A Letter by Barocci and the Tracing of Finished Paintings

Author(s): Linda Freeman Bauer

Source: The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 128, No. 998 (May, 1986), pp. 355-357
Published by: Burlington Magazine Publications Ltd.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/882497
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 SHORTER NOTICES

sions were the result of a four-year period of negotiations.7 Its

A letter by Barocci and the tracing offinished
settlements included a decision that directly influenced Catho-
paintings*
licism along the Danube: although the Catholic Church had to
sacrifice important bishoprics in the north, Austria and Bohe-
mia were again under the official BY jurisdiction
LINDA FREEMAN BAUER
of the Church.8
True, the Peace of Westphalia was not an official triumph for
the Pope. But it brought about the collapse of a pernicious Prot-
THE unhappy vicissitudes of Barocci's Entombment of C
estant stronghold, and restored to the Church districts which
Senigallia have been well known ever since Pio Vecchi
under the policies of Urban VIII had seemed hopelessly lost.9
lished the documents of the confraternity that commiss
Bernini was surely aware of the pragmatic nature of Innocent
painting.' These documents enable one to follow the hist
X's political activity when he developed the idea for a fountain
the picture in great detail from its inception and the neg
representing the four rivers of the world underneath the pacific
over price to its subsequent damage, restoration, and de
emblem of the Pamphili dove and olive branch,'0 and with the
reinstallation in the newly enlarged and remodelled chu
Danube himself upholding the shield of the papacy." Innocent
S.Croce. They therefore fully confirmed Bellori's descri
had intended his fountain to be completed in time to be a focus
the near ruin of the painting in his vita of the artist. Bu
of the Holy Year festivities of 1650, and such a description of the
same time the very circumstantiality of this story - dow
four corners of the Roman church was an appropriate papal
injuries caused by the urine of rats - has shifted the em
greeting for his international pilgrims.'2
away from what Bellori said was the original sourc
Just as Bernini's sculptural programmes for Pope Urban
damage - the tracing of the picture by a temerarious co
VIII were developed with the poetic inclinations of the patron
Quest' opera per la sua bellezza, mentre veniva copiata continu
in mind, so did Bernini try to win the patronage of the prag-
matic Innocent X by appealing toebbe quasipolitical
his a perdersi, per ambitions.
la temerita di uno che
As nel lucidarla p
colore e ii dintorni e la guasto tutta.2
Rudolf Preimesberger's extensive study of the fountain has
Although the procedure of tracing (lucidare) from a f
shown, Bernini eventually incorporated many layers of mean-
painting was described by Meder in his monumental
ing into the monument to make a complex panegyric to the
drawings,3 evidence of the practice (perhaps because
Pope. '3 But in spite of these learned strata of Bernini's concetto,
unwittingly incredulous about a usage so alien to contem
the Pope was no doubt most taken, on seeing the model in 1648,
attitudes
by Bernini's timely political flattery.
towards the handling and preservation of pain
has generally been ignored or, as in the case of the S
Entombment, misconstrued.4 Since a letter by Barocci h
which seems to have been overlooked by Vecchioni c
rates Bellori's account of the incident, it may be of some
to reconsider a practice of such obvious relevance to the
lems posed by replicas and copies.
Although a growing demand for copies must have mad
an integral and important part of the art market, the tr
paintings, who were already 'innumerable' in 1547 accor
a letter by Vasari, are seldom mentioned by their
7 The treaty itself has been stalled for well over a year by Chigi in an attempt
poraries who wrote
to regain the Church's sacrifices to the Protestants. about
By 15th art.5 This1647
October reticence,
the however,
Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III had felt he had done everything possible
and was prepared to close the negotiations (PASTOR, op. cit. at note 3 above,
p. 115). By 15th February 1648, Chigi himself was resigned to the settlement,
and on 24th March there were even certain concessions to the Catholics (ibid.,
p.118).
8 Ibid., pp. 133-40 for a long list of conversions and new Jesuit centres in the
Empire.
