An Archaeology of Late Antique Pilgrim Flasks

Author(s): William Anderson

Source: Anatolian Studies, Vol. 54 (2004), pp. 79-93
Published by: British Institute at Ankara
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3643040
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 Anatolian Studies 54 (2004): 79-93

An archaeology of late antique pilgrim flasks

William Anderson

University of Melbourne

Abstract

Pilgrimage happens when a place becomes the focus of veneration because of its association with a person or ev
Pilgrim cults from the past can sometimes be identified by grouping certain types of material evidence, although in
pretation of a cult's historical meaning is only possible once the material has been fully assessed. This study consi
what sorts of information can be drawn from the archaeological context of a group of clay ampullae; miniature fla
originating from Asia Minor in late antiquity.
Ozet

Herhangi bir yer, bir kisi ya da olayla olan baglantisi nedeniyle saygi odagi oldugu zaman buraya hac ziyaretleri baMla
Geqmiten gelen hac ibadetleri bazen belirli tipteki maddi kanitlarin gruplandinrlmasiyla tanimlanabilir. Ancak bir
ibadetin tarihsel anlaminin yorumlanabilmesi eldeki malzeme tamamen gozden ge,irilip degerlendirilmeden olasi
degildir. Bu calihmada Kuicuik Asya kaynakli ve gec antik doneme tarihlenen bir grup minyatuir matara ve ampullaede
arkeolojik baglamda ne cesit bir bilgi edinilecegi konusu ele alinmaktadir.

During the late 19th century, a French engineer called

at Aphrodisias or bought on the open market is uncertain.
Paul Gaudin was directing the construction of a When examined by members of the Societe des
railway between Izmir and Turgutlu in the west of Antiquaires de France, the flasks were identified as
Turkey. He developed an interest in the region's archae- ampoules a eulogie -pilgrim ampullae (Heron de Ville-
ological remains, excavating a prehistoric necropolis at fosse 1890; Michon 1899). Early Christian pilgrim
Yortan and, in the early 20th century, running a campaign souvenirs were known from examples in museums and
at the ancient city of Aphrodisias, where important church treasuries a number of museums had clay
Classical statuary was unearthed, some of which was 'Menas flasks' from Egypt, named after the saint at
illegally exported to museums in Belgium and Germany whose shrine they were distributed (Kaufmann 1910).
(Collignon 1904; 1906; Erim 1986: 37-45). Like many Having been established as pilgrim souvenirs, scholars
Europeans operating from Turkey at this time, Gaudin interpreted the designs stamped into their surface to
was a sedulous collector of antiquities. Artefacts could identify which saints were being shown and where the
be purchased at Izmir, a city with a large foreign diplo- ampullae originated from.
matic presence, a flourishing antiquities market and an Ampullae are distinct from Menas flasks associated
indifferent, or ineffectual Ottoman government (Schiffer with the pilgrim centre of Abu Mina in northwest Egypt
1999: 101-10; Ozdogan 1998). during the fifth and sixth centuries AD. Both were
Between 1896 and 1920, Gaudin donated 44 small mould-made, in much the same way as clay lamps of the
terracotta flasks to the Louvre, Paris (Metzger 1981: 41- time, but the circular bodied Menas flasks have handles
54). These were described as coming from Smyrna and spanning the body and neck, while the smaller and oval
its vicinity, although there is no specific information shaped Asia Minor type have two holes bored into the
about how they were obtained: whether they were top so that they could be worn or suspended (fig. 1).
discovered during construction of the railway, excavatedWhereas most Menas flasks are stamped with an image

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

of the saint standing in an orans pose, the decoration on

Asia Minor ampullae includes a range of figures and
animal motifs; others have patterns of crosses, circles
and architectural features.
It is widely assumed that images on Christian pilgrim
souvenirs relate to their site of production or distribution.
Art-historical studies, particularly of metal flasks made
in Palestine (called the 'Monza' or 'Bobbio' type
because of the Italian churches which possess groups of
them), have considered pilgrim related artefacts in this
way (Weitzmann 1974); the origins of other sixth century
ephemera- Menas flasks from Egypt, objects made at
the shrine of St Symeon at Qal'at Sim'an near Antioch
0 2cm
and some types of eulogia tokens from Palestine- can I I

also be determined from their iconography (Rahmani Fig. 1. Menas

1970; 1993; 1999; Piccirillo 1994). Rijksmuseum
An iconological approach has had limited success
when assigning flasks to specific production or distri-
bution centres in Asia Minor. The diversity of figures of important
and emblems make classification problematic, and Hunt 1994). P
identified saints have even been called 'inappropriate' contemporary
for shrines known in the region (Campbell 1988: 544). shrines where
The frequently occurring 'Evangelist' type is often (Foss 2002). Although hagiographies and eyewitness
linked with the shrine of St John near Ephesus on the accounts are the basis of our knowledge on early
basis of historical references (Duncan-Flowers 1990), Christian pilgrimage, the information they convey is
and these are indeed convincing, but without the limited. Reportage is subjective, and offers only some
discovery of moulds, kilns or significant assemblages,idea of the broader political, economic and social
circumstances which affected pilgrim cults.
locating production centres is impossible. It is therefore
necessary to consider this group of objects by first In the early 20th century, images on metal pilgrim
accounting for the range of designs, and then determine flasks were interpreted as showing murals painted at
context through examination of their occurrence in Christian shrines in late Roman Palestine (Vikan 1995).
archaeological excavations. Art historian Andre Grabar's 1958 monograph on the
Monza and Bobbio flasks suggested that their iconog-
'Pilgrimage art' raphy was based on small-scale metalwork and that the
An increasing amount of literature addresses the subject objects originated from Constantinople (Grabar 1958).
of pilgrimage, but as the approach and scope of this Discussion of the metal flasks re-opened in the 1970s
research has been so varied, 'pilgrimage studies' cannot when the focus shifted towards demonstrating that their
be regarded as a discipline in its own right. Rather, iconography depicted the architecture of early Christian
investigating pilgrimage lends itself to the application of shrines in Palestine. Kurt Weitzmann discerned a 'Pales-
multiple disciplinary approaches using sociological, tinian style' in their decoration, comparing the images
archaeological, art-historical and theological methods. with manuscripts from the region, and arguing that mould
Archaeological research into early Christian pilgrimagedesigns were significant in the dissemination of Christian
has the potential to enhance understanding of economiciconography from the Holy Land (Weitzmann 1974).
activity, transport and infrastructure, and religious Theories about how pilgrimage 'devotionalia' were
practices (Stopford 1994). However study of Byzantine regarded have been well explored in recent years. Rather
'pilgrimage art' has largely been concerned with thethan being simply mnemonic- tourist souvenirs they
appearance and conceptual meaning of artefacts such ashave been shown to contain different layers of meaning.
eulogia tokens, rather than exploring socio-politicalGary Vikan has described three 'function categories' for
circumstances of their manufacture and use. Byzantine pilgrim souvenirs: votive, devotional and
Early Christian pilgrimage to sites in the Holy Land amuletic (Vikan 1995: 381). These derive largely from
was well documented, and written sources have been written sources, especially the hagiographies of the fifth
considered alongside mosaics and maps to investigate century Syrian monk Theodoret, and although useful for
appreciating the complexity of Byzantine exegesis, this
pilgrim practices and reconstruct the 'sacred topography'

