we asked par-
ticipants to express preferences and make choices
about products described to evoke various types of
authenticity. We also asked these individuals to
assess the authenticity of the producer organizations
as well as their willingness to pay for associated
products. Specifically, we tested the arguments with
data on the appeal of various fictitious producers of
leather handbags and green tea among Chinese
individuals. While the leather handbag is known in
China, it is not highly institutionalized whereas
white tea clearly is. The findings generally sup-
ported the hypotheses: individuals prefer type
authentic white tea while preferring other forms of
authenticity when evaluating handbags.
Of course, the study is not without certain limi-
tations. First, and most importantly, findings from
a single country and economy at a specific point in
time do not necessarily confirm a general theory
about countries and economies. To establish stron-
ger validity, we need studies of more products,
more market contexts, and more cultural variations.
Given global trends of business and personal con-
sumption, we suspect that such studies will become
increasingly more prevalent. Second, the study uses
a typology of authenticity developed in the
advanced economies, and shows some predictive
value. However, consumers in developing econo-
mies may hold different interpretations of authen-
ticity. Future studies can enrich our understanding
by determining better whether consumers from
developed and developing economies interpret
authenticity differently. Third, the study attempts
to understand how product market conditions
may affect consumers’ appeal to authenticity.
Future studies might also explore how consumers’
individual characteristics (such as educational
level, profession, etc.) interact with this phenom-
enon. Finally, the samples used in this study are
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 15
convenience samples and many of the participants
are students with bachelor’s degrees or graduate
degrees. Authenticity may have a stronger appeal
to them than to the general population.
Still, we think researchers should be heartened
by the findings reported here for several reasons.
First, the general theoretical framework used here
provides ample additional opportunities for further
use and extension to other market domains,
national settings and times and places. Beyond its
generative power, the framework holds the promise
of providing a unified theory of consumer markets
rather than a set of ad hoc arguments based on
context. Second, the theory made clear predictions
that can be re-tested and evaluated in a wide var-
iety of other countries and product domains. Only
through sustained additional empirical testing will
we learn the true value of the arguments advanced
here. Third, the findings presented here do stand
on their own as evidence about the appeal of
authenticity in the fast-developing consumer market
in China, soon to be the world’s largest. As world
economic power shifts east, it is important to
gather consumer evidence from these countries and
to reevaluate and update our knowledge.
Acknowledgment
We appreciate greatly the contributions of several research
assistants to this study in helping to develop the instru-
ments and in running early pilots of the experiments.
Funding
Financial support was provided by the Stanford Graduate
School of Business, and National Natural Science
Foundation of China (No. 71772074).
Notes
1. We also find a lack of compelling extant theory about
the usage of various meanings of authenticity,
suggesting that some documented empirical facts
might be provocative.
2. We have seen tea menus at expensive hotels and cafes
in China that offer white teas with names and
descriptions remarkably similar to those we used in
the experiment.
16 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
3. After the pretest, we also changed slightly the wording
in the description for moral authenticity to
deemphasize the use of fertilizer and pesticide because
of recent concerns over food safety in China.
4. Our additional analysis separating students and non-
students respondents shows no significant differences
between them on all questions we investigated.
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APPENDIX A
Italian handbag product descriptions shown to
participants
(Intended type of authenticity is given in italics and under-
lined; it was not shown to participants)
JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL CONSUMER MARKETING 17
Moral. Montegiorgio. All handbags made by
Montegiorgio are produced from leather from cattle and
sheep raised on local 100% organic farms in northern Italy.
The dyes used in production are all natural, and are never
produced with any chemicals commonly found in leather
treatment dies, such as benzidine and petro-chemicals. The
production facility is entirely solar powered, and all waste is
recycled by local furniture manufactures.
Type. Ferrara. Ferrara handbags are the quintessential
Italian handbags. Founded in 1742 as a leatherman’s shop
in Venice, the Ferrara family company has become the hall-
mark of Italian designer handbags. The products feature the
perfect balance between functionality and design, from one
of the original families in the business.
Craft. Cappanori. Each Cappanori handbag features a
unique design that is individually handcrafted in the small
workshop in Venice, where our designers must complete a
minimum of 10 years as an apprentice to our master crafts-
men. The master craftsmen use little modern technology in
the process, utilizing only handmade knives, punches, and
swivels to produce each piece as they have been made for
hundreds of years.
