Antonio Rigo – Michele Trizio

Eustratios of Nicaea: a Hithertho Unknown ‘Master of Rhetors’

in Late Eleventh-Century

The ‘master of rhetors (μαΐστωρ τῶν ῥητώρων) was one of the didaskaloi
of the so-called Patriarchal Academy in Constantinople. 1 It is not clear when
was this appointment first introduced, but apparently the master of rhetors
was an imperial appointee. The first mention of this chair occurs in a letter
addressed to a metropolite of Thessaloniki by Michael Psellos, where the
latter addresses the metropolite as formerly master of rhetors. 2 The identity
of the metropolite at hand, and therefore the dating of the letter, cannot be
determined, but the modern editor of the text hints at two figure, both named
Michael, who held the post of metropolite of Thessaloniki between 1060
and 1080.3 As far as we know the duties of the master of rhetors included
producing encomiastic speeches for the Emperor on Christmas day and
Easter. However, the extant evidence suggests that such speeches were also
delivered on Epiphany (for the Emperor) and on Lazarus Sunday (for the
Patriarch).4 As to the teaching duty attached to this figure, all the evidence

1
On the Patriarchal school, see Robert Browning, “The Patriarchal School at
Constantinople in the Twelfth Century,” Byzantion 32 (1962): 167-201 and 33 (1963): 11-
40 (repr. in Robert Browning Studies on Byzantine History, Literature and Education
(London: Variorum Reprint, 1977, X). See also Ugo Criscuolo “Chiesa e insegnamento a
Bisanzio nel XII secolo: sul problema della cosiddetta ‘Accademia Patriarcale’,”
Siculorum Gymnasium, n.s., 28 (1975): 373-90, Paul Magdalino, The Empire of Manuel I
Komnenos, 1143-1180 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 327-28. On the
chair of ‘master of rhetoricians’, see Jean Darrouzès, Recherches sur les ΟΦΦΙΚΙΑ de
l’église byzantine (Paris: Institut Français d’études byzantines, 1970), 78-9; Paul Lemerle,
Cinq études sur le XIe siècle byzantin (Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, 1977), 223-26; Ruth Macrides, “Nomos and Kanon on Paper and in Court”,
in Church and People in Byzantium: Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies,
Twentieth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Manchester 1986, ed. Rosemary
Morris (Birmingham: Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman, and Modern Greek Studies, 1990),
70, nt. 46; Alexander Kazdhan, “Maistor ton rhetoron,” in Oxford Dictionary of
Byzantium, vol. 2, ed. Alexander Kazdhan (New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1991), 1269; Marina Loukaki, Grégoire Antiochos Éloge du patriarche Basile Kamatèros
(Paris: Publication de la Sorbonne, 1996), 25-28. On the importance of rhetoric for
twelfth-century Byzantine intellectuals, see Magdalino, The Empire, 331-56.
2
Cf. Paul Gautier, “Quelques lettres de Psellos inédites ou déjà éditées,” Revues des
études byzantines 44 (1986): 111-97, in part. 162-164. See now Michael Psellos, Letters,
II, nos 376-378. Ed. Stratis Papaioannou (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020). On this figure, see
Elissavet Chatzeantoniou, Η μητρόπολη Θεσσαλονίκης από τα μέσα του 8ου αι. έως το
1430 (Thessalonique: Byzantine Texts and Studies, 2007) 289.
3
Gautier, “Quelques lettres,” 161, nt. 1. Magdalino, The Empire, 326, nt. 32 proposes an
earlier date and suggests that, just like the post of consul of the philosophers, also the post
of master of rhetors had been established by Constantine IX Monomachos.
suggests that the master of rhetors concentrated on the curriculum based
upon the classical Hermogenic corpus.
This paper presents new evidence on an hitertho unknown master of
rhetoricians, namely the eleventh-twelfth-century court-theologian and
Aristotle commentator Eustratios of Nicaea. Just as in the case of other
Byzantine authors of this period, Eustratios’ biography is quite mysterious. 5
