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The use and abuse of queer tropes: Metaphor and catachresls in queer theory and politics
Viviane K Namaste
Published online: 29 Apr 2009.

To cite this article: Viviane K Namaste (1999) The use and abuse of queer tropes: Metaphor and catachresls in queer theory and politics, Social Semiotics, 9:2, 213-234, DOI: 10.1080/10350339909360433

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 Social Semiotics, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1999 213

The Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes:

Metaphor and Catachresls In Queer
Theory and Politics
VIVIANE K NAMASTE

This paper addresses the relation between rhetoric and politics through a reading of the term
'queer' as it circulated in three different communities in the 1990s: the activist group Queer
Nation; the (American) field of study now known as Queer Theory; and an underground
queer-punk press (fanzines'). Reflection on the specific uses of the term 'queer' indicates
widely divergent and conflicting meaning-making processes. For some people, the term
'queer' signifies all people outside of normative heterosexuality, while for others, the term
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only refers to lesbians and gay men. Within both Queer Nation and Queer Theory, a
metaphorical association is established among 'queers' and 'lesbian/gays'. By contrast,
queer-punks employ the term catachrestically, as a metaphor for which no literal referent
exists. Rhetorical theory can clarify these different employments of the same term. Theories
of metaphor and catachresis help us to understand how relations of association are
established among queers and lesbian/gays, and how particular rhetorical strategies relate to
specific political agendas.

In the early 1990s3 the term 'queer' gained currency within communities of Anglo-
American sexual and gender minorities. Proponents who advocate the use and
dissemination of the term 'queer3 contend that this word envisions a broad-based
sexual politics. Within such a discourse., queer activism is not limited to lesbian and
gay politics., but necessarily includes transgendered people., bisexuals3 and all indi-
viduals who are marginalized by hegemonic heterosexuality. At the same time, the
term 'queer5 connotes a kind of anti-assimilationist stance, wherein anti-heterosexist
work moves beyond a mere accommodation of lesbians and gay men Into a
consumerist society.
Yet reflection on different deployments of the term 'queer' Indicates widely
divergent and conflicting meaning-making processes. For some people., the term
'queer' signifies all people outside of hegemonic heterosexuality3 while for others., the
term only refers to lesbians and gay men. Rhetorical theory can help clarify these
different employments of the same term.
In this paper3 I examine the use of the term 'queer' in the early 1990s as It
circulated In three different sites: the activist group Queer Nation (QN); the
(American) field of study now known as Queer Theory; and an underground
1035-0330/99/020213-22 © 1999 Taylor & Francis Ltd
 214 V. K Namaste

queer-punk press. I want to illustrate that the term 'queer5 means quite different
things within these sites3 and that specific uses of the term 'queer3 underline
particular ideological and political positions. Rhetorical theory will be introduced to
explain these relations between discourse and politics*

While the emergence of queer theories and activism was hailed as a watershed in the
early 1990s3 critics have been less adept at explaining just how queer theory and
politics differ from a lesbian/gay programme* Indeed., it is difficult to envision a
queer political and/or theoretical agenda which does not ultimately make reference
to, and depend upon3 a lesbian/gay discourse. Within the sites of QN and Queer
Theory3 a metaphorical association is established among 'queers3 and 'lesbians/gays33
based on a common experience of non-heterosexuality* How is such an association
established3 and what kind of political programme does it endorse? An overview of
some rhetorical theory on metaphor and a close examination of 'queer3 discourse
can answer this question*
Metaphor is a rhetorical operation which involves the comparison of two denota-
tive terms* Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni (1977) distinguishes three types of meta-
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phor, which can be grouped under the headings metaphor of comparison metaphor
in praesentia^ and metaphor in absentia. The first kind of metaphor refers to an
analogous relation that is perceived between two denoted referents3 based on a
common property which may be linguistically specified. In such instances^ x is like
y (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1977: 150). Metaphor in praesentia dlso involves the compari-
son of two referents., but with the suppression of the preposition 'like33 Once this
move has been accomplished^ a comparative function gives way to one of assimi-
lation* X is no longer just like y3 x is y (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1977: 153-154)*
Metaphor in absentia goes even further than this process of assimilation by eliding
one denoted term of the equation* Thus, we have a relation of comparison in which
only the term y is explicit (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1977: 154-155)* In this instance3
there is a metamorphosis of the referent in question*
Kerbrat-Orecchioni provides three useful illustrations of these metaphorical pro-
cesses. The phrase 'the earth is like an orange3 represents a metaphor of comparison.,
in which the terms 'earth3 and 'orange3 are related through the word 'like3* Metaphor
in praesentia involves relations of resemblance which are less explicit and more
implicit, as3 for example., in the phrase 'the earth is an orange3* In this context, the
associative word 'like3 is suppressed., such that an analogy can be made between both
denotative terms. Metaphor in absentia goes one step further than metaphor in
praesentia by specifying only one term of the equation3 e.g. 'humans live on an
orange3* In such an instance., the word 'orange3 is substituted for that of 'earth3* As
Christine Klein-Lataud (1991: 74) remarks., this type of metaphor necessitates
knowledge of an extra-linguistic context in order to be understood*
Kerbrat-Orecchioni's framework involves a gradation of metaphorical processes
(1977: 153). In the case of metaphor of comparison., both denoted terms remain
explicit. Metaphor in praesentia entails a transformation of these terms3 in which the
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 215