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 Anderson

approach offers only limited insight to the conditions Among the pottery from Pergamon in the Imperial
under which sixth century pilgrim shrines produced period were drinking flasks; mould-made, interior-glazed
'souvenirs'. Emphasising the pilgrim's experience and vessels that were probably used as portable wine
how individuals regarded objects they acquired at sacred containers (Mandel 1988). Some are decorated with
sites may have obscured understanding of the social images showing gladiatorial combat, suggesting that they
place of pilgrim flasks. Whilst the owners of objects were associated with the amphitheatre. Mould-made
collected on pilgrimage indeed held them in high esteem, flasks thought to be used for drinking wine were also
scholarship that rhapsodises over 'receptacles of divine manufactured in Egypt, where the discovery of kilns at
energy' (Hahn 1990), is based entirely on literary sources Memphis and the Fayuum has established two production
with little attempt to actually identify consumers using centres of the pre-Christian era (Seif el-Din 1993).
archaeological data. From the fifth century AD, flasks stamped with the
Art-historians have generally set the agenda for image of St Menas were produced at Egypt's premier
studying early Christian antiquities, and with the pilgrimage centre, Abu Mina, located 45km southwest of
Alexandria. Menas flasks are probably the most
exception of eulogia tokens, Menas and Monza flasks, the
material culture of Byzantine pilgrimage has not been prevalent form of surviving late antique pilgrim artefact.
They supposedly contained water which was collected
subject to taxonomy, fabric analysis, surveys of finds and
consideration of context. These techniques all help to from the saint's shrine, and may have been available
determine where artefacts came from, which is essential
from the large colonnaded square north of the basilica,
which was the site of almshouses and 'commercial'
for establishing a historical context. Better understanding
of pilgrim flasks can also contribute to a range of trans-premises (Grossman 1998). Dozens were excavated at
disciplinary and epistemological discourses: on one hand,the residential district of Kom-el-Dikka in Alexandria
closer analysis of this pottery form may offer evidence tobetween 1961 and 1981 (Kiss 1989) which helped to
distinguish people or groups of specific political and establish chronology and indicated that they were
religious persuasions, but it may also help us to learn consumed not only by long-distance pilgrims, but also by
about religious customs, social conditions and economic a local market who embarked on domestic pilgrimage as
activity. Moreover, study of pilgrim flasks can help us to an expression of religious identity (Davis 1998).
question the way in which material culture is categorised Menas flasks have been found at sites around the
and given meaning. Mediterranean and beyond, which may be taken to reflect
It is first important to outline the development and the extent of Egypt's maritime contacts during late
diversity of pilgrim flasks that were made in the eastern antiquity (Lambert, Pedemonte Demeglio 1994). A
Mediterranean during late antiquity. Once the 'Asia cluster around the northern Adriatic coast suggest a link
Minor ampulla' has been sufficiently defined, pictorial between Alexandria and the episcopal see of Aquileia
differences can be considered. Iconography may inform (Lopreato 1977). Two Menas flasks have been found at
us about the flasks' historical meaning, but archaeo- Meols on the Wirrel peninsula in the west of England, over
logical context tells us much more about their use, users 3,500km from Abu Mina (Thompson 1956; Harris 2003).
and social significance. Rather than reaching a single Palestine, or the Holy Land, was where the most
conclusion about who made ampullae and who important Christian shrines were located, and a range of
consumed them, interpretation of the flasks' context will ephemera was produced in this region. The
pilgrim
consider some discourses and debates which the material metal Monza flasks were made here using a mould
might inform. technique (Engemann 2002), but there were also
ceramic, glass and organic souvenirs available for
Late antique pilgrim flasks: Egypt, Palestine and Asia visitors to religious sites. A clay flask bought by the
Minor Israeli Department of Antiquities and Museums in 1966
Clay flasks were made at several locations around the
is decorated with an image of the Annunciation. Around
Mediterranean coast in the late Roman period. Extensive
its edge is a Greek inscription with the words of the
manufacture of pottery in western Asia Minor was linked
evangelist Luke (1:28), 'Hail, thou art highly favoured,
to the region's production and export of commodities,
the Lord is with thee', and it is interpreted as coming
and the importance of the Aegean coast continued as
from the traditional site of the house of Mary and Joseph
Constantinople grew in population and prominence
in Nazareth and dating from the sixth century (Rahmani
(Kingsley, Decker 2001). Amphorae were made for 1966). A flask with an image of figures in a boat and
transporting oil and wine, and there were also table wares which also has inscriptions referring to New Testament
and other decorated ceramics such as lamps produced for
sites was discovered in the 1950s near Aquileia on the
local and inter-regional markets. north Adriatic coast (Guarducci 1974).

