From Alternative To Trance

Ohio Communication Journal
Volume 49 – 2011, pp. 145-174
From “Alternative” to “Trance”:

The Role of Music in Facilitating Political
Group Activity and Activism
James D. Belcher
Paul Haridakis
Few researchers have examined the influence of music listening on building
social capital. This exploratory study examined the impact of music listening
on on-campus political group membership activities and political activism.
Exposure to different genres of music both positively (e.g., Christian rock and
alternative music) and negatively (e.g., pop and rock) predicted political
group membership activities. Political group membership activities, in turn,
positively predicted political activism. Further, exposure to different genres
of music both positively (e.g., alternative, rap, and trance) and negatively
(e.g., rock, pop, and techno) predicted political activism. Implications and
future research directions are discussed.
At a concert performance of civil rights-era music at the White

House, President Barack Obama acknowledged the role music played
in the civil rights movement by fueling “freedom marches and civil
disobedience” (“Obama says,” 2010). While one may dispute the
President’s claim or argue with the precise role music might play in
any given context of social change, it has been noted by others that
music has been an integral part of several major social movements in
U.S. history, including the labor movement, the civil rights movement,
and student and antiwar protest in the 1960s (Eyerman & Jamison,
1998). This has been the case with national songs (Branham, 1999),
popular music (Chaffee, 1985; Mohrmann & Scott, 1976), work songs
(Conrad, 1988; Knupp, 1981), folk music (Willhardt, 2006), and 1960s
protest songs (Knupp, 1981). Some modern forms of music such as
punk also express important political and social ideologies and impact
related social-political actions (O’Connor, 2002; 2003).
Despite claims that music can be used as a catalyst, or at least a
purveyor, of activities related to social and political participation (e.g.,
_____________________________
James D. Belcher (Ph.D., Kent State University) is Instructor of Communication at
Stark State College. Paul Haridakis (J.D., University of Akron; Ph.D., Kent State
University) is Professor and Director in the School of Communication Studies at Kent
State University. Inquiries may be sent to jbelcher@starkstate.edu.
146 Belcher & Haridakis / Music and Political Activism
joining political groups, political activism), there are few empirical

studies confirming or refuting links between music use and various
social and civic activities. This dearth of research inquiry is surprising
because the study of the impact of media use on the development or
erosion of social institutions, community, and political action has been
of particular interest to communication scholars.
For example, in recent years, researchers have endeavored to
ascertain the effects of the use of various media on social capital (i.e.,
community involvement, political activity, civic participation).
Specifically, researchers have focused on the impact of newspapers
(Beaudoin & Thorson, 2004; Fleming, Thorson, & Peng, 2005; Moy,
Scheufele, & Holbert, 1999; McLeod, Scheufele, & Moy, 1999; Norris,
2002; Scheufele & Shah, 2000; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001b),
television (Beaudoin & Thorson, 2004; Fleming et al., 2005; Lee,
Cappella, & Southwell, 2003; Moy et al., 1999; McLeod et al., 1999;
Norris, 2002; Popp, 2006; Shah, Kwak, & Holbert, 2001a; Shah et al.,
2001b), and the Internet (Dutta-Bergman, 2005; Shah et al., 2001a;
Shah et al., 2001b). If, as social capital research has suggested, media
use has an impact on behaviors such as community involvement,
political activity, and civic participation, the failure to adequately
address the role of music overlooks a powerful and pervasive
communication outlet.
Further, the potential influence of music use on political group
membership and political activism may be particularly acute for certain
populations such as adolescents and college students who may be
coming of age politically and/or have become eligible to vote for the
first time in their lives. Researchers have suggested that adolescents
and young adults use music to manage their personal and social
identities and as a form of self-expression (Baker, 2001; North &
Hargreaves, 1999). Adolescents use music as a means to deindividuate
themselves from others (Chaffee, 1985; Grossberg, 1984), and often
listen to music as form of social rebellion (Halnon, 2005; Lull, 1992).
Young people also use music as a way to create intergroup bonds with
like-minded others (Bakagiannis & Tarrant, 2006).
Music use also is a rallying point for young adults with regard to
important social causes as reflected in theme-based music events such
as the Woodstock Music and Arts Fair in the 1960s and recent anti-
globalization demonstrations like the 2001 Summit for the Americas
protests in Quebec City. Moreover, organizations like Rock the Vote,
which organize campaigns that encourage young Americans to become
politically active and vote, have utilized music celebrities and
advertisements on cable television music venues like MTV (Burgess,
Haney, Snyder, Sullivan, & Transue, 2000). During the 2008 U.S.
Ohio Communication Journal / Vol. 49 – 2011 147
Presidential campaign, the Rock the Vote campaign registered two

million young adult voters (“Rock the Vote,” 2008).
In light of this anecdotal evidence of the use of music for social
and political purposes, the purpose of this investigation was to conduct
an exploratory study examining the relationship between college
students’ personal preferences for different genres of popular music
and their political group membership and political activism.
Specifically, we sought to examine (1) the impact of music use on on-
campus political group membership activities, and (2) the impact of
music use and on-campus political group membership activities on
political activism. We drew on prior research pertaining to the
influence of media use and specific individual differences on either the
enhancement or erosion of social capital.
Social Capital
Social capital has received attention in recent years from scholars

hailing from diverse disciplines of study. Unfortunately, this multi-
disciplinary interest has made defining the concept of social capital
relatively difficult. According to Ihlen (2005), the term social capital
is rooted in sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s analysis of broader
sociological concepts, in which social capital is simply one of three
forms of capital: economic, cultural, and social (prestige). Although
many sociology scholars adhere to this notion, the term social capital
has taken on a variety of incarnations in other various fields of study.
For example, many scholars (across disciplines) interested in the study
of social capital are concerned primarily with identifying factors that
either enhance or detract from community involvement and civic
participation (e.g., Moy et al., 1999).
This latter focus appears to be due, in part, to Putnam’s (2001)
analysis of social capital in the United States. Putnam (2001)
operationalized social capital as both civic participation and
interpersonal trust. Putnam stated that both social cohesion and
community engagement have been declining steadily in America since
the 1950s. Putnam attributed the decline of social involvement to the
privatization of entertainment media. Specifically, Putnam targeted
entertainment outlets such as TV and declared that regular viewing was
a prime culprit for the decline of social capital in America. Putnam
suggested that television not only decreased civic participation but also
caused people to trust each other less.
Similarly, other scholars have conceptualized social capital as