associative 'like3 is suppressed, such that x is y. In Kerbrat-Orecchioni's words, this

transformation implies a process of 'implicitation partielle3 (153). The use of the
verb 'to be? (etre) designates identity (such that x is y)5 while at the same time
suggesting an analogy between the two terms. Metaphor in absentia goes farther than
an analogy between the two terms, and requires a process of cimplicitation totale'
(153). In this instance, there are no syntactic or semantic markers between the terms
x and y. Indeed, this use of metaphor makes the terms being compared virtually
synonymous, such that the presence of the term y automatically implies the term
V . This metaphorical process demands the metamorphosis of the referent.

Queer Nation
Attention to uses of the term 'queer5 within North American lesbian and gay
communities of the early 1990s will illustrate how the term is used metaphorically
in these contexts. Before an application of Kerbrat-Orecchioni's theory of metaphor,
however, I must provide some relevant historical background information on the
word c queer\
The term 'queer3 is one which has historically been used to insult lesbians,
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bisexuals, gay men, and transgendered people. In a homophobic context, it is

intended as a searing attack, a term which at once demarcates and devalues the
difference it cites. As with the labels 'pervert3, 'homosexual3, 'lesbian3, and 'gay3,
some individuals have chosen to identify themselves with the category 'queer3. In
North America, one can locate a positive use of the term 'queer3 as early as the
1950s, particularly among working class non-heterosexuals (Nestle 1987). More
recently, however, a 'queer3 identity has been widely endorsed by many North
American lesbians, bisexuals, gay men, and transgendered people. The popularity
and controversy of this term is directly related to the activist group QN, first formed
in New York City in April 1990.
QN developed out of ACT-UP, the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power, a direct-
action group committed to intervention in the AIDS crisis. In the late 1980s,
activists recognized that adequate responses to AIDS needed to negotiate a complex
network of race, class, gender, and sexual interests in the policies and programmes
developed for people living with HIV (Crimp & Rolston 1990; Patton 1990).
Despite the historical associations between disease and sexuality (Brandt 1987), and
despite hegemonic constructions of AIDS as a 'gay disease3 (Altman 1986; Patton
1990), many people involved in ACT-UP felt the need to create a separate group
which would specifically address homophobia and heterosexism. With queer-bash-
ing and gender-bashing on the rise, QN was designed to fill this gap. It would draw
on the direct-action tactics of ACT-UP, such as media blitzes, kiss-ins, and the
proliferation of neon stickers emblazoned with political messages such as 'FAG
POWER3, 'BI-QUEER3, and 'FUCK YOUR GENDER 3 . QN emerged out of
anger. It challenged heterosexism with a flagrant flaunting of public sexuality and
the creation of a queer public sphere (Berlant & Freeman 1992), The articulation of
the very category 'queer3 was both a condition and an effect of this confrontation.
 216 V. K. Namaste