His extant works are shorn of autobiographical references and even the
exact date of his appointment as metropolite of Nicaea is unknown. In the
end of nineteenth-century Draeseke tentatively dated Eustratios’ life
between 1050 and 1120. These dates have been accepted by general
consensus. In what follows we shall list the available informations on
Eustratios’ career and we will attempt at constructing a reasonable
chronology for Eustratios’ career.
Eustratios is first recorded as deacon at St Sophia and former proximos of
the school of St Theodore in the Constantinopolitan block known as “Τὰ
Σφορακίου” in the proceedings of the trial against his master, John Italos, in
1082.6 Apparently, in that occasion Eustratios escaped retribution by
recusing his master. Sometimes after 1082 he became presbyter, as testified
by the ending of his scholion to John of Damaskos edited by Joannou as
Definition of Being, tentatively dated between 1082 and 1086, where the
author is identified in the manuscripts preserving this text as hiereus or
presbyteros.7 We will return on this latter point in our conclusive remarks.
4
See Friedrich Fuchs, Die höheren Schulen von Konstantinopel im Mittelalter (Leipzig,
Teubner, 1926), 40 et passim; Igor S. Čičurov,  “Novye rukopisnye svedenija o
vizantijskom obrazovanii,” Vizantiĭskiĭ Vremennik 31 (1971): 238-42, 241. See also
Alexander Kazdhan and Ann Wharton Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the
Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California
Press, 1985), 128-29.
5
Among the entries devoted to this figure, see Edgar Martini, “Eustratios Metropolit von
Nikäia,” in Paulys Realencyclopädie VI.1 (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1907), 1490–1491; Basile
Skoulatos, Les personnages Byzantins de l’Alexiade. Analyse prosopographique et
synthèse (Louvain-la-Neuve Bureau du recueil: Collège Erasme, 1980); Michel Cacouros,
“Eustrate de Nicée,” in Dictionnaire des Philosophes Antiques 3, ed. Richard Goulet
(Paris: Institut Français d’études byzantines, 2000), 378-88. None of these entries is as
complete, with regard to the list of Eustratios’ works, as Ilias Ch. Nesseris, Education in
twelfth-century Constantinople, (Ioannina: unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2014), 188–
96 (in Greek).
6
See Jean Gouillard, “Le Procès officiel de Jean l’Italien. Les actes et leurs sous-
entendues,” Travaux et Mémoires 9 (1985): 133–74, 159,431–161,463. On this church see
Raymond Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l’empire byzantin. Première partie: le
siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat œcuménique. III tome, Les églises et les
monastères (Paris: CNRS, 19692), 152–53 and Lemerle, Cinq, 228-29.
7
See Klaus Alpers, “Die „Definition des Seins“ des Eustratios von Nikaia. Kritische
Neuausgabe”, in Festschrift für Martin Sicherl zum 75. Geburtstag. Von Textkritik zu
Humanismusforschung, ed. Dieter Harlfinger (Paderborn: Ferdinad Schöningh 1990),

2
 After escaping Italos’ grim fate, Eustratios participated in the controversy
aroused by Leo of Chalcedon over the confiscation of ecclesiastical
properties and the meltings of sacred objects imposed by emperor Alexios I
Comnenus for supporting the Byzantine army at that time at war with the
Normans. In this occasion, possibly in the early nineties of eleventh century,
Eustratios composed two tracts against Leo. The whole controversy had
started in 1082 and would eventually end only in 1094 with Leo’s
reconciliation.8 In this period of time, possibly around 1087, Eustratios
wrote a polemical treatise against the Armenian Tigranes, 9 whereas few
years after the end of the controversy with Leo Eustratios was appointed
oikoumenikos didaskalos, literally “universal teacher”, one of the most
prestigious teacher appointment of the time.10 This information is found in a
later text written against Eustratios by Niketas Seides.11