involvement in extracurricular voluntary associations (Pasek, Kenski,
Romer, & Jamieson, 2006), civic participation (Moy et al., 1999; Shah
et al., 2001b; Zhang & Chia, 2006), community involvement and
attachment (Rothenbuhler, Mullen, DeLaurell, & Ryul Ryu, 1996),
institutional participation (McLeod et al., 1999), and interpersonal trust
(Lee et al., 2003; Shah et al., 2001b; Zhang & Chia, 2006).
Regardless of how the term is conceptualized in the various
contexts in which it has been studied, the study of social capital may
help to explain the processes associated with social change. For the
current study, which focused on music selection and politically-related
activities of college students, social capital was conceptualized in two
different ways: (1) political group membership activities (i.e., level of
activity in political and student government-related, on-campus
groups) and (2) political activism external to on-campus group
membership activities (e.g., demonstrating, contacting a public official,
boycotting, participating in a protest march, and the like). This
approach to the study of social capital permitted us to consider the
influence of music use on two concrete behaviors that encompass both
traditional (e.g., Pierre Bourdieu) and recent (e.g., Moy et al., 1999)
aspects of social capital.
While the goal of this study was to address the relative neglect of
empirical researchers to assess the impact of music on social capital, it
is important to note that activities such as political group membership
and political activism are not a result of sheer media exposure alone.
The above studies suggest that music listeners are using music in
various ways to connect with others. There are audience-centered
perspectives which suggest that media effects are likely the result of a
confluence of individual differences and media-use factors working
together. Uses and gratifications is one such media effects perspective.
Uses and gratifications suggests that people’s individual differences
influence their selection of media fare such as music and ultimately the
effects of using that fare (e.g., Gantz, Gartenberg, Pearson, & Schiller,
1978). Specifically, we drew upon this assumption of uses and
gratifications to examine how relevant background characteristics
gleaned from the literature (i.e., interpersonal trust, perceived time
pressure, and personality strength), in conjunction with the music
genres college students selected and to which they listened, worked
together to influence their on-campus political group membership and
level of political activism. Pursuant to uses and gratifications
assumptions, the starting step of such inquiry is the consideration of
audience members’ social and psychological differences that may be
relevant to music selection and engaging in politically-related

activities.
Individual Differences and Social Capital
Media effects scholars often are concerned with how audience

members’ individual differences influence important media effects
(Haridakis & Rubin, 2003; Oliver & Krakowiak, 2002). This also has
been the case with research on the relationship between media use and
social capital. Several researchers have examined the influence of
individual differences on the production of social capital. Beyond
demographic considerations (Brehm & Rahn, 1997; Shah et al., 2001a;
Shah et al., 2001b), research suggests that interpersonal trust, perceived
time pressures, and personality strength may be particularly important
individual differences to consider when examining the role of media or
mediated fare on the production/erosion of social capital. Because of
this important research precedent, in the current study, in addition to
music use, we considered the contribution of these potentially relevant
background characteristics of music listeners to explaining both
political group membership and political activism.
Interpersonal trust. Lee et al. (2003) suggested that an
individual’s level of trust in others is related to use of various media.
Interpersonal trust also may be an important predictor of certain forms
of social capital such as group membership and civic participation
(e.g., protest activities/political activism). According to Uslaner and
Conley (2003), for example, people who exhibit a generalized trust in
others (e.g., feel other people are basically honest) may join groups
with people similar to themselves as well as groups with more diverse
individuals. Conversely, particularized trusters (e.g., those who only
trust people like themselves) tend to join only those groups with people
whom they perceive to be similar to themselves. Moreover, Benson
and Rochon (2004) found that generalized interpersonal trust positively
predicted individuals’ participation in a variety of protest-related like
signing petitions, boycotting, demonstrating, and occupying buildings.
In light of these links that have been advanced with regard to
interpersonal trust, group membership, and political activism, we posed
the following hypotheses:
H1a: Interpersonal trust will be positively related to level of on-

campus political group membership activity (i.e., level of activity
in political and student government-related, on-campus groups).
H1b: Interpersonal trust will be positively related to political

activism (e.g., demonstrating, contacting a public official,
boycotting, participating in a protest march).
Perceived time pressures. As referenced previously, Putnam

(2001) suggested that time spent watching TV would allow little time
for other activities such as civic participation. Putnam also argued that
heavy television viewers experience a feeling that there is little time to
accomplish other activities. Moy et al. (1999) tested Putnam’s claims
about the relationship between media exposure and feelings of time
pressure and found that people did not experience a sense of time
pressure as a result of watching television. However, Moy et al. (1999)
did find that participants who felt time pressures based on normal
everyday responsibilities engaged in fewer civic activities like meeting
with others in the community, thinking about ideas to improve the
community, or actively working to change the community.
Because college students are the target population for this study, it
is important to consider whether normal student and family
responsibilities and activities compete for students’ time with on-
campus political group activities. College students are often stretched
thin on time and are obliged to juggle multiple commitments, so it is
reasonable to assume that family, work, and scholastic obligations may
detract from social endeavors like political group membership activity
and political activism. In light of these links that have been advanced
with regard to perceived time pressure and community and civic
activities, we posed that,
H2a: Perceived time pressure will be negatively related to level of

on-campus political group membership activity.
H2b: Perceived time pressure will be negatively related to political

activism.
Personality strength. Opinion leaders are active consumers of

media content who wield personal influence over others within their
social circles (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1968). According to
Weimann, Tustin, van Vuuren, and Joubert (2007), opinion leaders
may be more active in politics and community activities because of
their influence and social position. Within the social capital literature,
opinion leadership is often measured with the personality strength
instrument first articulated by Noelle-Neumann (as cited in Weimann
et al., 2007). It represents aspects of both leadership and self-
confidence, and it is a reliable and valid method for identifying opinion

leaders (Weimann et al., 2007).
Some scholars have examined whether opinion leadership
influences social capital such as civic engagement. Scheufele and
Shah (2000) found that personality strength was related to participation
in civic activities. Similarly, Shah and Scheufele (2006) reported that
opinion leadership (again operationalized as personality strength) and
civic participation were positively related. In light of the above
research linking personality strength with social capital, we posed that,
H3a: Personality strength will be positively related to level of on-

campus political group membership activity.
H3b: Personality strength will be positively related to political

activism.
Media Use and Social Capital
Several studies have suggested that media exposure has both

positive and negative effects on social capital. For example,
researchers have found a positive relationship between newspaper
reading and social capital (Beaudoin & Thorson, 2004; Fleming et al.,
2005; Moy et al., 1999; McLeod et al., 1999; Norris, 2002;
Rothenbuhler et al., 1996; Scheufele & Shah, 2000; Shah et al., 2001b;
Zhang & Chia, 2006). Similarly, some research has linked
information-related Internet use with greater social capital (Shah et al.,
2001a; Shah et al., 2001b).
Although Putnam (2001) primarily blamed television for the
decline of America’s social capital, some television content has been
found to bolster social capital. For example, Hooghe (2002) found that
news-related programming negatively predicted individualism (the
tendency to dismiss social cohesion) and feelings of political
powerlessness. Further, Shah et al. (2001a) found that watching
television news positively predicted civic participation (e.g.,
volunteering, community service, attending group meetings).
However, consistent with Putnam’s (2001) claims, some television
content has been shown to decrease various forms of social capital.
Hooghe (2002) found that entertainment-related television
programming was positively related to individualism. Similarly, Shah
et al. (2001b) found that viewing both reality television shows and
sitcoms negatively predicted civic participation (e.g., volunteering,
community service, attending group meetings). Further, Pasek et al.