Chapters of QN quickly formed in other urban North American centres, helping to

popularize a specifically queer identity and politics.
Many people felt that the term 'queer' offered a refreshing label which would
unite not only lesbians and gay men3 but all people marginalized by hegemonic
heterosexuality. As Allan Berube and Jeffrey Escoffier write, QN had several goals:
...to bring together people who have been made to feel perverse, queer,
odd, outcast, different, and deviant, and to affirm sameness by defining a
common identity on the fringes. (1991: 12)
Still other individuals expressed reluctance at the thought of endorsing a 'queer'
subjectivity* Women involved in QN lamented the gender-blind actions of many
men in the group, and quickly formed focus groups (Chee 1991; Maggenti 1991).
Other individuals within lesbian and gay communities questioned whether an insult
as painful as queer could be reclaimed. Since it was often older gay men who voiced
this objection the debate over the term 'queer' was frequently reduced to a
generational one. In one publication from this epoch, Kader & Piontek (1992: 8)
reproduce an advertisement for The Advocate^ a mainstream gay magazine* The
illustration presents two gay men of different generations fighting over a queer
political identity. Kader and Piontek point out that this representation set up 'the
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queer debate' as one which primarily involves urban gay men of different genera-
tions, thereby eliding lesbian contributions to and definitions of queer politics. While
the elision of lesbians in 'queer' politics is an important insight, it is also useful to
think about the rhetorical mode in which the term 'queer' is inscribed.
In the advertisement for The Advocate^ the term 'queer' is used to denote a
referent marked by a specific gender (man)3 age (youth), and region (urban). The
'radical^ confrontational attitude of this queer revolutionary is contrasted to that of
a middle-class, older gay man who accepts the political structures of a capitalist
democracy. The text which accompanies this illustration provides further insight
into the relations between the referents of the terms 'gay' and 'queer'. A young,
white gay man with facial hair and a bandanna looks directly at an older, white gay
man with facial hair. The young man screams3 'We're queer! You rich white sellout!
Get angry! Don't you know people are dying and getting bashed?' The older gay
white male responds, 'I hate it when you use the word "queer!" Your immature
tactics are undermining 20 years of gay rights!'. In this juxtaposition of 'gay' and
'queer' identities, the referent of 'queer' denotes an individual who is concerned
with direct-action anti-violence and AIDS activism3 activities which are associated
with the groups QN and ACT-UP. The term 'gay'3 in contrast has a referent of
political struggle based in civil rights.
This advertisement expresses the contradictions embodied in the relations be-
tween the terms 'queer' and 'gay'. Both terms denote same-sex sexual activity. They
also refer to political activism, with the label 'gay' used to denote assimilationist
strategies, while the word 'queer' indicates more 'radical' politics. Although the
terms 'queer' and 'gay' denote different kinds of political activism, they both refer
to same-sex sexuality (although many would claim that the word 'queer' cannot be
reduced to homosexuality). How are the relations between 'queer' and 'gay' posited
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 217

by lesbian and gay activists? What are the ways in which sexuality and politics
intersect in a lesbian., gay, and/or 'queer' discourse? In what rhetorical mode are
these terms used, and what can this usage tell us about the implicit claims to political
intervention?
In Berabe and Escoffier's summary of queer identity and style, the borders of the
term 'queer5 remain open-ended. This means that the lexeme 'queer3 refers not only
to lesbians and gay men, but to anyone marginalized by hegemonic hetero-
sexuality—for example., bisexuals, transgendered people, and fetishists. While this
conception of queer politics includes a variety of people., it must be acknowledged
that the term 'queer5 emerged primarily within lesbian and gay male communities.
The emergence of the term 'queer9 raises some important questions as to the
development of a truly broad-based sexual politics. If this term was used against
lesbians and gay men, and subsequently reclaimed by them, how can it extend to
people who call themselves by different names—say, for instance, bisexuals? Can the
word 'queer5 refer to bisexuals who do not align themselves with lesbian and gay
communities? Is a middle-class transsexual woman 'queer5? Can we imagine a queer
identity and politics which moves beyond a mere inclusion of bisexuals and transgen-
dered people, to one which is defined by non-monosexuals? Indeed, does the
emphasis on an inclusion of bisexuals and transgendered people within 'queeraess5
not imply that queer identity is, first and foremost, defined by lesbians and gays—
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albeit lesbians and gay men who are liberal enough to allow for the articulation of
alternative sexualities and genders? How could we develop a queer politics which
presupposes transsexual bodies, but which benevolently accommodates lesbian and
gay subject positions?
Attention to the rhetorical usage of the term 'queer5 can elucidate these questions.
Consider, for instance, Alisa Soloman's musings on queer identity. Soloman reflects
on the fluidness associated with the word 'queer5, and wonders, 'can a queer politics
be forged without a gay or lesbian identity? And what would that be like?5 (1992: 29,
emphasis in original). This discourse assumes that queer politics are based on
lesbian and gay identities, which are in turn premised on same-sex sexual activities.
Soloman poses the question of what a queer politics independent of lesbian and gay
identities could look like. This question, however, can be reformulated as a state-
ment: queer is like lesbian/gay. Soloman relates queer and lesbian/gay politics
through the rhetorical device of metaphor of comparison: x is like y*
Rebecca Hensler compares queer and lesbian/gay realities in a similar manner
when she states, cit5s not "lesbian/gay33 versus "queer35. It3s liberationist versus
assimilationist3 (quoted in Cossen 1991:17). While Soloman uses the word 'like3 to
articulate relations between queer and lesbian/gay identities, Hensler enacts a
metaphor of comparison in a more indirect manner. She juxtaposes the referents of
the terms 'queer5 and 'lesbian/gay3 in terms of politics, and explicitly states that there
is no opposition between the referents of the terms 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3 with
regards to sexuality. To the extent that Hensler posits the same referent of sexuality
for the terms 'queer3, 'lesbian3, and 'gay5—same-sex sexual activity—we can infer
a metaphor of comparison. Refusing an antagonism of lesbian/gay and queer
sexualities is an indirect way of stating that queers are like lesbians and gay men.
 218 V. K Namaste