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

I
Another type of mould-made ceramic flask thought to
come from Palestine has small proportions and is
decorated with raised dots (fig. 2). This type has been
assigned to Jerusalem on the basis of its yellow-brown
ware and decoration, which are similar to a form of oil
lamp made here in the seventh century (Magness 1993:
259). An intact example was discovered during
excavation of the site of Ramat Rahel, or Bir al-Qadismu,
between Jerusalem and Bethlehem (Aharoni 1964: 17,
38-41, fig. 10.11, pl. 4.6), and the top half of a 'raised
dots' type was found in the Tyropoeon valley, Jerusalem
in 1927 (Crowfoot, Fitzgerald 1929: 126, pi. 16.31). An
ampulla discovered in Sardis in western Anatolia has the
same dimensions and similar raised dots design
(Rautmann 1996: 62-63, no. 2.82, fig. 16).
A number of large, clay flasks with variant forms and
decoration point to alternative regions, and dates of
production. These have handles added to the body like
Menas flasks, and are decorated with detailed designs.
0 2cm
An unusual and well-preserved flask held in the British
Museum measures about 20cm in height, over three
times larger than most Asia Minor ampullae; its form Fig. 2. Drawing of a 'r
resembles the 'bag-shaped' or late Roman 5/6 amphora Jerusalem (Aharoni 196
(Dalton 1901: 158, no. 903). A fragment with similar
iconography to the London flask was found in the
southern baths complex at Perge (Atik 1995: 176-80, nos to require official auth
391-99). There is a range of forms and images among excavation circumstance
these large, rounded flasks, and it is uncertain whether being dated from ca. 45
they were produced contemporaneously or in the same suggests that Palestine
region, although vessels of this kind have usually been (Hayes 1971: 244-47).
found in Turkey. Flask forms were widely produced around the
A large, intact flask unearthed during excavation of eastern Mediterranean before, during and after late
shop buildings at Sardis has a rounded shape, and is antiquity, but there has been little work done to identify
decorated with curious animal motifs reminiscent of groups and determine chronology. The variety of forms,
Palestinian mosaic panels (Hanfmann 1983: 165, fig. fabrics and iconography indicate different regions and
244). Another example from Sardis, discovered in a late phases of production. Moreover, pilgrim flasks were
Roman residential complex, has a simple cross motif and not the product of a single religious movement,
contained 71 bronze coins dating from the late fifth although they may have had been associated with
century (Greenewalt et al. 1994). Fragments of flask particular sects and cults. A range of flasks was
sherds with Greek inscriptions offering 'blessings of the produced in the eastern Mediterranean, intermittently,
Lord' were recently found at Pessinus in central Anatolia and over long periods of time.
(Devreker 1995: nos 19-29).
In 1971, John Hayes drew attention to a wheel-made, Iconography: the limits of interpretation
'fusiform' ampulla, which he dated to the fifth and sixth Despite ampoules a eulogie being classed as a distinct
centuries and called the 'late Roman unguentarium' pottery form in the late 19th century (Michon 1899),
(Hayes 1971). These are far more prevalent than mould- Catherine Metzger's (1981) catalogue of pilgrim flasks
made flasks, and they have been found in Greece, Italy, in the Louvre is the first and only systematic study of
Palestine, North Africa and several sites in Turkey Asia Minor ampullae. Ampullae are characterised by
(Eisenmenger 2001). Many have monograms and motifs their ovoid form and short spout there is some
stamped just above the base, and a fragment from variation in size and shape, but generally the dimensions
Rhodes bears the inscription 'of Bishop Severianos', of those with figural designs are regular - most measure
leading to the theory that their issue was ecclesiasticallyaround 7cm in height and 5cm in width, while ampullae
controlled, and that their contents were valuable enoughwith crosses and other non-figural motifs can vary in

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 Anderson

height from 4-9cm. Their colour can range from dark many martyred saints. A flask excavated at Knidos on
red to buff and light yellow, and this use of different the southwest coast of Turkey shows a woman in an
fabrics suggests a number of clay sources and thereforeorans pose flanked by two animal heads (Love 1972: 75,
production centres which employed similarly shaped fig. 32). This may depict the female saint Thecla
moulds (Anderson forthcoming). imaged on some Menas flasks, and whose north Mediter-
The most obvious variation within this flask form is ranean cult centre operated near the coastal city of
Seleucia in Cilicia (Davis 2001)-but the woman could
the decoration. More than a dozen different figures and
a range of geometric motifs appear, with newly just as well be a generic martyr ad bestias.
excavated examples featuring unprecedented designs. One of the more frequently occurring figural designs
Identification of figures and motifs has been the focus of shows on one side a seated man writing, and on the other
most studies of ampullae, and it is important to survey a standing man holding a codex and flanked by two palm
the flasks' decoration while considering the reliability trees. Examples of this so-called 'Evangelist' type have
and usefulness of current interpretation. been excavated at Aphrodisias (Campbell 1988: 541, no.
A number of ampulla-designs feature 'portraits', but 3), Sardis (Hanfmann 1966: 16-17) and Phocaea
determining the identity of figures is problematic, partly (Sartiaux 1921), and several are held in museum collec-
because the depiction of saints in the period before tions. Scholars have invariably identified the seated
Iconoclasm was far from standardised. In some cases, it figure as John the Evangelist and suggested that the
is even uncertain whether the figures are saints or flasks were produced at his shrine on the Ayasuluk hill
contemporary pilgrims. An ampulla design showing near Ephesus (Michon 1899; Griffing 1938; Duncan-
three figures in a boat may depict a specific narrative orFlowers 1990; Zalesskaya 1999).
saint, but could alternatively show anonymous pilgrims
travelling overseas (Metzger 1981: 45; Vikan 1991: 78).
Another flask type is decorated with horse-riders a
man on a galloping horse holding an axe, and on the
other side, a woman riding side-saddle, and carrying a
circular object (fig. 3). Some scholars have identified
the figures as Mary and Joseph on the flight into Egypt
(Wulff 1909: 264; Robert 1984: 464-67), but they have
also been seen as pilgrims riding to their destination
(Broneer 1932: 48; Vikan 1991: 84-85). The horse-
riders were recently interpreted as representations of
God as described by John the Evangelist (Zalesskaya
1999: 358-59).
Although pilgrims may have been imaged on some
ampullae, it is assumed that saints were the subject of
Fig. 3. The male horse-rider on two slightly different
most designs, but the diversity of these figures- male
ampulla designs
and female, apostles and martyrs, priests and warriors -
make identification very difficult. One group of
ampullae has a half length portrait of a bearded man Written sources that describe pilgrims collecting dust
from
holding a book with inscriptions identifying the figure as the shrine of St John would seem to be sufficient
St Andrew (Dalton 1901: no. 913; Metzger 1981: nos evidence that Ephesus was an ampulla-making centre,
123-25; Buckton 1994: no. 127); an ampulla found at but this designation does not account for the range of
Sardis has incised letters identifying on one side John the other figural designs. At least five ampulla types show
Baptist, and on the other the Virgin and Child. men holding books, and it therefore seems that different
(Greenewalt, Rautman 1998). apostles were being depicted. Whilst identifying
Clothing and attributes are often used to identify Christian saints and narratives is sometimes possible,
saints: a flask with an image of a bearded man holding reliance on this approach can lead to cycles of interpre-
keys is assumed to show St Peter (Wulff 1909: no. 1352; tation and counter-interpretation which only highlight
Metzger 1981: no. 116); another has a soldier spearing a the limits of investigating pilgrimage art using pictorial
dragon on one side and a man flanked by lions on the evidence in isolation from its archaeological context.
other (Campbell 1988: no. 4). The dragon-slayer could The diversity of characters appearing on ampullae should
be either St George or St Theodore, and the figure with be taken to indicate that the flasks were associated with a