(2006) reported that individuals who regularly viewed entertainment
television programming exhibited lower levels of political awareness
than did their counterparts.
Thus, studies that focus on the impact of various media on social
capital suggest that different forms of media have unique effects on
different aspects of social capital. Further, in the case of television,
content apparently makes a difference in terms of either enhancing or
detracting from various forms of social capital. But none of this
research explored how music and various genres of music (which
contain different content) impact social capital. Thus, the influence of
music preferences/exposure on important aspects of civic participation
such as political activism political group membership is unclear.
Music Use and Group Membership
Nonetheless, several scholars have found that music can bring

people together and help them form group identities (Branham, 1999;
Chaffee, 1985; Conrad, 1988; Knupp, 1981; Mohrmann & Scott, 1976;
Willhardt, 2006). For example, according to Willhardt (2006),
American folk music was traditionally used to express cultural norms
of Middle America of the 1930s and 1940s and was utilized to help
people feel safe by validating a particular way of life. People who
listened to folk music, for example, adhered to the ideologies
expressed in the music and, as a result, created strong in-group
identities. Knupp (1981), King (2006), and Jackson (2006) reported
similar results among fans of 1960s protest music, reggae music, and
goth music, respectively. That is, for each of the groups in question,
music was used to create strong in-group bonds and social ties but did
little to foster social connections with others outside the group. In fact,
listeners of some genres such as goth were often directly opposed to
outsiders and actively created conflict with outsiders to create a clear
us-versus-them delineation.
In some cases, music use may lead to group membership and the
development of group identities. Further, previous research has
suggested that specific types of media content (e.g., different television
programming genres) impact social capital in different ways. Thus, for
the current study, it was important to consider whether different genres
of music help to facilitate or detract from political group membership
activities. Thus, we posed the following research question:
RQ1: Which music genres are related to on-campus political group

membership activity?
The research previously cited – particularly that pertaining to the

study of social capital – has suggested that numerous factors influence
group membership and that group membership is influenced by these
several factors working together. This led to the following research
question:
RQ2: How do music listeners’ background characteristics

(interpersonal trust, perceived time pressure, and personality
strength) and amount of time spent listening to specific music
genres predict political group membership activity?
Music Use and Political Activism
Although research suggests that music facilitates group

membership, it is unclear whether groups which are developed among
music listeners engage in political activities within the mainstream
culture. However, there is some evidence to suggest that music has
long been associated with and viewed as a medium for the transmission
of ideas regarding social change. Spirituals of the 19th and 20th
centuries lamented the plight of African Americans forced into slavery
(Wright, 2006). In the labor movement, work songs by a multitude of
songwriters helped to build social cohesion and solidarity (Conrad,
1988). Music in the antiwar movements of the 1960s also helped
people find a common rallying point and acted as a sounding board for
political angst and frustration (Knupp, 1981). Even some opera and
classical music convey political themes (Stamatov, 2002).
There also exist more contemporary examples of music’s potential
influence in facilitating political activism and social change. For
example, the 1985 recording session of We Are the World, inspired by
Bob Geldof’s Band Aid project, suggested that, at the very least, music
could be utilized to educate and to rally the masses against the
injustices of the world (Crosby & Bender, 2000). According to Crosby
and Bender, the We Are the World sessions generated almost $50
million in relief funds for the starving people of Africa. Twenty-five
years later, in 2010, a new version of We Are the World was recorded
to raise funds to help Haitian earthquake victims (Salamone, 2010).
The LIVE 8 benefit of 2005 demonstrated popular music’s capacity to
engage a group of people and rally them around a common cause
(Williams & Jagger, 2005). O’Connor (2003) reported that fans and
participants within the punk culture in Mexico organized an anti-

globalization rally in 2000.
In 1985, country singer Willie Nelson and others founded Farm
Aid, a charity organization featuring an annual benefit concert to help
American farmers. To date, the concerts have generated $39 million
dollars for farm relief (“Farm Aid,” 2011). In 2004, Bruce Springsteen
spearheaded a 33-date concert series called Vote for Change featuring
bands like R.E.M and Pearl Jam (Corn, 2004). Recently, American
Idiot, an album by the pop-punk band Green Day, was adapted as a
Broadway musical. Director Michael Mayers is suggestive of the
musical’s underlying political themes. When discussing the impetus
for the project he stated, “I created a scenario that describes the lives of
three friends who [resolve] one day, during the dark ages of George W.
Bush’s reign of terror, to make a change in their lives” (Sankin, 2009,
p. 25).
In sum, anecdotal evidence suggests that music may influence or
inspire political behavior. But, again, this notion has received mixed
support in the literature and has received limited empirical
investigation. Thus, in order to better understand the relationship
between music listening and political activism, the following research
question was posed.
RQ3: Which music genre preferences are related to political

activism?
Group Membership and Political Activism
As previously stated, the concept of social capital has been defined

and studied in a variety of ways. Putnam (2001) argued that social
capital is a benchmark by which to measure the health and well-being
of a community or society. That is, increased levels of group
membership across a variety of institutions should result in a healthy
community. Putnam’s argument has received some empirical support.
For example, Kwak, Shah, and Holbert (2004) studied the impact of
group membership (including informal social gatherings) on civic and
community participation. In general, their data indicated that various
forms of group membership, ranging from formal to informal
meetings, were positively related to civic participation (e.g.,
volunteering, community service).
However, other researchers have found that group membership
alone does not necessarily increase the health of a community. Rather,
it is important to consider the types of groups in which individuals join
or participate (Schwadel, 2005; Uslaner & Conley, 2003). Similarly,
group membership type may influence individuals’ decisions to

participate in various forms of political activism. For example, Lee
and Glasure (2007), in a study of social protest behaviors in Korea,
found that group membership alone did not predict participation in
social protest. Rather, specific forms of group membership, such as
participation in unions, predicted individuals’ participation in social
protest activities.
Thus, group membership has been characterized as a social capital
outcome by some researchers (Putnam, 2001), but it also has been
conceptualized as a factor which may influence other forms of social
capital like political activism (Lee & Glasure, 2007). Further, group
membership type often impacts political activism. For the current
study, it seemed reasonable to assume that student participation in
political groups on campus should intuitively lead to students’
participation in political activism-related activities. In light of the
above research linking group membership with political activism, and
considering the potential influence of other important (previously
discussed) variables with regard to social capital, the following
research question was posed.
RQ4: How do music listeners’ background characteristics

(interpersonal trust, perceived time pressure, and personality
strength), amount of time spent listening to specific music genres,
and political group membership activity predict political activism?
Method
Participants
Participants for this study consisted of undergraduate students

enrolled at a large Midwestern university who completed a self-report
questionnaire containing measures of all the variables included in this
study. The sample included 123 males and 138 females. There were
96 freshmen, 50 sophomores, 49 juniors, and 66 seniors. The reported
age range was from 18 to 53. The average age of the sample was 20.85
(SD = 3.99).
Background Measures/Instruments
Trust. Interpersonal trust was measured by a single item (“Most

people are honest”) derived from Shah et al. (2001b). Participants
were asked to respond to this question on a Likert-Type scale (1 =
Strongly Disagree; 5 = Strongly Agree) (M = 2.86, SD = 0.91).
Perceived time pressure. The 3-item perceived time pressure
measure is a modified version of the 3-item General Time-Based
Motivations measure by Moy et al. (1999). The items were adapted to
reflect participants’ time-related concerns with regard to joining
student organizations or clubs. For example, the item “I simply don’t
have enough time for politics” was changed to “I simply don’t have
enough time for student organizations and clubs.” The item “It is more
important for me to take care of myself and my family” was changed to
“It is more important for me to take care of myself and make time for
my family” for clarity. Finally, the item “It is more important for me
to make time for my schoolwork” was created for the current study to
address potential time constraints inherent to college student life.
Participants were asked to respond to each question on a Likert-Type
scale (1 = Not At All; 5 = Very Much). Responses were summed and
averaged (M = 3.70, SD = 0.87, α = .67) to create the perceived time
pressure index.
Personality strength. Participants’ personality strength was
measured using a modified version of Noelle-Neumann’s personality
strength scale reported in Weimann et al. (2007). Participants were
asked to respond to each question in the personality strength measure
on a 5-point Likert-type (1 = Strongly Disagree; 5 = Strongly Agree).
Responses were summed and averaged to create the personality
strength index (M = 3.79, SD = 0.51, α = .77). The item “I am rarely
unsure about how I should behave” was omitted to increase reliability.
Exposure Measures/Instruments
Music preferences. Music preferences were measured by asking

participants to indicate how often (1 = Never; 5 = Very Often) they
listen to 28 different genres of music on a typical day. Nineteen of the
genres were derived from Hall (2007). An additional nine genres were
created in an effort to compile a more complete list of possible music
preferences. See Table 1 for means and standard deviations for the
music preference items.
Table 1. Mean Music Genre Preference Scores
Genre M SD
Alternative 3.39 1.26