141–59. Alpers’ edition surpasses that by Joannou published in 1954: Perikles Joannou,
“Die Definition des Seins bei Eustratios von Nikaia. Die Universalienlehre in der
byzantinischen Theologie im XI. Jh.,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 47, no. 2 (1954): 358-
368. On this obscure text, see David Jenkins, “Eustratios of Nicaea’s Defintion of Being
Revisited,” in Medieval Greek Commentaries on the Nicomachean Ethics, ed. Charles
Barber and David Jenkins (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 101-111.
8
Venance Grumel and Jean Darrouzés, Les regestes des actes du patriarchat de
Constantinople, vol. I, fasc. II-III, Les regestes de 715-1206 (Paris: Institut Français
d’études byzantines, 1989), nn. 939, 940, 943, 952, 965, 966. For this occasion Eustratios
composed two treatises, edited in Andronikos Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ
Βιβλιοθήκη, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Otto Bigand, 1866), 127–51 and 151–60 respectively. On the
historical and political background of the controversy, see John Philip Thomas, Private
Religious Foundations in the Byzantine Empire (Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks,
1987), 202–4. On Eustratios’ and Leo’s doctrinal standpoints in the controversy, see
Charles Barber, Contesting the Logic of Painting: Art and Understanding in Eleventh-
Century Byzantium (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2007), 99-150 and Apostolos Glabinas, Ἡ ἐπὶ
Ἀλεξίου Κομνηνοῦ (1081–1118) περὶ ἱερῶν σκευῶν, κειμηλίων καὶ ἁγίων εἰκόνων ἔρις
(1081–1095) (Thessaloniki: Kentron Byzantinōn Ereunōn, 1972), 188-89.
9
Eustratios, Ἔλεγχος καὶ ἀνατροπὴ τῶν λεγόντων μίαν φύσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ
ἀληθινοῦ Θεοῦ ἡμῶν ἐκ λογικῶν καὶ φυσικῶν καὶ θεολογικῶν ἐπιχειρήσεων, ἐξ ὧν
δείκνυται ἀναγκαίως ἐκ δύο φύσεων εἶναι τὸν σωτῆρα Χριστόν μου, τὴν ἄρρητον αὐτοῦ
κατὰ σάρκαν οἰκονομίαν ἀφύρτως καὶ ἀσυγχύτως καὶ ἀτρέπτως ἀλλήλαις ἥνωνεν ἐν μιᾷ
καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ ὑποστάσει. Ἐξεδόθη δὲ μετὰ τὴν γενομένην διάλεξιν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως
Κυρίου Ἀλεξίου τοῦ Κομνηνοῦ πρὸς Ἀρμένιον τὸν Τιγράνην, ed. Demetrakopoulos,
Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, 160-98. On the dating of this text see Theodoros N. Zesis,
“Περὶ τὴν χρονολόγησιν τῆς κατὰ Ἀρμενίων πραγματείας τοῦ Εὐστρατίου Νικαίας,”
Κληρονομία 7 (1975): 315-24.
10
On the teaching appointments in this period, see Darrouzès, Recherches, 66-86; Paul
Gautier, “L'édit d'Alexis Ier Comnène sur la réforme du clergé.” Revue des études
byzantines 31 (1973): 165–201, and Magdalino, The Empire, 327-328.
11
Niketas Seides, Λόγος κατὰ Εὐστρατίου, ed. Theodoros N. Zesis, Νικήτα Σεΐδου Λόγος
κατὰ Εὐστρατίου Νικαίας (Thessaloniki: University of Thessaloniki, 1973), 39.