In these examples3 the metaphors of comparison posit that queers are like lesbians
and gay men. The associations between these denoted meanings3 however* can be
complicated through the use of metaphor in praesentia. For example., Alexander
Chee provides an overview of queer politics: although he stipulates that 'everyone
was welcome under the word queer* (1991: 17)3 he also states that c[a]t the
University of Texas—Austin3 students organized QUEERS to promote lesbian and
gay visibility on campus3 (16). While everyone may be welcome under the queer
banner., it seems that not all non-heterosexuals are fortunate enough to see and hear
their particular identities affirmed in 'queer3 public speech. Chee's statement about
the student group in Austin invokes both 'queer3 and 'gay and lesbian3 identities3
and assimilates them. What is remarkable about this use of language is that Chee
uses the word 'queers3 to refer to lesbians and gay men. In this way3 he suggests
that the terms 'queer33 slesbian'3 and 6gay3 have the same referents. Employing the
device of metaphor in praesentia (x isy)3 Chee proposes that queers are not only like
lesbians and gay men; they are lesbians and gay men. In this gesture3 a variety of
non-heterosexual subject positions are erased.
The use of metaphor in praesentia^ in this example3 restricts the denotative terms
of comparison associated with the category "queer3 to lesbian and gay male identi-
ties. Once the assimilation of these terms is achieved., 'queer3 can be used indepen-
dently of the phrase 'lesbians and gay men3. In this manner., the term 'queer3 implies
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lesbians and gay men so strongly that they need not be specifically mentioned each
time it is invoked. This constitutes an example of the rhetorical device of metaphor
in absentia: terms x and y are compared., but only y is made visible. The workings of
metaphor in absentia can be illustrated by the ways in which self-described queers
refuse to include bisexuals and transgendered people under the rubric of 'queer3.
In the spring of 19913 a direct-action anti-heterosexist group formed in Ottawa3
Canada. Although originally organized under the name OUTRAGE (following a
group in London3 UK), Ottawa soon became the site of an official QN group. Upon
its formation., one of QN-Ottawa3s organizers went to the mainstream media. In the
subsequent article., Jim Wade made the following statement:
Once people start to see us [queers] they will look at us and say: 'Well that
guy3s not wearing a dress and I thought all homosexuals wore dresses and
had limp wrists and lisps3, (cited in QT 1992)
QN-Ottawa sent no retraction to the paper in which the article appeared; the
disavowal of transgendered people was not even raised at the meeting following the
article's publication. It is ironic that such blatantly anti-transsexual practices can
stand in for 'radical3 sexual politics. This is only possible3 I submit3 through the
deployment of metaphor in absentia. Once the term 'queer3 is embedded in lesbian/
gay discourse., once queer is lesbian/gay3 individuals like Jim Wade can use the label
in a manner which confirms gendered rnonosexuality (i.e. 'gay3)3 while simul-
taneously disavowing other sites of perversion (e.g. drag queen3 bisexual3 fetishist).
The 'queer3 of QN-Ottawa refers to gay men who adopt sanctioned gendered
self-presentations., despite their alternative sexuality.
By 19933 the term 'queer3 had been so consolidated into a gendered monosexual
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 219

framework that it was impossible to use the word if one wanted to designate
individuals other than lesbians and gay men. The Toronto-based Sonia Mills, for
example, offered guidelines on how to define queer identity. In her words, 'lesbians
who sleep with men should not join the queer club5 (Mills 1993). Mills is particu-
larly outraged at self-identified lesbians who sleep with men3 although she takes time
out to castigate all the bisexual women, 'wannabes' and 'hasbians' who 'covet and
pilfer many of the aspects of our (sic) beautiful lesbian community'. In case the
reader is confused about whether bisexual women can call themselves queer. Mills
provides an emphatic statement on this subject:
We've worked hard to build a safe lesbian community. We embrace labels
like 'lesbian', 'dyke' and 'queer' because we know who we are and sharing
our lives is safe, affirming, and wonderful. (1993)
The use of the pronoun 'we' in this quotation implies a solidly gendered monosex-
uality—apparently, no bisexuals or transgendered people have worked to build
lesbian communities, none currently exist within them, and none shall be welcome
in the future. An equation of the terms 'lesbian' and 'queer' is more evident as Mills
continues: 'Queer, bisexual, or straight—come out! I know it isn't always an easy
process, but it's worth it'. Note the opposition established between queer and
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bisexual identities, as well as the juxtaposition of queer and straight positions