Blues 2.10 1.04
Bluegrass 1.62 0.93
Christian Rock 1.61 0.92
Classical 2.10 1.07
Country 2.79 1.42
Dance 2.79 1.25
Easy Listening 2.34 1.11
Electronic 2.05 1.13
Folk 1.72 1.02
Funk 1.98 1.04
Gospel 1.60 1.00
Heavy Metal 2.25 1.30
Hip-hop 3.95 1.26
Industrial 1.73 0.96
Jazz 2.11 1.06
Latin 1.59 0.88
Opera 1.34 0.76
New Age 2.13 1.15
Pop 3.69 1.16
Punk 2.95 1.32
Rap 3.89 1.32
R&B 3.71 1.38
Religious (non-rock) 1.53 1.00
Rock 3.80 1.25
Swing 1.51 0.87
Techno 2.25 1.24
Trance 1.53 1.00
Note. Means are based on 5-point scales. Scores ranged from 1 (Never) to 5 (Very
often). N = 261.
Group Membership Measures/Instruments
Politically-oriented university student organization membership.

Participants were asked to indicate how active (1 = Not a Member; 5=
Very Active Member) they were in politically-oriented student
organizations. This was assessed with one question related to
membership in political groups (“for example, College Republicans,
Anti War Committee, College Democrats”) and one question related to
membership in student government (“for example, Interhall Council,
Undergraduate Student Senate”). Responses to these two questions
were summed and averaged (M = 1.21, SD = 0.54, r = .20, p < .01) to

create the political group membership activity index.
Political Activism Measures/Instruments
Participants’ political activism behaviors were measured with a 15-

item, Likert-type measure. Participants indicated how often they
engaged in each political activism-related activity within the last 12
months. Participants indicated their response to each item on a Likert-
type scale (1 = Never; 5 = Very Often). The content for 6 of the 15
items was derived from previous research. The items “attended a
demonstration,” “signed a petition,” and “joined a boycott” were based
on items from Chong and Rogers (2005) [based on items from the
1984 National Black Election Survey] and Dalton and van Sickle
(2005) [based on the 1995-1998 and 1999-2002 World Values
Surveys]. The items “joined official strikes” and “occupied buildings
or factories without permission” were based on items taken solely from
Dalton and van Sickle (2005). One item, “contacted a public official,”
was taken solely from Chong and Rogers (2005). Finally, nine
additional political activism items were created for the current study to
assess participants’ political activism behaviors. Two examples of
constructed items are “organized a demonstration” and “organized a
protest march.” Responses were summed and averaged (M = 1.42, SD
= 0.45, α = .85) to create the political activism index.
Results
H1a and H1b posed that interpersonal trust would be positively

related to political group membership activity and political activism,
respectively. Neither hypothesis was supported.
H2a and H2b posed that time pressure would be negatively related
to political group membership activity and political activism,
respectively. H2a was supported; perceived time pressure was
negatively related to political group activity (r = -.24, p < .001).
However, perceived time pressure was not significantly related to
political activism. Therefore, H2b was not supported.
H3a and H3b posed that personality strength would be positively
related to political group membership activity and political activism,
respectively. Personality strength did relate positively with political
group activity (r = .16, p < .05), supporting H3a. The relationship
between personality strength and political activism approached
significance (r = .12, p = .056).
RQ1 and RQ3 asked about the relationship between listening to

different genres of music and political group membership activity
(RQ1) and political activism (RQ3). Political group membership
activity related positively to amount of time listening to several music
genres. These were alternative (r = .18, p < .01), classical (r = .15, p <
.05), electronic (r = .18, p < .01), techno (r = .16, p < .01), and trance
(r = .15, p < .05). Participation in political activism-related activities
related positively to time spent listing to alternative (r = .21, p < .01),
blues (r = .15, p < .05), bluegrass (r = .15. p < .05), classical (r = .14,
p < .05), electronic (r = .15, p < .05), folk (r = .17, p < .01), industrial
(r = .12, p < .05), jazz (r = .12, p < .05), new age (r = .12, p < .05), and
trance (r = .22. p < .01); and negatively to time spent listening to pop
(r = -.15, p < .05).
Two multiple regression analyses were conducted to answer RQ2
and RQ4. The first multiple regression analysis was used to examine
the contributions of listener background characteristics and music
genre preferences in explaining politically-oriented student group
activity (RQ2). The second was used to explore the contributions of
background characteristics, music genre preferences, and student
political group activity in explaining political activism (RQ4).
Variables were entered into the equations in the following order: (a)
listener background characteristics (i.e., interpersonal trust, time
pressure, personality strength), (b) music genre preferences (e.g., time
spent listening to different genres), and (c) student political group
activity. Results of the regression analyses are summarized in Table 2.
Predicting Membership in Student Political Groups
Variables entered on the first step (e.g., interpersonal trust, time

pressure, and personality strength) accounted for 9.9% of the variance
in political group activity. Personality strength and interpersonal trust
positively predicted activity in politically-oriented university groups,
and time pressure was a negative predictor. Entering amount of time
listening to specific music genres on the second step added an
additional 15.9% to the explained variance. The F change was
significant. Amount of time spent listening to two genres – alternative
and Christian rock – positively predicted political group activity.
Amount of time spent listening to two other genres – pop and rock –
negatively predicted political group activity.
Table 2. Summary of Results When Regressing Political Group Activity and Political
Activism on Listener Background Variables and Music Listening Preferences
Predictor Variables Political Group Activity Political Activism
Step 1
Personality strength .17** .12
Time pressure -.25*** -.09
Interpersonal trust .12* .00
Step 2
Personality strength .15* .13*
Time pressure -.25*** -.01
Interpersonal trust .18** .03
Genre preferences
Alternative .19* .27**
Blues -.07 -.01
Bluegrass -.04 .02
Christian rock .18* .09
Classical .11 .05
Country .06 -.03
Dance .05 .04
Easy listening -.13 .06
Electronic .11 -.00
Folk -.03 .00
Funk .05 .04
Gospel -.07 .02
Heavy metal .00 -.06
Hip-hop .04 -.06
Industrial -.14 .00
Jazz .06 .01
Latin -.05 .12
Opera -.01 .02
New age .07 .10
Pop -.17* -.25**
Punk .08 .10
Rap -.01 .32*
R&B .07 -.14
Religious (non-rock) -.15 -.11
Rock -.25** -.24**
Swing .12 -.05
Techno .07 -.16
Trance .05 .22*
Table 2, continued. Summary of Results When Regressing Political Group Activity