9 The Church's official position was that the Peace of Westphalia was a tragic
loss, and in his papal bull Zelo Domus Dei, written on 20th November 1648,
Innocent declared null and void all parts of the Treaty of Westphalia that were * I am much indebted to Charles Davis, Margaret Murata, Richard S
detrimental to the Catholic Church - a proclamation which, of course, had no to Don Ermanno Palazzini and the Confraternita della Croce e Sag
real effect upon any of the settlements. See PASTOR, op. cit. at note 3 above, Senigallia, for information and assistance generously given to me in
of work on this note.
p. 132, n.3, for earlier scholars' consensus that the pope's protest was merely a
gesture expected of his office, and more recently, K. REPGEN: in Historischens 1 P. E. VECCHIONI: 'La "Chiesa della Croce e Sagramento" in Sinigaglia e la
Jahrbuch der Gdnes-Gesellschaft, LXXV [1956], pp.94-122. It is characteristic of "Deposizione" di Federico Barocci', Rassegna Marchigiana, V [1926-27],
Innocent X's diplomatic savoir faire that he did not publish the bull until 3rd pp.500-01. See too A. ZONGHI: Gesz" Cristo portato al sepolcro: quadro in tela di Federico
January 1651 - when, one would assume, the foreign Holy Year pilgrims has Barocci nella Chiesa della Croce e Sagramento in Senigallia, Fano [1884], pp.12-15.
already left Rome. 2 G. P. BELLORI: Le vite de' pittori, scultori e architetti moderni [1672], ed. E. BOREA,
10R. PREIMESBERGER: 'Obeliscus Pamphilus: Beitrige zur Vorgeschichte und Turin [1976], p.189.
Ikonographie des Vierstr6mbrunnens auf Piazza Navona', Miinchner Jahrbuch 3j. MEDER: Die Handzeichnung: ihre Technik und Entwicklung, Vienna [1920],
der bildenden Kunst, XXV [1974], pp.77ff., has discussed the popular arts which pp.534-38 and 540-43, now tr. and rev. by w. AMES, New York [1978],
promoted the idea of Innocent X as a peacemaker. A horse accompanies the pp.397-99 and 401-02.
Danube on the fountain; that the horse presented military power was detailed in 4 In neither of the excellent, recent catalogues on Barocci (A. EMILIANI: Mostra di
the description of Europe by C. RIPA: Iconologia, Rome, 1603 ed., pp.332-34. Federico Barocci, Bologna [1975], Cat.No.ll118 and E. P. PILLSBURY and L. S.
11 Bernini modified the traditional inconography of the Danube to make him RICHARDS: The Graphic Art of Federico Barocci, New Haven [1978], p.17) was
even more prominent and appropriate as a sign of Catholic Europe. For Ripa, Bellori's passage understood as tracing from the painting.
the Danube was to have his head covered, a reference to his long unknown 5 The letter of 12th February 1547 to Benedetto Varchi in Le vite de' piu eccellenti
source (ibid., p. 160). Neither the Giocondi-Forti modello nor the fountain refer to pittori, scultori ed architettori [1568], ed. by G. MILANESI, VIII, pt. 1, Florence
this attribute. PREIMEsBERGER (loc. cit. at note 10 above,. pp.129 and p.158, [1882], p.294, cited by MEDER, op. cit. at note 3 above, p.54: 'e perchu si i visto che
n.355) did not address the issue of Ripa's direction for the Danube's covered il disegno e padre dell' una e dell' altra arte per essere piui nostro che loro, atteso che molti
head, though he has gathered more obscure ancient evidence for the Nile hav- scultori eccellentemente operano, che in carta niente non disegnano, e infiniti pittori che per
ing an unknown source, thus explaining Bernini's final decision to shroud the dilucidare un quadro, quello, quando hanno preso i contorni, lo fan parere il medesimo, e
head of the Nile in the fountain. perchi se avessero disegno lo potrebbono ritraendo contrafare medesimamente simile, che, per
12 On 28th January 1650, the Pope received Marianna of Austria (the wife of non ci esser, goffi e inetti tenuti sono'. Cf. too such a casual reference to the technique
Philip IV), who was accompanied by an envoy of one hundred and sixty car- as that of P. ACCOLTI: Lo inganno degli' occhi, prospettiva pratica, Florence [1625],
riages. See PASTOR, op. cit. at note 3 above, p.181. p. 18, who writes parenthetically that tracing is very well known among paint-
13PREIMEsBERGER, op. cit. at note 10 above, pp.77-162. ers.