3
 Eustratios later participated in the theological discussion with a Latin
delegacy headed by the archbishop of Milan, Petrus Chrysolanus, between
1112-1113.12 It might be that at that time Eustratios had been already
appointed metropolite of Nicaea, although there is no clear cue as to the
exact date of this appointment. It is also known that in this occasion he was
accompanied, among others, by his later archenemy, the previously
mentioned Niketas Seides, and by the prôtos of the monasteries at Mt
Ganos, Johannes Phournes.13 According to the later Niketas Choniates,
Eustratios’ defense of the Greek view on the procession of the Holy Spirit
from the Father alone had been problematic and unsound.14
Anna Komnene writes that in 1114 Eustratios accompanied the emperor
Alexios I in Philippopolis.15 Earlier on Anna had described Philippopolis
has invaded by heretics, namely Paulicians, Bogomils and Armenians.16
Later in the text, Anna links more specifically this journey to the emperor’s
12
On this occasion Eustratios composed several polemical writings. These are: Λόγος πρὸς
τοὺς λέγοντας, ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Υἱοῦ τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐκπορεύεται,
κατασκευάζων ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς διὰ τοῦ Υἱοῦ, οὐχὶ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Υἱοῦ τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ
ἅγιον ἐκπορεύεται (Inc.: Οὐ πρὸς ἔριν ὁ λόγος. Ed. Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ
Βιβλιοθήκη, 47–71); Λόγος δεύτερος περὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος (Inc.: Ἀλλ’ ἔρις ἥδε οὐκ
ἀγαθὴ. Ed. Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ, 71–84); Ἔκθεσις τῆς γεγονυίας διαλέξεως
ἐνώπιον τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος Κυρίου Ἀλεξίου τοῦ Κομνηνοῦ πρὸς Γροσολάνον
Ἀρχιεπίσκοπον Μεδιολάνων περὶ τῆς τοῦ παναγίου Πνεύματος ἐκπορεύσεως, πρὸ τῶν
ἀντιρρητικῶν ῥηθεῖσα (Inc.: Πρώην μὲν ἡμῖν δύο. Ed. Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ
Βιβλιοθήκη, 84–99); Λόγος πρὸς τοὺς Λατίνους περὶ τῶν προσφερομένων ἀζύμων, ἅτε
παρὰ τοὺς θείους κανόνας ταῦτα ποιοῦντας (Inc.: Περὶ μὲν δὴ τοῦ παναγίου. Ed.
Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, 100–127); Λόγος περὶ τοῦ παναγίου
Πνεύματος (Inc.: Τοῖς φιλολόγοις βασιλεῦσι. Ed. Alexei Barmin, Полемика и схизма.
История греко-латинских споров IX-XII веков. М.: Изд-во института философии,
богословия и истории им. св. Фомы Аквинского (Москва: Институт философии,
теологии и истории св. Фомы, 2006), 520–565); Λόγος ἀντιῤῥητικὸς πρὸς τὰ γραφέντα
παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ τῶν Μεδιολάνων περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ δόγματος (Inc. Πάλιν Λατῖνος ἡμῖν. Ed.
Alexei Barmin, Евстратий Никейский. Опровержительные слова (Москва:
Издательство Московской Патриархии Русской Православной Церкви, 2016), 2-71);
Λόγος δεύτερος (Inc.: Ἀλλ ̓ ἀπαντητέον εἰσέτι. Ed. Barmin, Евстратий Никейский, 72-
161); Λόγος τρίτος περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος ἐκπορεύσεως (Inc.: Ἐτι προστίθησιν
ὥσπερ. Ed. Barmin, Евстратий Никейский, 162-224); Λόγος τέταρτος πρὸς τὰ γραφέντα
τοῦ τῶν Μεδιολάνων (Inc.: Πάλιν Λατῖνος ἡμῖν. Ms. Vallicellianus 30, ff. 131r-138v;
Mosq. Synod. 366 (Vladimir 239), ff. 58v-65r; Mosq. Synod. 368 (Vladimir 240), ff. 52r-
58v; Mosq. Synod. 207 (Vladimir 250), ff. 112 r-131v; Bucharest. BAR gr. 560, ff. 200-
227); Λόγος πέμπτος περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος ἐκπορεύσεως (Inc.: Ἀλλ᾽ἀναπτητέον
εἰσέτι. Ms. Vallicellianus 30, ff. 143r-156v; Mosq. Synod. 368 (Vladimir 240), ff. 159v-
167v, Bucharest. BAR gr. 560, ff. 228-288); Τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου καὶ φιλοσοφωτάτου
μητροπολίτου Νικαίας κυροῦ Εὐστρατίου (Inc.: Λέγομεν ὅτι. Ed. Demetrakopoulos,
Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, 102-111); Εὐστρατίου Περὶ τῶν ἀζύμων (Inc.: Ἔδει μὲν. Ed.
Dositheus, Τόμος ἀγάπης κατὰ Λατίνων (Jassy 1698), 504–516, here attributed to John of
Jerusalem).
13