and Political Activism on Listener Background Variables and Music Listening
Preferences
Predictor Variables Political Group Activity Political Activism
Step 3
Personality strength .10
Time pressure .05
Interpersonal trust -.02
Genre preferences
Alternative .23**
Blues .01
Bluegrass .03
Christian rock .05
Classical .02
Country -.04
Dance .03
Easy listening .09
Electronic -.03
Folk .01
Funk .02
Gospel .04
Heavy metal -.06
Hip-hop -.07
Industrial .04
Jazz -.00
Latin .13
Opera .02
New age .08
Pop -.21**
Punk .08
Rap .32*
R&B -.16
Religious (non-rock) -.08
Rock -.18*
Swing -.08
Techno -.18*
Trance .21*
Political group activity .23***
Note. Political group activity: R = .31, R2 = .10, F(3, 257) = 9.38, p< .001 for Step 1.
R = .51, R2 = .26, ∆R2 = .15.9 F(31, 229) = 2.56, p< .001 for Step 2. Political activism:
R = .15, R2 = .02, F(3, 257) = 1.89, p =.13 for Step 1. R = .50, R2 = .25, ∆R2 = .22.7,
F(31, 229) = 2.45, p< .001 for Step 2. R = .54, R2 = .29, ∆R2 = .04, F(32, 228) = 2.90,
p< .001 for Step 3.
Accordingly, after all variables were entered, personality strength,

interpersonal trust, time pressure, and amount of time listening to four
music genres (alternative, Christian rock, pop, and rock) contributed
significantly to the final equation. The final equation accounted for
25.7% of the variance in political group activity. These results suggest
that people with strong personalities who trust others, don’t feel
constrained by time pressures, and tend to listen to alternative or
Christian rock music but not pop or rock were likely to be more active
in politically-oriented university groups than their counterparts.
Predicting Political Activism
Entering background characteristics (e.g., personality strength,

interpersonal trust, and time pressure) on step 1 accounted for 2.2% of
the variance in political activism. None of these antecedents were
predictors of political activism, although the contribution of personality
strength ( = .12, p = .051) approached significance. Music genre
exposure, entered on step 2, increased explained variance to 22.7%,
with a significant change in F. Amount of time listening to several
genres predicted political activism. Listening to alternative, rap, and
trance significantly and positively predicted political activism, but
listening to pop and rock were negative predictors. In addition,
personality strength became a predictor at this step. Entering political
group activity on step 3 increased explained variance by 4%. The F
change was significant. Political group activity was a predictor. In
addition, techno music-listening emerged as a negative predictor.
Personality strength ceased to be a predictor on this step.
The final equation accounted for 28.9% of the variance in political
activism. Listening to five music genres (alternative, rap, trance, rock,
pop, and techno) and activity in politically-oriented university groups
were significant contributors to the final equation. The results suggest
that members of political groups and clubs who tended to spend time
listening to alternative, rap, and/or trance music, but not rock, pop,
and/or techno music engaged in more political activism-related
activities than did their counterparts.
Discussion
Both political group membership and activism have been important

outcome variables within the canon of social capital research. But
surprisingly, even though numerous social capital studies have focused
on the influence of various media on these and other forms of civic
participation, none have focused on how music use may influence
these social capital constructs. However, recent investigations focused
on music-related uses and gratifications provide evidence to suggest
that individual differences and music use may influence social
behaviors (Belcher, 2010; Miraldi, 2010). Thus, we used a uses and
gratifications approach in this exploratory study conducted to address
the lack of attention to the potential influence of music use on political
group membership and activism. Given the importance of music in our
society, we hope that this modest study spurs further inquiry regarding
the relationships uncovered here.
In light of the importance of music in our society and observations
regarding the important role of music in social change, in the current
study we felt it was important to explore how music preferences and
exposure impacts college students’ political group membership
activities, and further, how music and level of political group activity
influence political activism.
Membership in Student Political Groups
Background characteristics. The fact that all individual

background characteristics were significant predictors of political
group membership activities corroborates previous research (Moy et al.
1999; Scheufele & Shah, 2000; Uslaner & Conley, 2003) and provides
further support for the influence of interpersonal trust, perceived time
pressure, and personality strength on social capital. Specifically,
students who exhibited high levels of interpersonal trust and strong
personalities, and did not feel time pressure from student and family
responsibilities were more likely to join and actively participate in on-
campus political groups than were their counterparts.
Music preferences. Time spent listening to several genres of
music – alternative, classical, electronic, techno, and trance – was
significantly and positively related to political group membership.
However, after controlling for background characteristics in the
regression analysis, only preference for alternative music significantly
predicted group membership. However, selection of several genres
that were not significantly correlated with group membership –

Christian rock, pop, and rock – significantly predicted group
membership. These findings support the assumption underlying this
study and some social capital research that the route to the
development of social capital is due to more than sheer media
exposure. The findings suggest the need to account for individual
background characteristics that may work in concert with media use –
in this case, listening to music – to explain social capital outcomes.
It is interesting that time spent listening to both rock and pop music
negatively predicted group membership. According to Boomkens
(2004), popular music (including rock) has undergone important and
dramatic changes since its birth during the 1950s and 1960s in the
United States. Boomkens argued that there was a time when pop and
rock music were synonymous with the concept of youth and rebellion.
However, over time, pop and rock music became less of an expression
of resistance to authority and more of a consumable product.
This fundamental ideological change in pop and rock music may
suggest that people consider these two types of music to be strictly
entertainment fare. Consistent with social capital literature, people
who consume entertainment-based media engage less often in various
forms of civic participation (Hooghe, 2002; Lee et al., 2003; Shah et
al., 2001b). Thus, this finding is not surprising.
Because modern pop and rock are often commercially driven,
perhaps listeners often turn to other genres to seek authenticity.
Arguably, the alternative genre (sometimes synonymous with Indie),
which encompasses music “alternative” to the mainstream, aligns more
closely with the ethos of rebellion and youth than pop or rock (Hibbert,
2005). Although alternative music might be considered a sub-genre of
rock, its origins lie in an effort to break away from mainstream music
(e.g., rock and pop). Further, many bands classified within this genre
champion political and social themes in their music. Thus, it is not
surprising that exposure to this genre positively predicted political
group membership.
It is interesting to note that punk music, arguably another
reactionary subgenre of rock, did not predict political group
membership (in light of our earlier assertion that some critiques have
suggested that punk rock resists commercialization and authority).
This might be an artifact of the way political group membership was
measured in this study (i.e., on-campus group membership). It may be
that students who participated in this study who listen to punk music
could be politically active, but simply reject membership in organized,
mainstream political activities like college clubs (the measure used
here).
The fact that time spent listening to Christian rock positively

predicted political group membership makes intuitive sense. Christian
rock is a unique genre in that most of the music within this broad
category is supporting a similar message and attempting to
communicate a specific ideology. Recent national controversies
between Christian leaders and the public at large surrounding stem cell
research, evolution in schools, gay marriage, and the like suggest that
some followers of the Christian faith have specific political
dispositions and relative goals. Consequently, these values often are
expressed in Christian rock lyrics (Luhr, 2005). It is not surprising that
listeners of this genre were more likely to join political groups on
campus, perhaps in order to have their viewpoints represented and
heard. Taken together, there appears to be a complex relationship
between music preference and political group membership which
deserves further study.
Political Activism
Background characteristics and group membership. Surprisingly,