the lions could be Daniel, although he may be one of range of saints and shrines.

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

dating are hard to establish. Despite almost every

Another enigmatic design has a small figure looking
out from an elaborate doorway, and on the reverse example
side, a in museums being said to have come from
western
cross sits on a drum-shaped support, perhaps an altar or Turkey, only a small number have been
documented
font, framed by spiral columns and a striated arch. Of archaeologically.
seven known examples there are three variant designs
Unrecorded purchases of ampullae have hindered
(Wulff 1909: no. 1348; Metzger 1981: nos 120-21; investigation of this type of artefact, and it is impossible
Zalesskaya 1986; Campbell 1988: nos 6-7). Metzger to know how many might be held in collections, or were
bought in private transactions. Even the distinguished
thought the figure in the doorway could be Lazarus rising
from his tomb; Zalesskaya argued it could be either St
epigrapher Louis Robert seemed to show scant regard for
Demetrios or St Spyridon, and that the cross under the
context by acquiring flasks from Turkish villagers in the
arch was a representation of St John's shrine at Ephesus,
1980s (Robert 1984). It is depressing to note that pilgrim
whilst Vikan thought that pilgrims would have had a flasks feature among the Roman material for sale at
more metaphorical interpretation of the doorway (Vikan online antiquities auctions (for example, Edgar L. Owen
1982: 27). Ltd 2005). Despite most ampullae having sketchy prove-
As well as human figures, some ampullae have nance, those that have been excavated offer a wealth of
animal designs. One example shows a goat tethered to contextual clues: their occurrence in tombs, shrines and
a tree (Metzger 1981: 50); another found at Sardis domestic buildings give indications about how the flasks
shows a donkey with a cross and orb on its back, inter-
were used, and by whom.
preted as a symbol of legitimate kingship (Hanfmann
1968; 1985). A fragmentary ampulla excavated at the Excavated ampullae: locations and context
Asklepieion in Pergamon seems to show a beast, Pilgrim flasks are by their nature portable objects, and
perhaps a bear, in a 'rampant' posture (De Luca 1984: the sites where they are found range over a large area.
no. 301). The distribution of excavated ampullae shows that some
There is a range of non-figural ampulla designs, were transported great distances, but that they were
usually crosses or rosettes, sometimes decorated with primarily consumed by a local market. Most have come
concentric or dotted circles. Cross designs and non- from the west of Turkey, and the cluster in this region
figural types are numerous, they vary in size more than indicates that ampullae were made here (fig. 4).
figural ampullae, and they were made from different No serious attempt has so far been made to group
clays (Anderson forthcoming). The concentric circles reliably recorded discoveries of Asia Minor ampullae.
motif - which sometimes appears as a framing device Although the number of excavated flasks is small, I have
has been used to chart similarities between ampulla
types, and it has been suggested that the motif originated
from Egypt (Griffing 1938; Robert 1984). Variety in the
colour and size of non-figural ampullae is further
evidence for multiple sites of production.
Rather than offer a comprehensive taxonomy, this
summary of ampulla decoration aims to express the
range of designs that occur within this pottery form.
Although investigating the iconography of pilgrim flasks
may be useful for considering historical and pictorial
traditions, it is very hard to identify saints beyond doubt,
and iconological interpretation may detract from more
immediate sources of evidence. The variety of moulds
and fabrics used to make ampullae seem to show that the
flasks were produced at a number of locations, although
their uniform shape and recurrent motifs suggest that
manufacture took place within a relatively confined
geographic area.
A major obstruction to archaeological study of
pilgrim flasks is that few have documented contextual
information. Without the discovery of a significant Fig. 4. Map showing sites in western Anatolia where
assemblage such as the hoard of Menas flasks from ampullae have been excavated (after D.H. French in
Alexandria (Kiss 1989), production centres and precise Hammond 1981: map 26a)