355

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 SHORTER NOTICES
tively, a sheet of
explained by the fact that tracing belonged toglass
theor thin piece of black silk stretched on a
'mechanical'
frame (velo) could
side of art and therefore rarely surfaced in be writings
placed before theover-
painting.'2 When the
whelmingly concerned with advancing the social and
silk was employed the composition was copied in white chalk
intellectual standing of the profession.6 Thus it is not surprising
that when Giovanni Battista Volpato, the seicento painter and
theorist from Bassano, wrote the single extended treatment of
tracing, it should have appeared in a work whose contents link
it more closely to the late mediaeval painters' manuals than to
the theoretical tracts of the renaissance.' Cast in the form of a
dialogue between two apprentices, this treatise describes the
preparation of canvas, colours, and related studio concerns.8
Nevertheless, Volpato still felt compelled to explain his dis-
cussion of such 'low and mechanical' matters. To be well served,
says one of the apprentices, a master must know these things,
even though they pertain neither to artists nor art and are an
unbecoming (indecente) subject for a writer.9 A similarly prag-
matic justification for tracing pictures is put into the mouth of
the same apprentice: in the first place, tracing mitigates the
tedium of copying, and in the second, it is to the profit of
painters because it enables their students to reproduce their
pictures with greater accuracy and these copies when retouched
can pass as originals. As examples of this practice, he adduces
the tracings owned by his master that had been taken byJacopo
Bassano's sons from their father's paintings.'0
Volpato's remarks make it clear that artists, or members of
their shops, traced their own paintings just as the copyists
traced the work of other artists. Predictably, however, it was the
work of the latter that led to the abuses of the kind suffered by
Barocci's Entombment. As outlined by Meder and confirmed by
early sources, the materials and processes used to trace paint-
ings were by and large the same as those used to trace draw-
ings."1 Oiled or transparent paper, made by drying fish glue in
thin sheets on porphyry or marble, would be pressed against the
surface of a picture and fixed, so that the underlying contours
were visible and could be outlined in charcoal or pen. Alterna-
6 Vasari, loc. cit. at note 5 above, mentions the practice only to exclude tracers
from the ranks of true artists because had they possessed disegno they would have
no need to do it; similarly, v. GIUSTINIANI: Discorsi sulle arti e sui mestieri, ed. by A.
BANTI, Florence [1981], letter to Teodoro Amideni, p.41, places tracers almost
at the bottom of his well known ranking of artists according to level or ability.
7 G. B. VOLPATO: 'Modo da tener nel dipinger' in M. P. MERRIFIELD: Original
Treatises on the Arts of Painting [1849], New York [1967], II, pp.734-39, 750-52;
cited by MEDER, op. cit. at note 3 above, p.540.
8 Cf. CENNINO CENNINI: Trattato della pittura, ed. G. TAMBRONI, Rome [1821], p. 18,
and The 'Painter's Manual' of Dionysius of Fourna, now tr. by P. HETHERINGTON,
London [1974], p.5 (both cited by MEDER, op. cit. at note 3 above, p.540), which
also discuss tracing.
9 VOLPATO, op. cit. at note 7 above, p.743.
1o Ibid., p.739: 'Prima per levarti il fastidio di questefaccende non essendo sue ma di noi
altri, e per valersi acib li scolari copiino le loro opere con maggior perfetione, il che usb il
Bassano, che apunto il mio Padrone ne ha meza una cassa di lucidi defigli del Bassano trati
dalle opere del padre, che in tal guisa ritocate da maestri corrono come sue'. With regard
to Volpato's comment on the Bassani, cf. the testamentary item in the Will of
the elder Bassano in L. ALBERTON VINCO DA SESSO and F. SIGNORI: 'II testamento
di Jacopo dal Ponte detto Bassano', Arte Veneta, XXXIII [1979], p.163. Here,
in a decision he was later to modify, Jacopo bequeathed the entire effects of his
studio to only two of his sons, explaining that the other two, practiced and quick
in design, had not need of 'copie, invenzion... o rodoli'.
1MEDER, op. cit. at note 3 above, pp.534-38 and 540-43. The first regular
descriptions of tracing appear in dictionaries on art compiled to preserve and
popularise the vocabulary of artistic production: nearly contemporary are the
entries by F. BALDINUCCI: Vocabolario toscano dell' arte del disegno, Florence [1681],
s.v. lucidare and lucido and by A. FELIBIEN: Des principes de l'architecture, de la
sculpture, de la peinture et des autres arts qui en dipendent, avec un dictionnaire des termes
propres a chacun de ces arts, Paris [1676], s.v. contretirer. See too, in particular, j.