14
Niketas Choniates, Ex libro XXIII Thesauri Orthodoxae fidei, PG, 140, 135-138.

4
intention to settle the threat posed by the Paulicians, whom she calls
“Manicheans”, present in that area since the second half of tenth century,
when the emperor John I Tzimiskes († 976) had deported them from the
East in order to use them as military garrison against the invaders from the
North.17 According to the same Anna, they proved to be unreliable allies in
several occasions, thus the need for her father to settle down this matter in
order to counter an incoming Comans invasion from the north and to
prevent the Paulicians to join the invaders. 18 Yet, in this very passage Anna
also insists that the Paulicians threat had been worsened by further streams
of wicked people coming from Armenia (the land from where John
Tzimiskes had deported the Paulicians), people whom she distinguishes
from the “Manicheans” but who nevertheless shared their wicked
character.19 It seems that here Anna has in mind the Armenian
monophysites, whom she had already mentioned earlier on. As the Comans
had not yet arrived – continues Anna – the emperor took the opportunity for
addressing the Manichaeans, i.e. the Paulician heresy and in this regard
Anna refers to our Eustratios.
However, the later Niketas Choniates states that Eustratios entertained a
theological debate with the Armenians, rather than the Paulicians.20 It seems
that Anna overlaps two different issues: the incoming Coman threat and
heresy in Philippopolis. In this regard, Anna only speaks of the Manicheans,
whereas Choniates identifies Eustratios’ opponents with the Armenians.
Perhaps Anna’s reluctance to mention Eustratios’ theological discussion
with the Armenians is connected to the condemnation of Eustratios’
christology after the debate with the Armenians in Philippopolis. In fact,
following the discussion with the Armenian delegacy, Eustratios was
charged with heresy and was eventually condemned in 1117. 21 It might be
15
Anna Komnena, Alexias, XIV.8.9, ed. Dieter Reinsch and Athanasios Kambylis (Berlin:
De Gruyter, 2001), 457.21-36.
16
Anna Komnena, Alexias, XIV.8.3, ed. Reinsch-Kambylis, 454.39-455.52
17
This episode is also mentioned in Johannes Zonaras, Epitome historiarum, Ioannis
Zonarae epitomae historiarum libri xviii, vol. 3, ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst (Bonn:
Weber, 1897), 92.26-93.4.
18
Anna Komnena, Alexias, XIV.8.7, ed. Reinsch-Kambylis, 456.87-95.
19
Anna Komnena, Alexias, XIV.8.7, ed. Reinsch-Kambylis, 456.1-5. Apparently in this
section of the Alexias Anna uses the term ‘Armenians’ as including both the Paulicians
and the Armenians properly so-called on the basis that they both came from the same
place.
20
Niketas Choniates, Ex libro XXIII Thesauri Orthodoxae fidei, PG, 140, 136D.
21
The documents of the trials have been published in Perikles Joannou, “Der
Nominalismus und die menschliche Psychologie Christi. Das semeioma gegen Eustratios
von Nikaia (1117),” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 47 (1954): 369–78; Id., “Eustrate de Nicée.
Trois pièces inédites de son procès (1117),” Revue des études byzantines 10 (1952): 24–