through the use of the conjunction 'or'.
While Mills begins her column by citing a variety of terms—'queer', 'lesbian',
'dyke', 'bisexual'—she concludes with the simple invocation of the word 'queer':
Should I start a support group for Lesbians Who Don't Sleep With Men?
'Queer' isn't some sort of exclusive club, but for the purpose of validation
and safety, some standards of definition should be recognized. (1993)
Since Mills has spent so much energy in her article outlining the monosexual
borders of the word 'queer', she is able to end her discussion by using the word on
its own, without needing to specify that it denotes lesbians (more precisely, genetic
females who only ever have sex with genetic females). Thus, while Mills begins by
placing the word 'lesbian' alongside that of 'queer', she resolves her inquiry with the
term 'queer' standing on its own. This final statement constitutes an example of
metaphor in absentia^ in which the term y ('queer') presupposes the term x ('les-
bian'). The referent of the word 'lesbian' has been substituted for the referent of the
term 'queer'. Community is herein policed through identity, while rhetoric and
politics are mutually bound.
The visibility of QN—in the streets, in shopping malls, and even at the Oscars—
has encouraged an invocation and repetition of a category seemingly beyond
definition: that of the queer. Yet the nature of this identity, as we have observed, is
perhaps not as slippery and fluid as some would like (or, depending on one's
political position, the category 'queer' is too slippery and fluid!). Since the term
'queer' is primarily used metaphorically, it involves a comparison between lesbian/
gay and queer spheres. Attention to the specific metaphorical operations embodied
in queer tropes reveals that this comparison is made in three related ways:(l) an
 220 V. K Namaste

expression of similarity between two denotative meanings based on a shared experi-

ence (both queer and lesbian/gay belong to a non-heterosexual realm3 and these
terms are related through the associative like 3 ); (2) the elision of the comparative
function of these realities3 such that queer and lesbian/gay states are simply equated
(metaphor in praesentid); and (3) the invocation of only one denotative term
('queer3) which presupposes the other denotative term (i.e. 'gay/lesbian3)3 even when
this second term is not linguistically specified (metaphor in absentia).

Queer Theory
The examples cited3 located within a lesbian/gay activist context* make clear meta-
phorical associations between the referents of the terms 'queer3 and lesbian/gay3.
Such associations are prevalent in contemporary deployments of these terms and are
also ubiquitous in academic discourse*
In recent years3 the North American university has witnessed a virtual explosion
of publications3 conferences., and even jobs organized under the rubric 'queer
theory3. How do people engaged in this field use the word 'queer? What are the
specific rhetorical strategies they employ^ and what can these tell us about Queer
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Theory's broader claim to sexual politics?

Academics use the term 'queer3 in order to both compare and assimilate 'queer3
and lesbian/gay sexualities. Metaphor in praesentia is one rhetorical device commonly
used* Consider., for example., the title of one conference: 'Making It Perfectly Queer:
Second National Graduate Student Conference on Lesbian and Gay Studies3,1
Here3 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3 realities are compared., due to their syntagmatic
juxtaposition. But the relation between them is not one of mere similarity based on
their shared experience of non-heterosexuality. These two realities have become
virtually synonymous3 since the reader moves from the term 'queer3 to that of
lesbian and gay3. Queer is not just like lesbian and gay3 it is lesbian and gay. The
suppression of the associative like 3 is a rhetorical operation which changes the
relation between 'queer3 and lesbian/gay3 from one of conjunction to one of
assimilation, Moreover^ it is worth noting the modifier adverb in the title: 'Making
It Perfectly Queer3 (My emphasis). Since bisexuals3 transgendered people3 and other
sexual/gender minorities have been banished from the semantic field of this 'queer9
discourse., they can have no place within such a site. The assimilation of queer
identities to those of lesbians and gay men3 achieved through the rhetorical device
of metaphor in praesentia9 writes bisexuals and transgendered people out of this
script. In other words3 the 'perfect3 queer is a lesbian or a gay man.
There are numerous examples of this kind of metaphorical use of the term 'queer3
in the academy. Gever et al (1993) title their book Queer Looks: Perspectives on
Lesbian and Gay Film and Video: queer and lesbian/gay realities are equated., rather
than compared.
An essay written by Teresa de Lauretis (1991) attempts to theorize the tensions
between 'queer3 and lesbian/gay3 subjectivities.2 She begins by explaining her choice
of terminology:
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 221