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 Anderson

identified around 50 examples published in reports. Some ampullae are reportedly from locations
Their distribution does need to be qualified though elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean: one was found in
because find-spots are likely to reflect the interests of a Classical shrine on the Acropolis at Athens (Broneer
archaeologists and the type of locations they excavate. 1932), another during excavation of Byzantine-
As archaeological fieldwork at late antique sites in Ummayid shop buildings in Jerusalem (Maeir, Strauss
Turkey has focused on urban centres, it is not surprising1995). There have also been finds reported at Antioch
that these are the places where most material has beenand Alexandria, but lack of excavation reports means
located: distribution patterns in rural areas cannot be that the contexts of these cannot be investigated.
fully accounted for. The distribution of such a small sample does not
By 1988, fieldwork at the city of Aphrodisias in prove a great deal, although there is a concentration in
Caria had unearthed 12 Asia Minor ampullae the cities of Asia Minor. As mentioned, this might only
(Campbell 1988). Many more complete and serve to reflect the kinds of locations that archaeologists
favour, but the high proportion from Aphrodisias and
fragmentary examples have surfaced in recent years,
making this city the principal location where ampullae
Sardis, cities that were equally distant from the Aegean
have been excavated (Christopher Ratte, personal coast, is noteworthy. It can only be assumed that many
correspondence). Although the exact type of flask ampullae bought in Izmir and now in the Louvre were
found here recently requires verification, over 40 are taken from sites in or around ancient cities in the region.
now said to come from Aphrodisias.
Another inland city where significant numbers of Categorising context: funerary, religious, residential
ampullae have been discovered is Sardis, where and commercial find-spots
American excavations commenced in the 1950s under The circumstances in which ampullae have been found
the direction of George Hanfmann. Just before his death
vary greatly, and there are also differences in the quality
of information available. Some are from reliably
in 1986, Hanfmann reported that 'several' ampullae were
found in 1980 during work at the so-called House of preserved strata or undisturbed tombs along with numis-
Bronzes (Hanfmann 1985: 422), although these appear to matic material; others were found in less clear circum-
be unpublished. Before this discovery, Hanfmann said stances or at disturbed levels. The extent and detail of

that eight examples were known from Sardis. Others accompanying information in excavation reports is also
have since come to light, and my research has located variable, but despite this inconsistent quality of data,
reports for 12 pilgrim flasks from here, nine of which are find-spots indicate where ampullae were deposited, and
the Asia Minor type. therefore give clues about their use and users. Ampullae
The cities of Ephesus and Pergamon also have have been discovered in funerary contexts - graves and
tombs; they also occur as apparently votive deposits at
reliably published finds, although the majority reported
religious locations such as shrines. Most are from
to be from Ephesus, and all from Smyrna come without
details of their discovery. Louis Robert suggested that
residential and public buildings.
most of the Louvre's holdings were from the Hermus It is important to qualify what is meant by the
valley where the collector Gaudin was operating, but'context categories' of funerary, religious, residential and
commercial. Firstly, these sites may simply reflect the
they might just as well have been bought in Izmir (Robert
1984). Other find-spots in western Asia Minor are kinds of places archaeologists choose to dig, and the
Didyma, Knidos, Phocaea and Samos. Ampullae said to techniques they employ. More importantly, designating
have come from the islands of Naxos and Chios lack locations as 'religious' or 'domestic' can be confusing
excavation reports. because these terms rely largely on modem concepts,
developed to describe the customary divisions we make
A handful of ampullae were found at sites in the
between public and private, inhabited and sacred spaces.
Balkans peninsula. One flask was unearthed at Caricin
Grad in the Roman province of Dardania, currently
Differentiating between religions must also be
considered critically, as it is equally dependent on
Serbia and Montenegro (Metzger 1984). Caricin Grad
modem-day constructs and heavily influenced by events
was a fortified settlement founded by Justinian in around
AD 530, but abandoned in ca. 615 following military that have occurred since late antiquity (Elsner 2003). It
invasion. Other evidence for early Christian pilgrim is important to bear in mind that when a site is described
devotionalia from Asia Minor and Palestine being trans- as 'Christian' or 'pagan', this does not make it homoge-
ported to the Balkans has since come to light (Markov neous, or the exclusive domain of a particular faith.
2003). The contextual circumstances in which two Religious movements and the sites they frequented were

ampullae were found in Bulgaria in the 1990s heterogeneous

have and sometimes syncretistic, deriving their
helped with dating (Shtereva 1999). meaning from multiple influences and traditions.