Idiosyncratic. La Spezia. La Spezia specializes in unique
handbags produced in northern Italy. The leather for each
handbag is first cut and dried only on nights of full moons
(the company’s founder insists that the lunar light is
absorbed by all handbags). Each bag is also designed to
have exactly 1,982 stitches, representing the year the found-
er’s first child was born, and a trademark secret inner
pocket to protect any valuables.
APPENDIX B
Chinese handbag product descriptions shown to
participants
(Intended type of authenticity is given in italics and under-
lined; it was not shown to participants)
Moral. Tian Shan Mu Ge (Snow Mountain Pastoral).
All handbags made by Tian Shan Mu Ge are produced
from leather of cattle and sheep raised on 100% organic
farms located around 40 degrees north latitude in Xinjiang
Province. The dyes used in production are all natural, and
are never produced with any chemicals commonly found in
leather treatment dies, such as benzidine and petro-chemi-
cals. The production facility is entirely green powered, and
all waste is recycled by local furniture manufactures.
Type. Xi Yu Qiu Ji (Western Regions Fur Tales). Xi
Yu Qiu Ji handbags are the quintessential Italian handbags.
Founded around the transition of Ming and Qing dynasty
as a leatherman’s shop in Hu Sha Valley, the Xi Yu Qiu Ji
products have become the hallmark of Chinese leather
handbags. The products feature the perfect balance between
functionality and design, from one of the original families
in the business.
Craft. Lou Lan Pi Fang (Kror€an Leather Workshop).
Each LouLan Pi Fang handbag features a unique design that
18 G. R. CARROLL ET AL.
is individually handcrafted in the small workshop in LouLan,
the center of silk and leather trade along Silk Road. Its
designers must complete a minimum of 10 years as an
apprentice to our master craftsmen. The master craftsmen
use little modern technology in the process, utilizing only
handmade knives, punches, and swivels to produce each
piece as they have been made for hundreds of years.
Idiosyncratic. Ku Ku Zhuo Er (Kokonor blue lac). Ku
Ku Zhuo Er specializes in unique handbags produced in the
Qinghai Lake region, near northeastern Tibetan Plateau.
The leather for each handbag is first cut and dried only on
nights of full moons (the company’s founder insists that the
lunar light is absorbed by all handbags). Each bag is also
designed to have exactly 1,978 stitches, representing the
year the founder’s first child was born. In addition, in each
Ku Ku Zhuo Er handbag, there is a trademark secret inner
pocket to protect any valuables.
APPENDIX C
White tea product descriptions
(Intended type of authenticity is given in italics and under-
lined; it was not shown to participants)
Moral. Xie’s Silver Needle. Xie’s “Silver Needle” uses tea
leaves only from organically grown tea trees. No fertilizers
or preservatives are used in the tea farms. This method
ensures the environmental sustainability of the local moun-
tain areas. The Xie Company also provides full labor pro-
tection to its workers, with most of whom are from the
local community. Every year, a portion of revenue from
Xie’s “Silver Needle” is donated to a local tea institute for
promoting the “White Tea Culture.”
Type. Chen’s Silver Needle. The Chen family settled
in Fuding County and their renowned family “Silver
Needle” came to be seen as a quintessential White Tea.
Tea leaves of Chen’s “Silver Needle” are still picked from
the same type of white tea trees that the Chen family has
been cultivating for multiple generations. Only a few leaf
sprouts showing the right shape, greenness, and position
from each tea tree are selected to make the “Silver
Needle.” In addition, only the very first sprouted leaves
from each tea tree every spring are considered to qualify
as “Silver Needle.”
Craft. An’s Silver Needle. An’s “Silver Needle” uses only
carefully hand-selected tea leaf sprouts featuring the proto-
typical needle shape. After being air-dried on flat porcelain
containers in the airing room until the optimal dryness is
achieved, tea experts bake the sprouts in traditional outdoor
ovens fueled by an open wood fire. Baking is finished when
the whiteness of tea leaf appears to be the same color as a
sample of the original “Silver Needle” that the An family
has kept for more than 100 years.
Idiosyncratic. Wang’s Silver Needle. Tea leaves for
Wang’s “Silver Needle” are picked only between 5:00am and
7:00am in the last week of March (Chinese lunar calendar)
by young females. The fresh sprouts are then dried for
exactly seven days in a stone cave, which is believed to be
the home of the local tea god. Only the oldest man in the
Wang Village can finish the last step by tasting the first cup
of tea and announcing it “Silver Needle.”