The term 'queer3 was suggested to me by one conference in which I had

participated ... My 'queer3., however., had no relation to the Queer Nation
group3 of whose existence I was ignorant at the time. As the essays will
show3 there is in fact very little in common between Queer Nation and this
queer theory. (1991: xvii)
Reifying an opposition between the university and activism., de Lauretis refuses to
specify if the suggestion of the term 'queer3 came from someone—perhaps even an
academic?—involved in QN. Drawing these institutional lines so carefully, she
values her meaning of the term 'queer'—note the possessive pronoun cmy'—over the
meanings associated with the group QN.
With theory split from activism., does de Lauretis go on to outline a more inclusive
conception of 'queer3 than its articulation in QN? Unfortunately., no. She clarifies
her use of the label:
The term 'queer3., juxtaposed to the 'lesbian and gay3 of the subtitle
['Lesbian and Gay Sexualities3]3 is intended to mark a certain critical
distance from the latter, by now established and often convenient., formula.
(de Lauretis 1991: iv)
In a sense3 the term 'Queer Theory3 was arrived at in the effort to avoid all
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of these fine distinctions in our discursive protocols., not to adhere to any

one of the given terms3 not to assume their ideological liabilities., but
instead to both transgress and transcend them—or at least to problematize
them (de Lauretis 1991: v).
de Lauretis argues that this conception of 'queer3 forces a consideration of the
differences within and between lesbians and gay men, highlighting issues such as
gender, race, and class. She contends that this queer—a focus on the differences
within—is important for making sense of historical silences in lesbian and gay
studies., a move which 'would further explore questions that have as yet been barely
broached3 (1991: iii).
It is noteworthy that the special issue of Differences^ the journal in which this essay
is published., is entitled 'Queer Theory: Lesbian and Gay Sexualities.3 In this title,
the terms 'queer3 and 'lesbian and gay3 are juxtaposed., as de Lauretis herself notes.
Like the advertisement for The Advocate already discussed., de Lauretis suggests (but
does not ever specify) that 'queer3 and 'lesbian and gay3 realities are not the same.
In the advertisement for The Advocate^ however3 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3 are
distinguished through the referent of sexual politics., wherein the referent of the term
'queer3 is one of direct-action tactics3 while the referent of the term 'gay3 invokes
assimilationist strategies. Since de Lauretis begins her musings on the notion of
'queer3 by banishing activism entirely (note the ways in which theory excludes
politics), one wonders how she will articulate the differences between the terms
'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3. A close reading of her text reveals that, despite the
appearance of being something new3 something queer> de Lauretis is really still only
talking about theory (not activism) by and for lesbians and gay men. Consider the
declaration that Queer Theory seeks to 'transgress and transcend3 lesbian and
gay sexualities—a phrase which requires the immediate rejoinder 'or at least to
 222 V. K. Namaste

problematize them3. Now3 if there is a difference between the referents of the terms
'queer3 and those of the words lesbian' and 'gay33 then a theory which sets out to
account for this difference would need to defend this distinction—or even its
possibility—tenaciously, Yet, as soon as de Lauretis juxtaposes these terms., she
reunites them by moving from a strategy of transgressing monosexual identities to
one which merely problematizes them. Her inscription of 'sexualities3 invokes two
gendered., monosexual positions—that of the lesbian and that of the gay man. It is
ironic that de Lauretis refuses to even mention bisexuals or transgendered people in
a theory which she believes would 'rethink the sexual3 (1991: xvi). What does the
absence of these issues in queer theory signify about a lesbian and gay presence}
We can better comprehend the specific relations between the terms 'queer3 and
lesbian/gay3 as formulated by de Lauretis by referring to Kerbrat-Orecchioni's
(1977) work on metaphor, de Lauretis begins her article with the suggestion that the
terms 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3 are not the same3 and (by implication) that these
signs do not have the same referents. Her subsequent discussion of queer identities
and theories (again3 not politics)3 however., makes continued reference to lesbian and
gay subject positions and intellectual histories. Despite her insistence that the term
'queer3 cites 'a certain critical distance3 from the terms 'lesbian and gay3., de Lauretis
never quite manages to theorize what that distance is3 how it can be constructed.,
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what it offers., or whether it is in danger of being usurped.

Yet how does de Lauretis actually relate the terms 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3? Her
insistence on that 'certain critical distance3 between these terms rejects a metaphor
of comparison between the sign 'queer3 and the collocation 'lesbian/gay3. She is not
saying that 'queer is like lesbian/gay3. At the same time3 de Lauretis does not make
use of metaphor in absentia. Her invocation of the term 'queer3 always brings with
it the terms 'lesbian and gay3. In this framework, the word 'queer3 cannot stand on
its own in order to designate lesbian and gay identities. A process of 'implicitation
totale3 (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1977: 153) has not been achieved., nor has the referent
of the sign 'queer3 been substituted for the referent of the signs 'lesbian3 and 'gay3.
While de Lauretis makes use of neither metaphor of comparison nor metaphor in
absentia^ she does propose an analogy between the terms 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3.
I want to suggest that her discourse employs the rhetorical device of metaphor in
praesentia in order to theorize the relations between the terms 'queer33 'lesbian3., and
'gay3. Strictly speaking3 the case of metaphor in praesentia requires a statement of the
form cx isy\ At no time does de Lauretis declare that 'queers are lesbians and gays3
or that 'lesbians and gays are queen3. Nevertheless3 if we consider Kerbrat-
Orecchioni 3s reflections on the use of metaphor in praesentia^we can infer that de
Lauretis presupposes that queers are lesbians/gays. Kerbrat-Orecchioni argues that
the device of metaphor in praesentia involves a process of 'implicitation partielle3
(1977: 153). In this case3 the verb 'to be3 (etre) designates identity., but it also
suggests analogy. Thus x is y5 but x is also like y. de Lauretis3s discourse is marked
by the ambiguities and contradictions of this position. Her statement that the phrase
'Queer Theory3 intended to first 'transgress3 and then merely 'problematize3 lesbian
and gay identities (1991: v) best illustrates this process of 'implicitation partielle3.
The term 'queer3 is first used to challenge lesbian and gay subject positions., thereby
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 223