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

a) Funerary In 1970, excavations at the Hellenistic sanctuary in

Four ampullae from Aphrodisias were discovered in Knidos unearthed three Asia Minor ampullae (Love
graves, and so can be said to come from a funerary 1972). This monopteros, or circular temple was
context. Two are from the necropolis west of the city identified as the ancient Sanctuary of Aphrodite
walls, found in the central chamber of tomb 1 (Campbell Euploia on the basis of literary and pictorial evidence.
1988: nos 2, 11). The other two were from tombs The flasks were discovered in an area around the south
podium of the temple, where ceramic deposits dated
adjacent to the east end of the cathedral (formerly the
from the fifth century BC to the Byzantine period.
Temple of Aphrodite), in the region of the north temenos
Knidos had a number of Christian buildings by late
complex, found with clay lamps dating from the fifth
antiquity; the Temple of Dionysos was converted into a
century (Campbell 1988: nos 1, 7). These locations may
be seen to reflect changing burial practices in the late
church in the late fifth or early sixth century, and there
Roman period. As pagan concepts of the afterlife were
were also other churches dating from this period (Love
replaced by Christian desire for communion with God,
1973). Whether the Classical sanctuary was fully
'Christianised' or still frequented by pagans is
the site of burials shifted from extra-mural family tombs
uncertain.
to individual graves in close proximity to sacred sites.
Stephen Mitchell has described how 'the traditional Knidos lies at the end of a thin isthmus on the
distinction between a city for the living and a separate Aegean coast, where in Classical antiquity, several
cemetery for the dead, which had helped to define the prestigious sanctuaries were situated. An ampulla was
ancient concept of a city, was broken down by the new found near Didyma, the oracular Temple of Apollo,
ideas about the meaning of burial, and the urge to find a one of the principal religious sites of the ancient world
place for a grave as close as possible to a sanctified site' (Wintermeyer 1980: no. 247), discovered during
(Mitchell 1993: 120). The deposition of flasks in Aphro- excavation of the 'sacred road' that linked Didyma
disian burials in the west necropolis and tombs in the with the city of Miletus. The flask from Samos was
city's religious centre seems to epitomise this transition. found at the Heraion, and so can also be said to come
The other two ampullae from funerary contexts both from a religious, and ostensibly pagan setting
come from burials outside city walls. A 'St Andrew' (Schneider 1929: 97-141, no. 32). The ampulla found
flask was discovered in a tomb near Phocaea by French at Athens in the 1930s was also discovered in a
excavators in the early 20th century (Sartiaux 1921), and formerly pagan shrine- a sanctuary dedicated to Er
a unique ampulla decorated with a donkey was unearthed and Aphrodite on the east slope of the Acropolis
at a cemetery outside Sardis which contained fourth to (Broneer 1932).
fifth century burials, although it was found 'in an isolated Two complete ampullae and two fragmentary
Byzantine intrusion and not well stratified' (Hanfmann examples have been found in the Asklepieion at
1968: 11; 1985). Pergamon (De Luca 1984: nos 300-03). This vast
complex was the city's main sanctuary, a centre of
b) Religious religious and cultural activities. The Asklepieion had a
At least 14 ampullae have been excavated at sites of number of amenities including a library and theatre,
religious importance. Three have come from the Cave ofalthough its primary function was as a sanctuary for
the Seven Sleepers at Ephesus, a necropolis outside the healing. Sleep was an important part of the sanctuary's
city walls which became a major devotional site in late lex sacra and the incubation building was frequently
antiquity. The legend of the Seven Sleepers was enlarged to accommodate growing numbers of pilgrims
(Hoffmann 1998). It is not certain how late the
popularised in the fifth century, although the cemetery
was already significant for Christians as it containedcomplex
the remained in use as a sacred site- by the 13th
tombs of various saints (Foss 1979: 33). Austrian century dwellings had been built inside the temenos
(Rheidt 1998)- but the presence of pilgrim flasks may
excavators identified two ampullae among the hundreds
of lamps found here in the 1930s (Miltner 1937: nos show
357, that the Asklepieion continued to have a religious
358), and another ampulla that appears in the excavation
function in late antiquity.
report can also be included (Miltner 1937: no. 114).
Lamps from these caves are decorated with a range of c) Residential
'Christian' symbols, Old Testament iconography, as wellPerhaps most useful for discerning the identity of
as 'Jewish' and 'pagan' motifs, showing that this was not
ampulla consumers are examples that have come from
an exclusively Christian site. The caves' dual function as residential buildings. At least 16 were found in

a shrine and burial complex could mean that the 'domestic' settings, although these are not typic
ampullae were grave goods rather than votive deposits. dwellings, but rather high status residences such as th

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 Anderson

House of Bronzes at Sardis, where three published finds in the south of the country (Shtereva 1999: 85). The
and a number of unpublished finds have been made, the context for these objects is reliable as the castle is
North Temenos House at Aphrodisias and a castle near known to have been destroyed and abandoned in the
the town of Sliven in southern Bulgaria. late sixth or early seventh century, with coins in the
The House of Bronzes at Sardis was a large, two- burned layer giving a terminus post quem of AD 599
storey complex dating from the late Roman period. (Shtereva 1999: 85).
Material in the basement rooms included bronze vessels Other ampullae from fortified settings include the
and liturgical objects, leading to the theory that the flask from Caricin Grad, discovered near to the west
building housed a senior cleric (Hanfmann 1959: 22- tower of the upper town's south gate (Metzger 1984:
27; 1983: 192). The complex had more than a 158-60, figs 169-72). At Sardis, excavation of the city
residential purpose though, and some sections may walls focussed on two defensive features - the
have been publicly accessible. The long, vaulted under- Pactolus bridge and the southwest gate, where an
ground cistern would have provided water to more than ampulla was found along with a Justinianic coin in an
just the building's inhabitants, and an 'economic' area described by its excavators as a guard house
function is suggested by the presence of olive presses (Hanfmann, Waldbaum 1975: 45-47).
and wool-dyeing facilities in the basement (Hanfmann
1983: 147). d) Commercial
Another ampulla from Sardis was found in an Some pilgrim flasks have been excavated in
extensive and well-preserved late Roman residential 'commercial' places shops and market areas,
complex southeast of the synagogue (Greenewalt, including three from the terraced shop buildings in
Rautman 1998). The building had an upper floor Sardis. This row of two-storey units was adjoined to
judging from the height of its walls, and it was richly the south of the synagogue and bath-gymnasium
decorated with marble panels and frescoes. Coins from complex in the centre of the late Roman city, situated
the reign of Phocas (AD 602-610) reflect a late date of just behind a portico running along the city's main
occupation here. A different flask found in a domestic east-west road, the later levels of which are dated to
setting at Sardis was the 'large type' containing fifth around 400 AD (Hanfmann 1968; 1983: 163). The
century coins, from residence E5 (Hanfmann 1983: shops are thought to have been destroyed during a
165), another prestigious late antique house. Sassanian raid in the early seventh century - the latest
At Aphrodisias, an 'Evangelist' ampulla was coins found here were an issue of Emperor Heraclius
discovered during excavation of the North Temenos (AD 610-641).
House, so-called because of its proximity to the The contents of the shops were found to be
Temple of Aphrodite (Campbell 1988: no. 3). This remarkably
was intact, with excavated material suggesting
a range of trades that operated there including
an elaborately furnished building which had an atrium
with floor mosaics leading to a large, apsed hall fullonicae, caterers, hardware merchants and other
decorated with marble revetment (Campbell 1996: retailers (Hanfmann 1983: 164-66). One ampulla was
188). The complex was probably an official residence, found in a unit identified as a 'restaurant' from the