none of the background traits included in this study was significantly
related to (or predicted) political activism. However, as referenced
above, each of these background characteristics did predict political
group membership, and the latter predicted political activism. This
finding suggests that background characteristics such as perceived time
pressure, personality strength, and interpersonal trust are significant in
predicting group membership but that perhaps it is the social processes
inherent to group activities, rather than background factors influencing
membership, that influence overt political activism. This latter finding
is consistent with social capital research that suggests that group
membership and membership within specific groups (i.e., unions)
predict social activism and protest activities (Lee & Glasure, 2007).
This, of course, does not mean that music listeners’ individual
differences do not influence political activism. It probably suggests
that background characteristics other than those included in this study
are more predictive of political activism. Future research should
consider how factors such as political discussion, being asked to
participate, political orientation, interest in politics, and others that
have been linked to political participation (Schussman & Soule, 2005)
might influence music selection and the subsequent influence of music
use on political activism.
Music preferences. Identifying factors that influence music

selection is important because the results of this study suggest that
certain music genres were more directly linked to political activism
than others. Specifically, rock-, pop-, and techno-listening each
negatively predicted political activism. As previously stated, the
overly commercial nature of pop and rock may suggest that listeners
consume this form of music primarily for entertainment (Boomkens,
2004). Techno music also may be considered an entertainment-based
form of music as it is often utilized in dance clubs and is synonymous
with the activity of dancing. The negative relationship between
exposure to these entertainment genres and political activism is in line
with previous social capital research that suggests that exposure to
entertainment media often negatively links to various social capital
outcomes (e.g., Hooghe, 2002; Pasek et al., 2006).
Why, then, do benefit concerts like Live Aid or Vote for Change
that feature mainstream pop and rock music so effectively motivate
fans to engage in various forms of activism? Perhaps the entertainment
value associated with pop and rock music help to draw attention and
participation in these types of concert events and similar forms of
activism. According to Crosby and Bender (2000), bands were
selected to perform at Live Aid based on popularity, not the message of
the music. Although pop and rock music might be effective at rallying
people behind a political cause, exposure to these genres alone may not
lead to activism.
Exposure to alternative, rap, and trance music positively predicted
political activism. Again, alternative music often contains social and
political musings and discontent. Rap historically has been an
important sounding board for the black community about important
social and political topics including class consciousness, and economic
and racial inequalities (Cummings & Roy, 2002). Trance music is a
form of dance music, but unlike techno music, trance has ideological
roots in Eastern cultures (Saldanha, 2009). Interestingly, some 1960s
pop music which, as previously stated, was often synonymous with
political activism at the time, was inspired by Eastern musical
traditions.
Taken together, the relationship between music and political
activism also appears to be a complex one. For example, it is
interesting that exposure to rap music was neither related to political
group membership nor political activism. However, exposure to rap
music strongly and positively predicted overt political activism.
Nuances like this within the results of this study suggest that scholars
should further study the complexities between music exposure and
preference and social capital. It may be that exposure to certain types
of music might lead to group membership, but not in the types of

groups listed in this study. In the case of rap and other marginalized
music genres like punk, music use might drive solidarity among
family, communities and groups of friends. Some listeners of music,
like punk, often form very strong in-group bonds (O’Connor, 2002).
These social bonds and interactions might be the precursor to the overt
political activism found in this study. Clearly, scholars should
transcend the limitations of this study by exploring the impact of music
preference and exposure on social capital within more diverse
populations.
Conclusions, Limitations and Future Directions
This study provides some empirical evidence for music’s influence

on political activism. That is, it provides some support for the
anecdotal musings about 1960s music’s role in the political activities
of that time. Further, the current study suggests that political music did
not end with the 1960s. Political activism lives on in music genres as
diverse as trance, rap, and alternative.
The fact that the amount of time participants listened to music,
alone, accounted for almost 16% of the variance in political group
activity and nearly 23% of the variance in actual political-protest
activity, suggests that researchers should continue to investigate
whether music is a significant form of mass communication
influencing civic group involvement and activity, respectively. The
fact that amount of time listening to certain genres predicted political
group activity but different genres emerged as predictors of actual
political activism suggests that researchers should continue to explore
more deliberately the unique contribution of music listening to political
group activity and political activism independent of group affiliation.
Further, future studies should examine how music listening works
in concert with other factors to influence group affiliation and political
activism. In this study, in addition to amount of time listening to
specific genres of music, we considered the contribution of three
specific background characteristics to explaining group membership
and political activism. We selected these characteristics because they
had been linked with social capital outcomes in prior research. Future
researchers should consider a wider array of music listeners’ individual
differences that might influence which genres of music they prefer or
the social capital outcomes studied here.
In this study, we were able to uncover some important connections

between music listeners’ individual differences, music selection, and
social capital outcomes – political group membership and activism.
However, there are some weaknesses in the study that must be
acknowledged. Some of these can and should be addressed in future
studies. One issue pertains to the conceptualization and
operationalization of variables. Interpersonal trust was assessed with a
single item, “most people are honest.” Given the importance of
background characteristics, including interpersonal trust, to predicting
political group membership activity, future studies should consider
other measures of trust, including multiple item measures, to see if the
results reported here are replicable with other established measures of
interpersonal trust.
Additionally, our conceptualization of political activism did not
include a measure of online forms of advocacy. In light of recent
events involving the use of social media to build flash mobs and the
Arab Spring that we have seen transpire in other parts of the world,
future research should consider online forms of activism that younger
people may use in addition to the traditional forms of political activism
measured in this study.
With respect to our conceptualization of music, we drew on prior
research to identify particular genres of music. However, these likely
do not cover the entire spectrum of music genres. Future researchers
should consider these and consider the influence of other music genres
that may have been overlooked in this study that also may affect
political group membership and activism.
Another issue that arises from this study for future consideration is
the possibility of a chicken-and-egg conundrum that this study may
have masked. For example, here we asserted the role music may play
in influencing political activism. Future research should consider
whether the relationship could be in the other direction – that is,
whether music reinforces the political activities for those who are
already politically active. Such questions of causality have been raised
in other media effects contexts, too. For example, those interested in
the effects of media violence have questioned whether media violence
leads to aggression among viewers, or whether aggressive viewers seek
out violent media fare (e.g., Comstock & Strasburger, 1990). Future
research could explore this possibility by including political activism
as a background antecedent of music selection.
Problems with generalizability of the findings here is yet another
issue that needs to be acknowledged. The findings here are necessarily
limited to the context and participants of this study. We can’t
generalize findings to a larger population when this sample consisted
solely of college students – a group that has been recognized as having

