i!

john W. Verano

--2008. Art and Moche martial arts. In S. Bourget and K. Jones (eds), 71w Art attd Archaeology of the
Modte. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, pp. 215-28.
Reeve, N. M. 2009. Taphonomic effects of vulture scavenging. ]o11maf of Forensic Sciences 54: 523-28.
Tello, R. and T. Delabarde. 2008. Las tumbas del conjunto arquitect6nico 35 de las Huacas del Sol y de
Ia L~na. In S. Uceda and R. Morales (eds), Investigaciones en Ia Huaca de Ia Luna 2001. Trujillo: Uni-
20
vemdad Nacional de Trujillo, pp. 129-73.
Topic,). R. and T. L. Topic. 1997. La Guerra Mochica. Revista Arqueol6gica SIAN 4: tD-12.
--2009. Variation in the practice of prchispanic warf.1re on the north coast of Peru. In A. E. Nielsen
"PLACE OF STRONG MEN"
and W. H. Walker (eds), Waifare in Cultural Context: Practice, Agency, and the Archaeology <if Violence.
Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, pp. 17-55.
Tufinio, ~· 2004. Excavaciones en Ia Plaza 3C de Ia Huaca de Ia Luna (1998-99). In S. Uceda, Skeletal trauma and the
E. MuJICa and R. Morales (eds), Investigaciones en Ia Huaca de Ia Lww 1999. Trujillo: Universidad
Nacional de Trujillo, pp. 99-120. (re)construction of Chachapoya identity
Verano, J. W. 1998. Sacrificios humanos, desmembramientos y modificaciones culturales en restos
osteol6gicos: evidencias de las temporadas de investigaci6n 1995-96 en Ia Huaca de Ia Luna. In
S. ~ce~a, E. M.ujica and R. Morales (eds), Investigaciones en Ia H11am de Ia Luna 1996. Trujillo: Kenneth C. Nystrom and]. Marla Toyne
Umvemdad Nacwnal de Trujillo, pp. 159-71.
]I --2001a. War and death in the ~och~ world: osteol~gical evidence and visual discourSe. InJ. Pillsbury
(ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology 1t1 Anoeut Peru. Washmgton, DC: National Gallery of Art, pp. 111-25.
--2001b. Paleopathological analysis of sacrificial victims at the Pyramid of the Moon, Moche River
Valley, Northern Peru. Cl11mgam, Revista de Antropologfa Chilena 32: 61-70. An individual or group social identity is created through the comple~ interplay between
--_2001c. ~he ?hysic~l evidence o~human sac~fice in ancient Peru. In E. Benson and A. Cook (eds), internally derived ~nd externally applied definitions Qenkins 2003). The process of internal
R1tua/ Sacrifice 111 Annen! Pem. Austm, TX: Umversity of Texas· Press, pp. 165-84.
definition involves ~he self-ascription by the actors and can manifest individually or collectively.
--2008. Communality and diversity in Moche human sacrifice. In S. Bourget and K. L. jones (eds),
Tlte Art and Archaeology of the Mod1e. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, pp. 195-213. While this process ~ay initially be internal, it is a process that can draw upon an external social
Verano, J. W., S. Uceda, C. Chapdelaine, R. Tello, M. I. Paredes and V. Pimentel. 1999. Modified framework and is cpntingent upon the existence of an audience. The process in which the other
human skulls from the urban sector of the pyramids of Moche, Northern Peru. Latin American Antiq11ity is created and contbsted with the us necessarily calls upon social interaction. This transaction
1Q, 59-70. may range from cdnsensual, in which the internal and external definition are isomorphic (or
Verano, J. W., M. Tufinio and M. L. Valle. 2008. Esqueletos humanos de Ia Plaza 3C de Huaca de Ia
Lm~a. h~ S. Uced.a, E. Mujica and R. Morales (eds), Investigaciones en Ia H11aca de Ia Lmw 2001. Trujillo:
nearly so), to conft;6ntational, in which the external definition may have a significant effect on
I
Umverstdad Nac10nal de Trujillo, pp. 225-54. ,__
r
the social experieJce of the categorized Qenkins 2003; Stein 2002). In this chapter we explore
j: the reconstmcted identity of the Chachapoya as fierce warriors, a name and characterization that
have come to be applied to a group of people that inhabited a region in northern Peru between
AD 1000 until the early Colonial period (after AD 1532). This identity has largely been based on
textual sources and to some degree archaeological data, and is therefore predominantly a product
li of forces external to the region. The current research relies upon the analysis of skeletal trauma as
the prevalence and distribution can serve as markers of shared collective experiences and
therefore provides another perspective of the role of violence in this constructed identity.

Bioarchaeology and identity

The datasets available to bioarchaeologists speak to different aspects of individual or group
identity, each with their own unique strengths and pitfalls. While texts can arguably provide
glimpses into both aspects of identity construction, more commonly history is written by the
victors and as such probably reflects their perception of social relations. These texts, while often
granted a greater degree of objectivity Oanes 1997; Moreland 2001), are necessarily products of a
specific historical context and contain inherent biases. Material culture, on the other hand, can
provide insight into the self-ascriptive facets of social identity while also elucidating the influence
of external forces. Archaeological investigations are also subject to a number of potential
methodological biases, including excavation sampling strategy and site selection or accessibility.
These are ubiquitous phenomena and are unavoidable in many instances.
Biological data, too, suffer from methodological and sampling biases, but afford researchers
the opportunity to complement, evaluate and question the picture drawn by texts and

370 371