either for the Governor of the province of Caria, or for large quantities of animal bones and charcoal as well as
the Bishop of Aphrodisias. The ampulla was found at coarse black ware and cookery pots (Hanfmann 1959:
the east end of the building, at the level of a floor 58). A large flask decorated with animal motifs was in
which has been dated to the late fourth century. Since a unit called 'residence and / or wineshop E4', that also
1988, a further four ampullae have reportedly been contained a lion-shaped brass lamp, an iron sword and
found in the North Temenos House, and six other dagger (Hanfmann 1983: 165).
fragments have come from domestic contexts Another ampulla from shop buildings was
elsewhere in the city (Christopher Ratte, personaldiscovered during excavations outside the Jaffa gate in
correspondence). Jerusalem (Maeir, Strauss 1995), a late Byzantine /
The residences at Sardis and Aphrodisias are not early Ummayid area described as being 'industrial and
typical houses; they were inhabited by prominent digni- mercantile in nature'. The exploration of a row of
taries, perhaps ecclesiastical. Castles and fortified shops yielded coins, pottery and one 'horse-riders'
positions are also not conventional domestic spaces, ampulla. At Aphrodisias, ampullae have been found at
although they were certainly 'inhabited', and so are the Sebasteion, which was initially a temple complex
distinct from votive and funerary settings. Three flasks for the Imperial cult, but by the late antique period was
have been found at castles in Bulgaria, two of which are probably the site of shops and 'market' activity (Erim
from a late antique fortification near the town of Sliven 1986: 106-23).

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

At Pergamon, three ampullae were found in the but reaching a single interpretation is hazardous, firstly
gymnasium and another on the west side of the agora. because of the paucity of material, and more signifi-
These were discovered in the early years of the 20th cantly, because the material has relevance to a range of
century, and precise details about their find-spots are disciplinary and theoretical standpoints. It is possible to
lacking (Hepding 1907: 411). Another ampulla was identify the 'consumers' of ampullae with some certainty,
discovered at the agora in Ephesus along with late but this information can then be used for various lines of
antique lamps (Gassner 1997: no. 712). At Aphrodisias, research concerned with saint cults, the use of Christian
imagery in the age before Iconoclasm and broader
six ampullae were found in or near the stadium, although
the two published examples both came from unspecifieddemographic conditions in Asia Minor during late
contexts (Campbell 1988: nos 4, 8). antiquity. The context of ampullae may be interpreted
The excavation of two late Roman wells in Sardis differently by historians of politics, religion, economy
yielded deposits of amphorae, plain wares and fineand society, and so it is important to survey a range of
wares
debates and discourses which they might inform.
from the fifth to early seventh centuries (Rautman 1996),
Variations in fabric and design suggest that ampullae
and among this pottery were two flasks- one the 'raised
dots' type, the other an ampulla decorated with awere
crossproduced at more than one site; locations where
and circles. It is unclear whether the well was a rubbish they have been found show that production centres were
hole, or the ceramics were discarded as a ritual or votive.
spread over a fairly limited geographic area in western
As with other pottery from Sardis, the assemblage is usedAnatolia, and their archaeological context proves that
to date the city's invasion to AD 616. they were made in the late sixth / early seventh centuries.
From their occurrence in residential buildings, flasks can
Dating be associated with a fairly specific socio-economic group
of 'consumers' -urban professionals in the provinces of
The invasion of Sardis is a useful reference for the period
at which ampullae are present in the archaeological Asia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria. Other than adding to
record; those found in houses and the row of demolished information about distinct historical groups, ampulla
shop buildings seem to indicate ampullae as a feature ofcontexts may also be used to further our knowledge of
the early seventh century. For how long the flasks hadother patterns of religious and economic behaviour.
been produced is less certain. The ampulla from Sliven Flasks recovered from residential buildings probably
in Bulgaria was found alongside coins, the latest of give the best indication of who collected the objects and
which are 'dated from 598-599 and were minted in how they were regarded, although this small sample of
Cyzicos during the reign of the Byzantine emperor finds may simply reflect the kinds of locations that
Mauricius Tiberius (AD 582-602)' (Shtereva 1999: 85). archaeologists tend to excavate. The 'domestic' find-
The latest coins found in the vicinity of the ampulla from spots are not typical dwellings but rather prestigious
Caricin Grad were from the reign of Justinian (AD 527- residences, operated by a ruling class and perhaps semi-
565) (Metzger 1984), although further excavation of the public in nature. The House of Bronzes in Sardis, where
site yielded coins dating up to the emperor Phocas (AD several ampullae were recovered, seems to have had an
602-610) (Ivanisevic 1990). Perhaps the earliest context economic, ceremonial and funerary function, as well as
for an ampulla was the flask recovered alongside a being a residential building. The North Temenos House
Justinianic coin at the southwest gate along the city wallsat Aphrodisias is another high-status setting occupied by
of Sardis (Hanfmann, Waldbaum 1975: 45-47), but this members of a late antique civic or ecclesiastical elite,
does not give a certain start-date for ampulla productionwhose prominence in this city is known from honorary
as the gate would have been used throughout the sixth inscriptions, statues and lavishly furnished residences
century. From the evidence available it would appear (Roueche 1989; Campbell 1996; Smith 1999; 2002).
that ampullae were present in the cities of western Asia Ampullae found in commercial premises and fortified
Minor from the middle to late sixth century and positions point towards other groups of mercantile and
continued to be used in the first decades of the seventh. military consumers. The amuletic and apotropaic
function of icons displayed in shops and castles is
Conclusion: the interpretation and implications of mentioned in a number of historical sources (Kitzinger
context 1954; Cameron 1979) and the presence of flasks at
gatehouses in Sardis, Caricin Grad and Sliven, all of
This study has considered the background, typology and
which suffered military invasion in the early seventh
archaeological context of a group of late antique artefacts
found in the west of Turkey. From their presence in century, seems to be material evidence of displaying icons
funerary, religious, domestic and commercial settings,ata city walls to avert or protect against attack. Linking
number of conclusions can be made about pilgrim flasks,
find-spots with historical anecdotes is a convenient, but