5
that Anna did not want to recall an episode that could cast under
unfavorable light his protégé. As a matter of fact, following the
condemnation in 1117, in the very last years of his life Eustratios benefited
from the patronage of the same Anna and composed for her the
commentaries on books I and VI of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics.22
As it has been said before, to the already known aspects of
Eustratios’biography one must add that he held the chair of master of
rhetors. We will try to locate this particular appointment within the
chronology of Eustratios’ in the final part of this paper. Before doing so, we
will present the document containing the new evidence on Eustratios’
career.
Ms. Utrecht, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit gr. 1. E. 01 (Tiele 3) is a
theological codex preserving early and middle Byzantine theological works
copied in Bethlem around the end of twelfth-century by one and the same
scribe who identifies himself at f. 104v as the šammās Paul.23 Among the

34; Id., “Le sort des évêques hérétiques réconciliés. Un discurs de Nicétas de Serres
contre Eustrate de Nicée,” Byzantion 28 (1958) : 1–30. See also the more accurate Jean
Darrouzès, Documents inédits d’ecclésiologie byzantine (Paris: Institut Français d’études
byzantines, 1966), 54–65; 276–309 (containing a new edition of Niketas of Herakleia’s
On the Heresiarchs) and Theodoros N. Zesis, “Ἀποσπάσματα ἔργου τοῦ Εὐστρατίου
Νικαίας (ἐπανέκδοσις καὶ συμπλήρωσις τῆς ἐκδόσεως τοῦ J. Darrouzès),” Κληρονομία 8
(1976) : 77-82. On the various stages of the trial against Eustratios, see Grumel and
Darrouzés, Les regestes, nn. 1002, 1003, 1003a, 1003b. Following the condemnation of
Eustratios his treatises addressed against the Armenians on occasion of the 1114 dispute
are now lost. The fragments of one of them can be reconstructed from the citations from it
present in Niketas Seides’ refutation of Eustratios’ christology : Λόγος Εὐστρατίου, τοῦ
ἱερωτάτου μητροπολίτου Νικαίας, περὶ τῆς προσκυνήσεως, ἣν λέγεται προσφέρειν τὸ
ἀνθρώπινον τοῦ Σωτῆρος Χριστοῦ τῇ ἀπροσίτῳ Θεότητι, περὶ ἧς ἐζήτηκε Σέργιος ὁ
Ἀρμένιος ὁποίαν ταύτην τίθεσθαι χρή, δουλικήν ἢ οὐχί. The fragments have been edited
by Darrouzès, Documents, 306-9 and Zesis, “Ἀποσπάσματα,” 77-82. Parts of another
Eustratian treatise against the Armenians is transmitted in ms. Bodl. Misc. 179, ff. 29-30
and bears the title in the catalogue Contra Armenios, de commixtione aquae cum vino in
sacramento altaris. The fragments have been edited again by Darrouzès, Documents,
306-9 and Zesis “Ἀποσπάσματα,” 77-82. Nesseris, Education, 191 cautiously reports
another treatise by Eustratios transmitted in ms. Ambros. gr. 534 (M 88 Sup.) and listed in
the catalogue of Greek manuscripts preserved in the Ambrosiana library (cf. Emidio
Martini and Domenico Bassi, Catalogus codicum graecorum Bibliothecae Ambrosianae,
[Milan: Hoepli, 1906], 650-51) as Capita de Incarnatione Christi.
22
See Peter Frankopan, “The Literary, Cultural and Political Context for the Twelfth-
Century Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics,” in Barber/Jenkins, Medieval Greek,
45-62.
23
For a description of this manuscript, see Pieter A. Tiele, Catalogus codicum manu
scriptorum Bibliothecae Universitatis Rheno-Trajectinae, 1. (Trajecti ad Rhenum-Hagae
Comitis: Nijhoff 1887), 1-2; Henry Omont, “Catalogue des manuscrits grecs des
bibliothèques publicques des Pays-Bas (Leyde exceptée),” Centralblatt für
Bibliothekswesen 4 (1887): 185-214, 207; G. Ficker, Die Phundagiagiten. Ein Beitrag zur
Ketzergeschichte des byzantinischen Mittelalters (Leipzig: J.A. Barth, 1908), 144-148;