a weak political participatory background and level of political
activism. Consequently, the methodology used here should be applied
to a more diverse group of voters, or perhaps more importantly, to a
diverse group of non-voters to see if music can, in fact, lead other more
diverse groups to vote and be politically active.
Despite its limitations, this study helps to clarify the relationships
between music preference, group membership and political activity.
Listening to music has long been viewed as a means of leisurely
entertainment and a way to relax and unwind. However, music also
has been an important cultural transmitter and catalyst of social
change. The results of this study suggest that exposure to specific
music genres both positively and negatively predict on-campus group
membership and political activism among college students in our
sample. These findings add to the canon of social capital research and
suggest, like other forms of media such as television and newspapers,
that music is an important predictor of social capital and that different
genres of music make a difference in terms of effects.
References
Bakagiannis, S., & Tarrant, M. (2006). Can music bring people together?
Effects of shared musical preference on intergroup bias in
adolescence. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 47, 129–136.
Baker, S. (2001). ‘Rock on, baby!’: Pre-teen girls and popular music.
Journal of Media & Cultural Studies, 15, 359-371.
Beaudoin, C. E., & Thorson, E. (2004). Social Capital in rural and urban
communities: Testing differences in media effects and models.
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 81, 378-399.
Belcher, J. D. (2010). An examination of the influence of individual
differences, music-listening motives, and music selection on post-
listening music discussion. (Doctoral dissertation.) Retrieved February
13, 2012 from www.ohiolink.edu. OCLC# 707756237
Benson, M., &Rochon, T. R. (2004). Interpersonal trust and the magnitude
of protest: A micro and macro level approach. Comparative Political
Studies, 37, 435-457.
Boomkens, R. (2004). Uncanny identities: High and low and global and
local in the music of Elvis Costello. European Journal of Cultural
Studies, 7, 59-74.
Branham, R. J. (1999). “God save the ____!” American national songs and
national identities 1760-1798. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 85, 17-37.
Brehm, J., &Rahn, W. (1997). Individual-level evidence for the causes and
consequences of social capital. American Journal of Political Science,
41, 999-1023.
Burgess, D., Haney, B., Snyder, M., Sullivan, J. L., & Transue, J. E.
(2000). Rocking the Vote: Using personalized messages to motivate
voting among young adults. Public Opinion Quarterly, 64, 29-52.
Chaffee, S. H. (1985). Popular music and communication research: An
editorial epilogue. Communication Research, 12, 413-424.
Chong, D., & Rogers, R. (2005). Racial solidarity and political
participation. Political Behavior, 27, 347-374.
Comstock, G., & Strasburger, M. D. (1990). Deceptive appearances:
Television violence and aggressive behavior. Journal of Adolescent
Health Care, 11, 31-44.
Conrad, C. (1988). Work songs, hegemony and illusions of self. Critical
Studies in Mass Media, 5, 179-201.
Corn, D. (2004). Springsteen for change. Nation, 279 (3), 5-6.
Crosby, D., & Bender, D. (2000). Stand and be counted: Making music,
making history: The dramatic story of the artists and events that
changed America. San Francisco: HarperCollins.
Cummings, M. S., & Roy, A. (2002). Manifestations of Afrocentricity in
rap music. The Howard Journal of Communication, 13, 59-76.
Dalton, R. J., & van Sickle, A. (2005). The resource, structural, and
cultural bases of protest. Retrieved February 13, 2012 from the
eScholarship Repository, Center for the Study of Democracy,
University of California. http://repositories.cdlib.org/csd/05-11
Dutta-Bergman, M. J. (2005). Access to the Internet in the context of
community participation and community satisfaction. New Media &
Society, 7, 89-109.
Eyerman, R., & Jamison, A. (1998). Music and social movements:
Mobilizing traditions in the Twentieth Century. Cambridge, MA:
Cambridge University Press.
Farm Aid president Willie Nelson to be inducted into the Agricultural Hall
of Fame (2011, July 21). Retrieved February 13, 2012, from
http://www.farmaid.org/site/apps/nlnet/content2.aspx?c=qlI5IhNVJsE
&b=2792875&ct=11009437
Fleming, K., Thorson, E., & Peng, Z. (2005). Associational membership
as a source of social capital: Its links to use of local newspaper,
interpersonal communication, entertainment media, and volunteering.
Mass Communication & Society, 8, 219-240.
Gantz, W., Gartenberg, H. M., Pearson, M. L., & Schiller, S. O. (1978).
Gratifications and expectations associated with pop music among
adolescents. Popular Music and Society, 6, 81-89.
Grossberg, L. (1984). Another boring day in paradise: Rock and roll and
the empowerment of everyday life. Popular Music, 4, 225-258.
Hall, A. (2007). The social implications of enjoyment of different types of
music, movies, and television programming. Western Journal of
Communication, 71, 259-271.
Halnon, K. B. (2005). Alienation incorporated: ‘F*** the mainstream
music’ in the mainstream. Current Sociology, 53, 441-464.
Haridakis, P., & Rubin, A. M. (2003). Motivation for watching television
violence and viewer aggression. Mass Communication & Society, 6,
29-56.
Hibbett, R. (2005). What is indie rock? Popular Music and Society, 28,
55-77.
Hooghe, M. (2002).Watching television and civic engagement:
Disentangling the effects of time, programs, and stations.
Press/Politics, 7, 84-104.
Ihlen, Ø. (2005). The power of social capital: Adapting Bourdieu to the
study of public relations. Public Relations Review, 31, 492-496.
Jackson, K. (2006). Gothic music and the decadent individual. In I. Peddie
(Ed.), The resisting muse: Popular music and social protest (pp. 149-
162). Burlington, VT: Ashgate.
King, S. A. (2006). Protest music as ‘ego-enhancement’: Reggae music,

the Rastafarian movement and the re-examination of race and identity
in Jamaica. In I. Peddie (Ed.), The resisting muse: Popular music and
social protest (pp. 105-118). Burlington, VT: Ashgate.
Knupp, R. E. (1981). A time for every purpose under heaven: Rhetorical
dimensions of protest music. The Southern Speech Communication
Journal, 46, 377-389.
Kwak, N., Shah, D. V., & Holbert, R. L. (2004). Connecting, trusting, and
participating: The direct and interactive effects of social associations.
Political Research Quarterly, 57, 643-652.
Lazarsfeld, P. F., Berelson, B., & Gaudet, H. (1968). The people’s choice:
How the voter makes up his mind in a presidential campaign (3rd ed.).
New York: Columbia University Press.
Lee, G., Cappella, J. N., & Southwell, B. (2003). The effects of news and
entertainment on interpersonal trust: Political talk radio, newspapers,
and television. Mass Communication & Society, 6, 413-434.
Lee, A., & Glasure, Y. U. (2007). Social capital and political participation
in South Korea. Asian Affairs, 34, 101-118.
Luhr, E. (2005). Metal missionaries to the nation: Christian heavy metal
music, “family values,” and youth culture, 1984-1994. American
Quarterly, 57, 103-128.
Lull, J. (1992). Popular music and communication: An introduction. In J.
Lull (Ed.), Popular music and communication (2nd ed., pp. 1-32).
Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
McLeod, J. M., Scheufele, D. A., & Moy, P. (1999). Community,
communication, and participation: The role of mass media and
interpersonal discussion in local political participation. Political
Communication, 16, 315-336.
Miraldi, P. N. (2010). Influence of college students’ MP3-player motives
on their social interaction. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved February
13, 2012, from www.ohiolink.edu. OCLC# 729269352
Mohrmann, G. P., & Scott, F. E. (1976). Popular music and World War II:
The rhetoric of continuation. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 62, 145-
156. doi: 10.1080/00335637609383328
Moy, P., Scheufele, D. A., & Holbert, R. L. (1999). Television use and
social capital: Testing Putnam’s time displacement hypothesis. Mass
Communication & Society, 2, 27-25.
Norris, P. (2002). Social capital and the news media. Press/Politics, 7, 3-8.
North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (1999). Music and adolescent identity.
Music Education Research, 1, 75-92.
Obama says music fueled civil rights movement. (2010, February 10).
Associated Press. Retrieved February 13, 2012 from
http://abcnews.go.com/Entertainment/wireStory?id=9793773.
O’Connor, A. (2002). Local scenes and dangerous crossroads: Punk and
theories of cultural hybridity, Popular Music, 21, 225-236.
O’Connor, A. (2003). Punk subculture in Mexico and the anti-