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 Anderson

unsatisfactory way to interpret ampulla contexts however, Determining the character of ampulla production in
as it may lead to distortions of structural properties of the the sixth century is difficult, and it is uncertain if ampulla
archaeological record. As a theoretical archaeologist makers were 'regulated' unionised or somehow
might say, 'it's not a case of data underdetermining inter- licensed to produce moulds - or whether they were 'free
pretations, but one of interpretations underdetermining agents', able to make and distribute whatever designs
data' (Van Rossenberg 2003). they wanted. Was ampulla production 'institutional' or
Material excavated from shrines and religious 'popular'? Sheila Campbell (1988) suggested that the
buildings offers different sorts of information aboutflasks
the were sold by travelling tinkers and were not
use of ampullae. The most notable feature of these obtained from pilgrim sites at all, but assuming that
religious contexts is that they are places with pagan and ampullae contained anything (they might, like eulogia
'antique' associations such as the sanctuary at Knidos, thetokens have derived importance from the material they
Heraion at Samos, the shrine at Athens and the were made of), it would seem appropriate that objects
with such explicitly religious imagery would hold
Asklepieion at Pergamon. Although officially 'Chris-
tianised' by the sixth century, Classical temples maysubstances
still that were deemed to be sacred. Ampullae
could have been fraudulently 'sold' as coming from
have been associated with the pagan past. These deposits
indicate that owners of ampullae frequented ancient sacred sites when they were actually produced at random
religious sites and may be material evidence of syncretism locations but this seems unlikely judging from the
between pagan and Christian beliefs in late antiquity, or contexts in which they have been found.
possibly the deliberate inauguration of converted sites. Once pilgrim flasks have been identified as prestige
Theological, factional and political circumstances items, their distribution can be studied as an indicator of
may all have contributed to the promotion of saints' trade and exchange. This approach is usually applied to
shrines in the sixth century, but pin-pointing the exact Carolingian Europe because the development of a
reason why certain cults were popularised through 'rational' economy has been explained as the conse-
production of flasks is not possible without more infor- quence of a 'seventh century transformation' whereby
mation about their precise origins. Saint cults of the laternorthwest Europe became a centre of political and
medieval period were often most active at times of juris- economic power following the advance of Islam (Pirenne
dictional dispute, and this could inform us about early 1957; Hodges 1982). It should be possible though to
Christian cults. However cross-cultural comparison runs study the distribution of any prestige item using trade and
the risk of overlooking major differences in society. exchange models. The context and locations in which
Production and use of pilgrim flasks can also be flasks have been found show that they were obtained and
considered in economic terms by testing ideas about their exchanged among ecclesiastical, civic, mercantile and
manufacture against theoretical arguments concerned with military classes in the cities of western Asia Minor. Their
the nature of the late antique economy and the value ofdissemination further from centres of production reflects
commodities. It is worth considering what is meant by the the rate of 'distance decay' in the commodity's exchange.
ampulla as a 'sacred commodity' and asking whether their What sets ampullae apart from other forms of pottery
production was 'popular' or 'institutional'. The ampulla made in Asia Minor during late antiquity is that these
contexts described in the previous section suggest that were sacred rather than utilitarian objects. Under-
these objects were highly valued- they occur in presti- standing how sixth century Anatolians perceived 'contact
gious residences, burials, and as deposits in shrines. This relics' is difficult as it relies on historical sources which
is supported by contemporary sources that emphasise the are often dogmatic and rhetorical. The flasks are mostly
esteem with which relics were regarded. decorated with Christian iconography although it is hard
As a commodity, the ampulla would appear to have to say whether this was orthodox (Chalcedonian) or the
had low use value but high exchange value, suggesting pictorial expression of a heretical sect or movement.
that a great amount of 'labour' was expended to make Although broadly consistent in size and form, the
them. Clearly these were not labour intensive products, diversity (but duplication) of designs makes it likely that
so the labour must have been because they were difficult there were officially sanctioned ampulla producers.
to procure. This may be taken to mean that the act of Pictorial, contextual and circumstantial evidence
obtaining pilgrim flasks was labour intensive (their value suggests that specific saints were being shown and this
derived from the effort of pilgrimage) and / or that their can be taken to mean that their image was distributed at
production and issue was somehow restricted. This shrines with which they were associated. It would
assessment uses traditional concepts of value, but it is therefore be logical to assume that production of the

debateable whether late antiquity can be considered to flasks was organised and regulated by some form of
have had a market economy at all (Finley 1973). ecclesiastical authority. Manufacture of pilgrim

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 Anatolian Studies 2004

souvenirs shows that by the sixth century, a landscape of 1906: 'Les fouilles d'Aphrodisias' Revue de l art
Christian sites in western Asia Minor had developed, Ancien et Moderne 19: 33-50

become institutionalised and was being exploited by Cormack, R. 1990: 'Byzantine Aphrodisias: changing
increasingly localised centres of power. the symbolic map of a city' Proceedings of the
Cambridge Philological Society 216, new series no.
Acknowledgments 36:26-41

I am grateful to my supervisors at Leiden University 1990a 'The Temple as the Cathedral' in C. Roueche,
John Bintliff, Miguel John Versluys, Bouke van der Meer K. Erim (eds), Aphrodisias Papers I (Journal of
and Karel Innem6e - for their comments and assistance, Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 1).
and to Maarten Raven and Ruurd Halbertsma, curators at Michigan: 75-88
the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, for allowing me to Crowfoot, J.W., Fitzgerald, G.M. 1929: Excavations in
access and photograph material in the collection's store. the Tyropoeon Valley, Jerusalem 1927 (Annual of
Many thanks to Christopher Ratt6 (New York the Palestine Exploration Fund 5). London
University) for providing information about recent Curcic,
finds S., St Clair, A. 1986: Byzantium at Princeton:
at Aphrodisias and to archaeologist Luciana Byzantine Art and Archaeology, at Princeton
University. Princeton
Mandruzzato for assisting me at the library of the Museo
Archeologico Nazionale, Aquileia. Thanks to Alice Dalton, O.M. 1901: Catalogue of Early Christian Antiq-
Samson for her enthusiasm and language skills, and to uities and Objects from the Christian East in the
my wife, Cathy Coote, for putting up with pilgrim flasks. Department of British and Medieval Antiquities and
Ethnography of the British Museum. London
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