LACOMBE: Dictionnaire portatifdes beaux-arts, Paris [ 1759], s.v. contretirer, and A.-J.
PERNETY: Dictionnaire portatif de peinture, sculpture et gravure, Paris [ 1757], s.v. voile.
356
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and then transferred to another support by rubbing. To transfer
from tracing paper any of the conventional means, such as
pouncing or the stylus, was used.
Since the technique of tracing was necessarily linear, but the
pictures often were not, artists developed various means of
strengthening the contours of the paintings they traced.
Although Volpato's apprentice sanctioned the addition of a lit-
tle chalk to the dark parts of a picture so that they would be
visible through the tracing paper, others were not so particular,
and he became sanguinary at the thought of the copyists who
recklessly endangered the paintings by making a kind of coun-
terproof. Those wretches 'outline the paintings in lake ground
with oil, then afterwards oil paper and press with the hand until
these outlines are impressed', a practice for which, he says, they
should have their hands cut off, or else be sent to the gallows.'3
Some such procedure as this seems to have been what Bellori
had in mind when he wrote that Barocci's Entombment had been
almost ruined by a tracer who 'penetrated the contours and
colours'. That in fact the picture had been anointed in some
way for the purpose of tracing is confirmed by the artist's letter
of 23rd January 1588 published here (Appendix). Barocci
describes the painting as having been traced and then cleaned
(lucidato e lavato), and on the report of its condition provided by
his giovane, he evidently anticipates the need for another clean-
ing, since he cautions the members of the confraternity not to
scratch the surface or otherwise compound the damage should
this be done:'4
I, along with your Lordships, have had great worry over the
painting that has been traced and cleaned, and in addition to
your letter I have not failed to inform myself about it through
my giovane. From what he has told me I believe its hard use
responsible for the injury to it. However, unless I see it I don't
know what to say, because not even he is able to understand
the damage that has been done to it. As for remedies, one
cannot do other than caution that, should it be cleaned again
with cloths or anything else, it not be scratched so that it not
be damaged further.
A few similar incidents can be cited that hint at the wide
extent of the problem and the range of works affected. In the
late 1620s the youthful Fabio Chigi, later to become Pope Alex-
ander VII, described to his uncle the condition of the family
chapel in S. Maria della Pace, writing that the frescoes had
12 BALDINUCCI, op. cit., also lists the mirror, which would have enabled a copyist
to reduce the size of an original mechanically and must have been an efficient
way of preparing the countless small copies that figure so prominently in six-
teenth and seventeenth-century collections.
13 VOLPATO, op. cit., at note 7 above, p.735: 'e detta carta unta si distendi sopra il
quadro e si contorna con lapis o carboni lefigure che gid spicono benissimo e sefossero troppo
nere si puo legermente tocar con gesso nella parte piii perse, e non far come certi sgratiati e
temerarj che contornano le pitture con lacca a olio, e poi I' ogliono la carta di sopra, e con la
mano le vano ritocando fino che resta impressi li sudetti contorni'. For the use of fully
coloured counterproofs, see The 'Painter's Manual' of Dionysius of Fourna, ed. cit. at
note 8 above, p.5.
14 L'Archivio della Confraternita della Croce e Sagramento, Senigallia, Memo-
rie Diverse, vol. 32, fol.57r. When in 1607 Barocci had finally seen the painting
he agreed that 'Y stato molto male tenuto e trattato', but stated that 'ui serd dafare asai
bene ... con ritoccare il quadro ouefard bisognio' (letter of 2nd June 1607; ibid., fol.
59r).