6
items contained in the codex, three middle-Byzantine texts form a textual
unit (ff. 76r-96v) because of their chronology and themes. At ff. 71 r-76r the
scribe copied Eustratios of Nicaea’s Expositio de imaginibus, with the title
Διάλογος ὅτι οὐ δεῖ τὰς θείας καὶ ἱερὰς εἰκόνας λατρευτικῶς προσκυνεῖν ὥς
τινές φασιν ἀλλὰ σχετικῶς καθὼς ἅγιωθεν παρὰ τῶν πατέρων ἡ ἁγία τοῦ
Θεοῦ Ἐκκλησία παρέλαβεν,24 a text composed at the time of the controversy
with Leo of Chalcedon (possibly in the early ninethies of eleventh-
century).25 Then, at ff. 76r-79v and 80r-96v, our scribe copied two key
middle-Byzantine polemical works against the Bogomils:26 Euthymios
Zigabenos’ Narratio de Bogomilis, 27 composed after the trial against the
Bogomil Basil (1099) and before the Panoplia dogmatica (1113-4), 28 and
the circular letter "to all the Christians" 29 composed by the monk Euthymios
of the Constantinopolitan monastery of Peribleptos.30
With regard to the afore-mentioned works, the Utrecht manuscript is
important for several reasons. For instance, it is the only testimonium of
Zigabenos’ Narratio de Bogomilis and also of the circular letter of
Euthymios of Peribleptos. However, for the purpose of the present paper,
this manuscript is relevant in that at f. 71 r the scribe copied the text of
Eustratios’ Dialogus de imaginibus as follows: Εὐστρατίου διακόνου τῆς
τοῦ Θεοῦ Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας καὶ χρηματίσαντος τῶν ῥητόρων μαΐστωρ

Antonio Rigo, “Les premières sources byzantines sur le Bogomilisme et les œuvres contre
les Phoundagiagites d’Euthyme de la Péribleptos,” in South-Eastern Europe in the
Second Half of 10th-the Beginning of the 11th Centuries: History and Culture, ed. Vasil
Gyuzelev and Georgi Nikolov (Sofia: Bulgarska Akademia na Naukite, 2015), 535-540.
24
Edited in Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, 151–160 as Συλλογιστική
Ἀπόδειξις on the basis of ms. Mosq. Synod. 366 (Vladimir 239). It is worth of mention
that the title of this work in the Utrecht manuscript is different (maybe the original one?).
In fact the title presents the work at hand as “Dialogue”, whereas actually its content is
different than the Dialogus de imaginibus edited by Demetrakopoulos immediately before
(Demetrakopoulos, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, 127-151). It would be more proper to
describe this work as Expositio de imaginibus.
25
Cf. supra xxx.
26
On Bogomilism see Milan Loos, Dualist Heresies in the Middle Ages (Academia
Publishing House of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences-Nijhoff: Prague 1974), 78-
83.
27
Ed. Ficker, Die Phundagiagiten, 1908.
28
For the date see Georgi Parpulov and Hisatsugu Kusabu, “The publication date of
Euthymius Zigabenus's Dogmatic Panoply,” Revue d'histoire des textes n.s. 14 (2019):
63-67.
29
See Rigo, “Les premières,” 543.
30
On the first century of the monastery, see Francesco Osti, “Il monastero
costantinopolitano della Theotokos Periblebtos tra l’XI e il XII secolo,” Revue des études
byzantines 69 (2011): 235-52.

