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MICHAEL PAKALUK - The Philosophical Case Against The Philosophical Case Against Capital Punishment - Public Discourse
MICHAEL PAKALUK - The Philosophical Case Against The Philosophical Case Against Capital Punishment - Public Discourse
Philosophy
It’s three times more likely that you’ll die of lightning than that Aquinas will
turn out to be wrong about something. The same cannot be said of New
Natural Law philosophy.
It seems a clear case of the exception proving the rule. If we suppose that
each corpus and each reply to an objection expresses an opinion, then
Aquinas expresses about 20,000 opinions in the Summa Theologiae alone.
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Mathematically, that means that it’s three times more likely that you’ll die
of lightning than that Aquinas will turn out to be wrong about something.
On the two matters where he was wrong, he was pretty close to the truth.
Then too, they involved fairly recondite spiritual questions, not matters
central to human life such as criminality, punishment, and the death
penalty. Of course, when he opined on the death penalty, Aquinas was
following every saint before him, every philosopher, every jurist, and every
wise and prudent statesman. On this matter, he speaks with as great an
amassed authority as is possible in human a airs.
(A) human life is a basic, and not merely an instrumental, good for
human persons; (B) no instance of a basic good should ever be
destroyed as an end or a means; (C) capital punishment does destroy an
instance of the basic human good of human life as a means; therefore
(D) no one should ever perform capital punishment upon another
human being.
The argument rules out too much. If “an instance of the basic good of
human life should never be destroyed,” then it is likewise never right to kill
in self-defense, or to kill in war. The argument immediately and plainly
implies an extreme paci sm.
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Tollefsen and the New Natural Lawyers will try to patch the argument by
invoking the Doctrine of Double E ect. They say that, in those other cases,
the destruction of a human life is incidental to intention. Although this
reply has some plausibility for self-defense, it doesn’t for warfare: generals
certainly make their aim the destruction of as many enemy soldiers as
possible, to end the war; and who, after all, acts with greater deliberation
than a sniper? Or, if these directly destructive actions somehow prove to be
permissible—because, against appearances, they are incidental to
intention—then how do we know that capital punishment isn’t also
permissible, on the grounds that it is merely incidental to upholding
justice?
Basic Goods
Even more serious problems arise when we look carefully at the notion of
“basic goods.” A basic good, Tollefsen says, is any good appealed to when
we give a “terminal” reason for an action, that is, a reason that requires no
further reason. Life is a basic good because, as Tollefsen puts it,
life gives us terminal reasons for our actions: we can save a life simply
because life is at stake. We can choose to become doctors or scientists
simply in order to promote and protect human life. We can exercise and
eat a healthy diet simply to extend our life. And so on. In all such cases,
life gives us a reason for action that does not require a further reason to
be intelligible.
And yet aren’t animal life and vegetable life also basic goods by this
criterion? We can choose to become veterinarians simply in order to
promote and protect animal life. We can choose to become gardeners
simply to promote and protect vegetable life. Animal and vegetable life
clearly “give a reason for action that does not require a further reason to
be intelligible.”
But if these are basic goods, and “no instance of a basic good should ever
be destroyed as an end or a means,” then no cow can be slaughtered for
food, no cockroach killed as a nuisance, no weed pulled out to tend the Privacidade - Termos
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Tollefsen and the New Natural Lawyers say that there are eight or so basic
goods, including, for example, “play” and “skillful performance.” It’s easy to
see why they hold this. A question like “why did you play in that pick-up
basketball game” can be answered, “terminally,” with a reason along the
lines, “because it was a good play of the game.” One doesn’t need to give
any more of a reason than that.
But the principle that “no instance of a basic good should ever be
destroyed as an end or a means” holds for any basic good, not simply the
good of life. Thus, corresponding to each of the eight or so basic goods,
there must be a moral absolute against its destruction, analogous to “thou
shalt not kill.” What could these possibly be? Must we a rm such precepts
as that “no one should ever break up a game” or “no one should ever
interfere with a skillful performance”? Apparently we must, on Tollefsen’s
argument. The police o cer can no more stop the loud trumpeter from
playing outside my window at night, it seems, than society can execute a
murderer.
What has gone wrong is that the New Natural Law was laudably devised to
explain why contraception and abortion should never be done whatever
the consequences. It seems to show that the proscriptions are moral
absolutes. If we think only of human life as a basic good, then the theory
seems to give the right results. But since the theory, in its developed and
full form, asserts multiple basic goods, it simply generates too many moral
absolutes.
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Tollefsen’s argument for his premise (B) fares no better upon examination.
The various basic goods, he says, are “incommensurable,” in the sense that
none of them can provide, in any instance, all of the goodness and more
that is distinctively found in an instance of some other of the basic goods.
Even take all the basic goods except one: no matter how much you
increase these, you never get a compound good that provides all the
goodness and more found in any instance of that basic good that you left
out.