 SHORTER NOTICES

been injured through tracing.'5 The moststances

famousin orderof Raphael's
to see to copy it. The celebrity of this picture
Sibyls had particularly suffered through the application of one artist employed himself
may be estimated by the fact that
greasy and oily liquids and had consequently lost its original
solely for eight years in making copies of it. In return for the
secco modelling, whereas the others, not having
liberalitybeen copied
of the nobleman as who had granted him this
often nor traced in such a way, fared better.16 Chigi
indulgence, hoped
the that the sky by the tricks he
artist injured
members of his family would henceforth be in Rome to prevent
employed to develop the colours, to such an extent, that he
further copies and not grant, as the fathers of the
thought church
it necessary had it to conceal the mischief he
to repaint
done, every facility for their execution." It
hadmust
done.22 have been in
view of such abuses that in 1596 a statute for the
However Compagnia
abused dithe tracing of finished
outside the studio,
S. Luca in Rome, then under the authority
paintingsof
mustthe Accademia
have been of routine and even indispensible ser-
and more likely than the latter to havevice
tracers in whose
to those artists its ranks,
livelihoods depended as much on
specifically prohibited its members on pain of fine
commerce against trac-
in uncommissioned pictures as on steady patron-
ing pictures, to ensure that these works could be preserved
age.23 A tracing in composition kept in the
taken from a successful
their optimum condition.18 studio could be reapplied whenever it was required, as is indi-
Nevertheless, the problem continued. Incated
hisin life
the caseof Annibale
of Terbrugghen, none of whose multiple, auto-
Carracci, Bellori reports that a small copper
graph by the
replicas showpainter
any alterationhad
in their design.24 For other
been consumed in the hands of its copyists.19 Here, as with
artists whose
Barocci's Entombment, the materials added and oiuvres
the contain large numbers of replicas and
pressures
copies, such as Domenico Fetti and Johann Liss, the notion of
applied seem to have done actual physical damage
tracing, to evidently
as described and the pic- practised by Volpato, both
ture; in other instances it seems more likely that
clarifies the oils
and complicates used
questions of in
connoisseurship.25 On the
tracing provided a ready surface for the one
collection of dirt. Thus
hand, it domesticates, so to speak, repetition as a common
around the end of the seventeenth century Volpato
artistic practice; butcomplained
on the other, even though the use of trac-
that Titian's St Peter Martyr (formerly Venice, SS. Giovanni
ings can be supported e
by the correspondence of internal dimen-
Paolo) had been oiled and traced so often that the head of the
sions, as has been done for Titian and Pittoni,26 it leaves open
saint had blackened, and he warned that theto'privilege
the question [of
what extent an artist added those touches that
copying] should be granted only to those would
with a aproper
make picture passrespect
as his own.
for pictures'.20
It is also difficult to determine whether such tampering was
carried out for the purpose of tracing per 22
seMERRIFIELD,
or rather to7 above,
op. cit. at note heighten
p.858, n. 1.
the colours for subsequent copying. The 23 Cf. L.editor
FREEMAN BAUER: of'OilAnton
Sketches, Unfinished Paintings, and the Inven-
Raphael Mengs's collected writings notedtories that in 1768
of Artists's Estates', forthcomingain Span-
Papers in Art History from The Pennsyl-
vania State University, II.
ish assistant of the painter, who had permission to copy Cor-
24A tracing made from a finished composition answers very well to what B.
reggio's Madonna della Scodella (Parma, NICOLSON
Pinacoteca Nazionale),
variously described as a 'pattern', 'cartoon', or 'blueprint' for dupli-
had given it a barbaric washing.21 More astonishing still Terbrugghen,
cating compositions (Hendrick is the London [1958], p.24 and
Cat.No.A57).
handling of a Magdalen by Titian as described by Mrs
Merrifield in 1849: 25 Volpato, an able 'falsificatore', was exiled from Bassano for replacing two
altar-pieces byJacopo da Ponte, which he had borrowed to restore, with forger-
The Magdalen by Titian [then in the Palazzo Barbarigo, ies of his own making that remained undetected over ten years; see in particular
Venice, today in the Hermitage, Leningrad] has sufferedG. VERCI: Notizie intorno alla vita e alle opere de' pittori, scultori, e intagliatori della citta
much from copyists, who have applied oil and other sub- di Bassano, Venice [1775], pp.252-55, and most recently L. ALBERTON VINCO DA
SEsso: 'Le arti figurative', in Storia di Bassano, Bassano del Grappa [1980],
pp.507-09.