globalization movement: A report from the front. New Political
Science, 25, 43-53.
Oliver, M. B., & Krakowiak, K. M. (2002). Individual differences in
media effects. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Eds.), Media effects:
Advances in theory and research (2nd ed., pp 517-524). Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Pasek, J., Kenski, K., Romer, D., & Jamieson, K. H. (2006). America’s
youth and community engagement: How use of mass media is related
to civic activity and political awareness in 14- to 22-year- olds.
Communication Research 33, 115-135.
Popp, R. K. (2006). Mass media and the linguistic marketplace: Media,
language, and distinction. Journal of Communication Inquiry, 30, 5-
20.
Putnam, R. D. (2001). Bowling alone: America’s declining social capital.
In M. J. Gannon (Ed.), Cultural metaphors: Readings, research
translations, and commentary (pp. 109-123). Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Rock the Vote. (2008, October).Rock the vote registers record breaking 2
millionth voter. Retrieved February 13, 2012 from
http://www.rockthevote.com/about/press-room/press-releases/rock-
the-vote-registers.html.
Rothenbuhler, E. W., Mullen, L. J., DeLaurell, R., & RyulRyu, C. (1996).
Communication, community attachment, and involvement.
Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 73, 445-466.
Salamone, G. (2010, January 21). “We Are the World” remake to benefit
Haiti; Quincy Jones, Lionel Richie plan new all-star version.
Retrieved February 13, 2012 from
http://articles.nydailynews.com/2010-01-
21/entertainment/17944087_1_haiti-relief-nokia-theater-lionel-richie
Saldanha, A. (2009). Music is force. Massachusetts Review, 50, 70-80.
Sankin, A. (2009). Punk rock opera: Michael Mayer brings Green Day’s
American Idiot to the stage. Theatre bay Area, 34 (8), 24-27.
Schussman, A., & Soule, S. A. (2005). Process and protest: Accounting
for individual protest participation. Social Forces, 84, 1083-1108.
Schwadel, P. (2005). Individual, congregational, and denominational
effects on church members’ civic participation. Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion, 44, 159-171.
Scheufele, D. A., & Shah, D. V. (2000). Personality strength and social
capital: The role of dispositional and informational variables in the
production of civic participation. Communication Research, 27, 107-
131.
Shah, D. V., & Scheufele, D. A. (2006). Explicating opinion leadership:

Nonpolitical dispositions, information consumption, and civic
participation. Political Communication, 23, 1-22.
Shah, D. V., Kwak, N., & Holbert, R. L. (2001a). “Connecting” and
“disconnecting” with civic life: Patterns of Internet use and the
production of social capital. Political Communication, 18, 141-162.
Shah, D. V., McLeod, J. M., & Yoon, S. (2001b). Communication,
context, and community: An exploration of print, broadcast and
Internet influences. Communication Research, 28, 464-506.
Stamatov, P. (2002). Interpretive activism and the political uses of Verdi's
operas in the 1840s. American Sociological Review, 67, 345-366.
Uslaner, E. M., & Conley, R. S. (2003). Civic engagement and
particularized trust: The ties that bind people to their ethnic
communities. American Politics Research, 31, 331-360.
Weimann, G., Tustin, D. H., van Vuuren, D., & Joubert, J. P. R. (2007).
Looking for opinion leaders: Traditional vs. modern measures in
traditional societies. International Journal of Public Opinion
Research, 19, 173-190.
Willhardt, M. (2006). Available rebels and folk authenticities: Michelle
Shocked and Billy Bragg. In I. Peddie (Ed.), The resisting muse:
Popular music and social protest (pp. 30-48). Burlington, VT:
Ashgate.
Williams, Z., & Jagger, B. (2005). Real people power, or pernicious
platitudes? Newstatesman,12-13.
Wright, J. (2006). Songs of remembrance. Journal of African American
History, 91, 413-424.
Zhang, W., & Chia, S. C. (2006).The effects of mass media use and social
capital on civic and political participation. Communication Studies,
57, 277-297.
Copyright of Ohio Communication Journal is the property of Ohio Communication Journal
and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without
the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or
email articles for individual use.

From Alternative To Trance

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

From Alternative To Trance

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Ohio Communication Journal

Volume 49 – 2011, pp. 145-174

From “Alternative” to “Trance”:

At a concert performance of civil rights-era music at the White

joining political groups, political activism), there are few empirical

Presidential campaign, the Rock the Vote campaign registered two

Social capital has received attention in recent years from scholars

Similarly, other scholars have conceptualized social capital as

relevant to music selection and engaging in politically-related

Individual Differences and Social Capital

Media effects scholars often are concerned with how audience

H1a: Interpersonal trust will be positively related to level of on-

H1b: Interpersonal trust will be positively related to political

Perceived time pressures. As referenced previously, Putnam

H2a: Perceived time pressure will be negatively related to level of

H2b: Perceived time pressure will be negatively related to political

Personality strength. Opinion leaders are active consumers of

confidence, and it is a reliable and valid method for identifying opinion

H3a: Personality strength will be positively related to level of on-

H3b: Personality strength will be positively related to political

Media Use and Social Capital

Several studies have suggested that media exposure has both

community service, attending group meetings). Further, Pasek et al.

Music Use and Group Membership

Nonetheless, several scholars have found that music can bring

RQ1: Which music genres are related to on-campus political group

The research previously cited – particularly that pertaining to the

RQ2: How do music listeners’ background characteristics

Music Use and Political Activism

Although research suggests that music facilitates group

participants within the punk culture in Mexico organized an anti-

RQ3: Which music genre preferences are related to political

Group Membership and Political Activism

As previously stated, the concept of social capital has been defined

group membership type may influence individuals’ decisions to

RQ4: How do music listeners’ background characteristics

Participants for this study consisted of undergraduate students

Trust. Interpersonal trust was measured by a single item (“Most

Music preferences. Music preferences were measured by asking

Table 1. Mean Music Genre Preference Scores

Alternative 3.39 1.26

Group Membership Measures/Instruments

Politically-oriented university student organization membership.

were summed and averaged (M = 1.21, SD = 0.54, r = .20, p < .01) to

Political Activism Measures/Instruments

Participants’ political activism behaviors were measured with a 15-

H1a and H1b posed that interpersonal trust would be positively

RQ1 and RQ3 asked about the relationship between listening to

Predicting Membership in Student Political Groups

Variables entered on the first step (e.g., interpersonal trust, time

Predictor Variables Political Group Activity Political Activism

Table 2, continued. Summary of Results When Regressing Political Group Activity

Predictor Variables Political Group Activity Political Activism

Political group activity .23***

Accordingly, after all variables were entered, personality strength,

Predicting Political Activism

Entering background characteristics (e.g., personality strength,

Both political group membership and activism have been important

Membership in Student Political Groups

Background characteristics. The fact that all individual

that were not significantly correlated with group membership –

The fact that time spent listening to Christian rock positively

Background characteristics and group membership. Surprisingly,