7
Διάλογος κ.τ.λ. In margin to the text, the scribe has copied another
information found in its model: νυνὶ καὶ Νικαίας μητροπολίτου. We believe
that when copying this section of the manuscript the scribe used an early
twelfth-century manuscript preserving theological texts related to Alexios I
Komnenos’ religious policy. In particular, the marginal note that inform the
readers on Eustratios’ appointment as metropolite of Nicaea suggests that
the model for the Utrecht manuscript was produced before 1117, the year of
Eustratios’ condemnation.
But let us go back to the title of Eustratios’ Dialogue in the Utrecht
manuscript. The first part of the tells us that Eustratios was deacon at St
Sophia in Constantinople. As a matter of fact under this capacity Eustratios
had been investigated in 1082 in the last phase of the trial against his master
John Italos. The second part introduces the new element on Eustratios
career, namely that he held the chair of master of rhetors. Actually the
evidence in the Utrecht manuscript is reflected in a way vague in the title of
Eustratios’ fifth anti-Latin treatise as reported in ms. Bucharest. Bibl. Acad.
Roumaine 318 (Litzica 560), f. 228. The title reads: Τοῦ αὐτοῦ Εὐστρατίου
ῥήτορος Νικαίας μητροπολίτου λόγος πέμπτος περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἁγίου
Πνεύματος ἐκπορεύσεως.31
It appears beyond doubt that Eustratios held the post of master of rhetors.
The question is now the exact dating of this appointment. The evidence of
the Utrecht manuscript links Eustratios’ appointment as master of rhetors to
his involvement in the controversy between Leo of Chalcedon and Alexios I
Komnenos. The time span of the controversy is a long one, dating from
1082 to 1094. As it has been said before, it is likely that Eustratios
intervened in the controversy in a period between the end of the 1080’s and
the beginning of the 1090’s. An indirect confirmation of this view comes
from the chronology of Eustratios’ probable predecessor as master of
rhetors. In his Life of Clemens the Archbishop of Bulgaria, Theophylact of
Ochrid († after 1107) is recorded in the title of the text as Archbishop of
Bulgaria and former master of rhetors in Constantinople. 32 Since
Theophylact was appointed Archbishop of Ochrid between 1088 and 1089,
it is likely that he held the post of master of rhetors before that date, it is
more than probable that Eustratios was appointed to the post after that date.
As to the scholar who held the position after Eustratios, some tenuous
evidence points out at Niketas Seides, whose surviving speeches are dated
1112-1113. But the fact that in ms. Hierosol. Metoch. 404, f. 106 he is

31
Cfr. Constantin Litzica, Catalogul manuscriptelor grecesti (Bucarest: Editiunea
Academiei Romane, 1909), 241. Cf. supra nt. 12.
32
PG 126, 1094. See Margaret Mullet, Theophylact of Ochrid. Reading the Letters of a
Byzantine Archbishop (Aldershot: Variorum 1997), 233, nt. 50.

8
described as rhetor is not enough, I believe, to associate him with the post of
master of rhetors.33
Before saying few last words on Eustratios’ literary production as master
of rhetors, we shall recapitulate Eustratios’career in short. In 1082 he is
recorded as deacon in the documents on the trial against his master John
Italos; soon after he became hiereus or presbyter; around 1090 he was
probably appointed oikoumenikos didaskalos, whereas in the early nineties
he became master of rhetors; as to Eustratios’ appointment as metropolite of
Nicaea, all we can say is that it probably took place in the early twelfth-
century.
As a master of rhetors surely Eustratios composed speeches and orations
to be delivered in public. Although none of these have survived, one can
reasonably point out at the first part of the proemium to his commentary on
book 6 of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics.34 Even though Eustratios
composed this commentary in the very last part of his life, the author’s
enthusiastic praise of Anna Komnene’s virtuous striving for knowledge and
her disdain for material goods in favor of the spiritual ones matches very
closely the known literary production of the twelfth-century master of
rhetors. All in all, this text can be regarded as the only surviving witness of
Eustratios’ rhetorical skills.

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Ἐξεδόθη δὲ μετὰ τὴν γενομένην διάλεξιν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Κυρίου
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 - Λόγος τέταρτος πρὸς τὰ γραφέντα τοῦ τῶν Μεδιολάνων (Inc.: Πάλιν
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Antonio Rigo
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15
 Michele Trizio
Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici - Università degli Studi di Bari "Aldo
Moro"
Michele.trizio@uniba.it

16