But this argument is obviously awed, for two reasons. First, people often
act to “destroy an instance of a basic good,” in order to get as much and
more of the same basic good, not some other basic good: such as the
mother who aborts her baby ostensibly to promote the lives of her several
living children, or the escaped convict who kills an accoster to extend his
own life further. The relevant goods in that case would presumably be
commensurable. Tollefsen’s argument about the incommensurability of
di erent basic goods counts not one whit against this kind of reasoning.
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So Tollefsen fails to give any support for (B), nor should we be surprised if a
premise that generates such unwelcome conclusions cannot actually be
supported. As we saw, his argument leads to multiple absurd conclusions.
So our antecedent expectation has been con rmed.
It would be possible to probe more deeply and explain why the arguments
of the New Natural Lawyers must go so disastrously awry. In the old
natural law, being and goodness are convertible. If one were to speak of
“basic goods” at all, one would say that beings who were basic for action
would also be basic goods, such as God, the most “basic” source and end
for us; the human soul, which is the “basic” principle of life; and the virtues,
which are the “basic” way that we become good and like God. But it is not
possible to consider goods in this way, without placing them in a
reasonable order, as for example, to hold that the good of the body is
ordered to the good of the soul, or that the common good is greater than
the good of an individual.
The New Natural Lawyers reject this way of looking at things, because, they
say, conclusions about goodness cannot be drawn from claims about
existence. So they turn instead to human practical reason, and assert that
to call something a good, is just to say that it serves as a reason why we
act.
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Not that they don’t inevitably rely on the same approach as the old natural
law. Look again at Tollefsen’s sentences: “We can choose to become
doctors or scientists simply in order to promote and protect human life. . . .
life gives us a reason for action that does not require a further reason to be
intelligible.”
When he says, “We can choose…” he does not mean that some people, as a
matter of fact, do choose in this way, as that would be a mere fact of
psychology which goes nowhere. In particular, that observation would not
justify “life gives us a reason for action that does not require a further
reason to be intelligible.” Well, as a matter of fact, there are even some
people, bad men, who choose to kill simply because it pleases them, and
yet it doesn’t follow that “death gives us a reason for action that does not
require a further reason.”
No, Tollefsen is implicitly relying on the old, teleological idea from Aristotle
that a good person, who has the virtues and therefore is the best
realization of human nature, serves as a standard for judgment and action.
The right approach to natural law is to embark on that philosophical path
deliberately and explicitly.
Certainly the New Natural Law, with its doctrine of basic goods, gives us no
reason for believing that Aquinas was wrong about as many as three
things. But what about what Aquinas himself says in defending the death
penalty? According to Tollefsen, two of St. Thomas’s crucial premises are
false:
[i] his claim that in sinning a sinner reduces himself to the status of a
beast and loses his dignity is false, for the sinner’s dignity is consequent
upon his nature, which does not change when he sins. And [ii] his claim
that citizens are related to the polity like parts of an organism to the
whole, and thus may be excised for the good of the whole, is also false:
the state exists for persons, and not persons for the state.
Only one problem: Aquinas actually says neither of those things that
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As regards [i], it seems that Tollefsen has gone astray by lack of attention
to the Latin. What Aquinas says is:
Man in sinning draws away from the order of reason, and therefore he
abandons human greatness—insofar as man is naturally free and a
being who exists for himself—and he falls in with the subjected
condition of irrational animals, in the respect, at least, that by the very
fact of his sinning he can be directed according as that proves useful to
others.
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But is the deep thought that Aquinas actually expresses also true? Yes, it is.
We know it is true subjectively, because our experience from the shame of
sin, if we are honest, is to throw ourselves upon the mercy of others and
exclaim, “Do with me what you will!”—that is, for your good, or for the good
of others, regardless of my own good.
Now, on what basis do we treat him in this way? By what right do we strip
him of every human good—every good, because it is not clear that life
remains a good for him if every good that life is for is taken away. Not
because we are wishing what is good for him! Not because we are dealing
with him as a being existing for himself (propter seipsum existens). Rather,
we are “directing him according as that proves useful to others.”
Here is another case where Aquinas (and in this way he is like Aristotle)
may hardly seem to be saying something true, because he is saying
something so obviously true.
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a decent person, not falling into serious sin, can be put to the use of the
community and “excised” for the good of the community. After all, as not
abandoning his dignity, he is a member in full standing of that very
community.
Aquinas stands here, too, for what I have believed about the death penalty
on the merits, even before I became Catholic, and for what I have therefore
loved the Church for so rightly and consistently defending over the
millennia.
MICHAEL PAKALUK
Michael Pakaluk is Professor of Ethics and Social Philosophy
and Associate Dean of Faculty at the Busch School of
Business in The Catholic University of America. He lives in
Hyattsville, MD, with his wife, Catherine, also a professor at
the university, and their eight children.
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