26The correspondence in detail and measurement between the Diana and
Callisto in Vienna (Kunsthistorisches Museum), partly or wholly by Titian's
shop, and the autograph version in the National Gallery of Scotland led JAN
ZARNOWSKI to argue that tracings were used in Titian's shop; for the under-
drawing, often cited in the literature, see A. STIX: 'Tizians Diana und Kallisto in
der Kaiserlichen Gemildegalerie in Wien', Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Samm-
lungen des Allerh6chsten Kaiserhauses, XXXI [1913-14], pp.335-46 and Pl.XLIII;
for ZARNOWSKI's little noted suggestion, see 'L'Atelier de Titien: Girolamo
Dente', Dawna Sztuka, I [1938], pp.126-27. For Pittoni see F. ZAVI BOCCAZZI:
15 G. CUGNONI: 'Note al Commentario di Alessandro VII sulla vita di Agostino Pittoni, Venice [1979], p.79.
Chigi', Archivio della Societd romana di storia patria, IV [1881], p.63, no.6 (24th
September 1627): 'le pitture giza bellis.e infresco, et hora un poco maculate per negligenza
di un Copiatore, che gid 30 anni le dilucidb con liquori ontuosi, e grassi'.
16 Ibid., p.66, no.10 (29th January 1628): 'si lauora con diligenza esattissima [on the
restoration], e particolarmente nella pii bella, e pil famosa Sibilla, che ui sia; la quale
per essere stata dilucidata con ontumi, e olzj, ha perduto tutte quelle gratie di botte che
Raffaello le diede a secco, e che si uedono nelle altre, che per non essere tanto stimate, non sono
state ne copiate cosi spesso, ne dilucidate per questo fine'. This letter, kindly brought to Appendix: Letter from Barocci to the Confraternity of the Cross and
my attention by Charles Davis, is cited by o. FISCHEL: Raphael, tr. by B. Rack- Sacrament, Senigallia, 23rd January 1588
ham, London [1948], I, p.179 and n.9, where the English reads 'tracing with oil
paper'. Cf. too the suggestive remarks OfBELLORI, op. cit. at note 3 above,, p.649, Molti Mag.ci Sig.ri Mei Oss.mi
regarding Carlo Maratta's restoration of the Farnesina.
17 CUGNONI, loc. cit., p.66, No.10: 'Per l'innanzi se de' Padroni staranno in Roma non Ho preso gran' fastidio a sieme co' voi altri sig.ri del quadro, ch' 6 stato
si lasseranno copiare, come faceuano i Padri con ognifacilith'. lucidato, e lauato, et non ho manchato informarmi minutamente dal mio
18 Number 19 of the statutes instituted by Giovanni de' Vecchi in 1596: 'Sotto Giouane, oltre 1' littera d' V. Sig.ri, e per quanto me a detto credo sua dificil'
pena di scudi dieci ogni volta niuno potrd lucidar quadri, troppo importando, che questi siano usa conciarlo, tutta uia se no 1' uedesse non saprei, che dirle perche ne ancho il
conservati nella loro originalitd' (in M. MISSIRINI: Memorie per servire alla storia della
Giouane pu6 cognioscere 1' male, ch' 1' stato fatto, quanto al' rimedi, non si pu6
Romana Accademia di S. Lucafino alla morte di Antonio Canova, Rome [1823], p.72). fare altro che auertire, che si lauasse de nouo ne sgrat[a]sse panni, o altro sopra
19 BELLORI, op. cit. at note 2 above, p.95: 'Questo quadretto per la sua bellezza,... accio non si guastasse piu, I'animo mio e sempre pronto seruirle pur, che uiua
copiandosi del continuo, gitd si consumava nelle mani de' copisti'. See D. POSNER: Annibale 1' forzze non mancaro es[se]ndo obbligato a tutti, per 1' [a]fettione et Amor che
Carracci: A Study in the Reform of Italian Painting around 1590, New York and
mi portano. Son molti mesi, che o voglia d'andare al Loreto, si piace a Dio che
London [1971], II, Cat.No.100.
ui possa andare passaro per costi, et vedremo se si li potra fare [c]he nissiuno
21 VOLPATO, op. cit. at note 7 above, p.751. non mancaro. Non aue[n]do altro che dirle 1' bacio 1' mani. di Vrbino al 23 d'
21 Opere di A. Rafaello Mengs, published by G. N. D'AZARA, corrected by c. FEA, genaro 1588 D. VS Aff.mo
Milan [1836], I, p.366, n.a.
per seruirle Federicho Baroccj

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