establishing an analogical relation between these terms. Subsequent to a trans-

gression of gay and lesbian identities., however, the word 'queer3., in de Lauretis3s
usage, works to simply 'problematize3 these positions. This latter position allows for
the equation of 'queer3 and 'lesbian/gay3 sites. linguistically, de Lauretis does not
employ the associative 'like3 between the words 'queer3 and 'lesbian and gay3
(metaphor of comparison). Nor does she use the word 'queer3 in complete isolation
to designate lesbian/gay identities (metaphor in absentia). She does, however, rely on
contradictory and ambiguous relations of identity and analogy between these two
terms, as witnessed through her invocation of that 'certain critical distance3 (1991:
iv), a cjutapos[ition]3 (iv), or her musings on the transgressions and problematizing
of lesbian and gay subjectivities (v). So, while de Lauretis never specifies that queers
are lesbians/gays, or that lesbian/gays are queer, she never really needs to. A constant
invocation of the terms 'lesbian3 and 'gay3 works to secure both the analogy and
equation of the words 'lesbian3, 'gay3, and 'queer3. These analogies and equations
are further reinforced in the essays collected in the volume edited by de Lauretis.
Not one article provides a sustained examination of non-monosexual erotic and/or
gender identities.
As Berube & Escoffier (1991) point out, the term 'queer3 achieved such currency
in part because of its fluid, open-ended nature. Although this conception of queer
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identity allows for a kind of sexual and gender politics which includes many people,
such vagueness can also work against individuals who do not claim lesbian and gay
identities. Michael Warner illustrates this contradiction:
'Queer3 therefore also suggests the difficulty in defining the population
whose interest are at stake in queer politics. And as a partial replacement
for 'lesbian and gay3, it attempts partially to separate questions of sexuality
from those of gender. (1991: 16)
Like de Lauretis, Warner's use of the term 'queer3 belies a rhetorical strategy
somewhere between metaphor in absentia and metaphor of comparison. Warner
does not just speak of 'queer3 politics without stipulating lesbian and gay communi-
ties (metaphor in absentia). Yet, like de Lauretis, he is saying more that 'queer is like
lesbian/gay3 (metaphor of comparison). His comments reveal the process of'implic-
itation partielle3 of which Kerbrat-Orecchioni writes (1977: 153) in her discussion of
metaphor in praesentia. The confusions between an analogy among the terms
'queer3, 'lesbian3, and egay3 and their complete identification are evident in Warner's
proclamation that the term 'queer3 functions 'as a partial replacement for "lesbian
and gay33 3 (1991: 16). The function of replacement implies that there is a metamor-
phosis of the referent for the terms in question, i.e. that the word 'queer3 can be used
to refer to lesbians and gay men (the referents of the signs 'lesbian3 and 'gay3). At
the same time, Warner resists this kind of substitution, and insists that the word
'queer3 can only work as a ''partial replacement for "lesbian and gay33 3 (my empha-
sis). In this sense, he maintains that while queer and lesbian/gay identities and
politics have much in common, they cannot be assimilated. By using the modifier
'partial3, Warner establishes an analogy between 'lesbian/gay3 and 'queer3 identities.
Thus, while Warner does not explicitly state that 'queers are lesbian/gay3, or that
'lesbians and gays are queer3, he does relate these terms through identity and
 224 V. K. Namaste

analogy. Like de Lauretis, Warner remains in a rather unspecified metaphorical

realm, but one which is clearly marked by lesbian and gay discourse,
de Lauretis and Warner rely on the rhetorical device of metaphor in praesentia to
assimilate queer and lesbian/gay spheres. Other critics within the field now known as
Queer Theory engage different rhetorical strategies. It is common, for instance, to
use the term 'queer3 to denote lesbians and gay men, without stipulating the latter
positions. In the opening remarks to a conference entitled 'Queer Sites: Bodies at
Work, Bodies at Play3,3 organizer Julia Greet explained, 'We [the conference
organizing committee] chose the word "queer33 because we wanted to foster the
renaissance of lesbians and gay men working together3. In this discourse, 'queer3
implies monosexuals, excluding bisexuals and transgendered people from its seman-
tic borders. Although the subtitle of the conference appealed to 'bodies3, Creet3s use
of the term 'queer3 already defined those bodies as lesbian and gay.
In the academy, as in contemporary lesbian and gay communities, the term
'queer3 is uttered independently of 'lesbians and gay men3 to denote these identities.
Brian Pronger (1993) provides one of the best examples of this use of metaphor in
absentia. For Pronger, bisexuals do not belong to the category 'queer3 unless they are
involved in sexual relations with someone of the same sex. This conception of
'queer3 identity locates it within a lesbian/gay sphere, one in which the performance
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of specific sexual acts is required as a passport into the QN. One wonders what place
celibate lesbians and gay men would have in this framework.
By refusing to acknowledge that bisexuals are already inside lesbian and gay
communities, and by dividing bisexuality into a hetero/homo polarity, Pronger
reinforces the myth that bisexuals are politically uncommitted fence-sitters (Sumpter
1991). His use of the term 'queer3 disavows the possibility of a bisexual identity,
assimilating the relations bisexuals have with members of the same sex to a
lesbian/gay discourse. While this particular use of 'queer5 is decidedly biphobic, it is
also invested with an implicit bias against transgendered people, since it assumes
that all sexual relations take place among bodies which are sexed in a binary fashion.
Some critics have argued that the term "queer3 risks being reduced to a denotation
of gay men, thereby eliding lesbians. Cheryl Kader and Thomas Piontek express
concern about the potential universalizing effect of the word 'queer3:
Why is de Lauretis (and others who embrace the term) so certain
that 'queer3 won't prove just as inadequate for the conceptualization of
lesbian experience as older terms such as 'gay3 or 'homosexual3? (1992: 7,
emphasis in original)
It is certainly a valid concern that the term 'queer3 is increasingly used to refer only
to men. What I find even more interesting in Kader and Piontek's proposition,
however, is the complete and utter absence of bisexual and transgendered subjects
from the 'queer3 discourse. 'Queer3, it would appear, is about lesbians and gays—
and more often the latter than the former. Kader and Piontek ignore the rhetorical
operations present in de Lauretis3s formulation of queer theory. Since they do not
examine the ways in which she establishes relations of analogy and identity among
the terms 'queer3, 'lesbian3, and 'gay3, they do not grasp that her conception of queer
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 225

identity is already a gendered, monosexual one. By addressing the issue of queerness

without attending to these metaphorical operations, Kader and Piontek make a
programmatic call for the continued use of these gendered, monosexual categories—
'lesbian3, 'gay3. Ironically, they ignore the ways in which these sites are already
implied in contemporary uses of the term 'queer9.
The circulation of the term 'queer' within academic discourse undermines the
viability of bisexual and transgendered identities. Scholars such as Teresa de
Lauretis and Michael Warner rely on metaphor in praesentia to assimilate queer and
lesbian/gay spheres, while critics such as Brian Pronger make use of metaphor in
absentia to articulate a gendered, monosexual conception of queerness. The specific
rhetorical strategies enacted by critics in Queer Theory belie their political alliances.
Through an assimilation of queers and lesbians and gays (metaphor in praesentia: de
Lauretis, Warner), or through a substitution of the referent of 'queer3 for the referent
of 'lesbians and gays3 (metaphor in absentia: Greet, Pronger), these theorists elabor-
ate a vision of the social world which is, in the final analysis and despite their claims
to the contrary, reduced to lesbian and gay sexual politics.

Queer Catachreses: Punk Mock Interventions in Discourse

It is useful to reflect on the use of the term 'queer5 outside of lesbian and gay activist
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communities, or lesbian and gay theories. Indeed, a careful reading of queer-punk

culture demonstrates that the term 'queer3 is deployed within a rhetorical mode of
catachresis.4 A different figural use of the category 'queer3, moreover, elaborates a
vision of sexual and gender politics quite unlike that of contemporary lesbian and
gay communities—even (or perhaps especially) those lesbian and gay communities
which would designate themselves as 'queer5. A presentation of rhetorical theories
on catachresis is now required, followed by an examination of the ways in which
queer-punk discourse inscribes the term 'queer3 catachrestically.
In the field of rhetoric, the notion of catachresis indicates the misuse of a
particular word. Richard Lanham defines it in the following way:
misuse, misapplication...
1. Implied metaphor, using words wrenched from common usage, as when
Hamlet says, 'I will speak daggers to her3.
2. A second definition which seem slightly different but perhaps is not: an
extravagant, unexpected, farfetched metaphor, as when a weeping
woman's eyes become Niagara Falls. (1969: 21)
While Lanham defines catachresis in terms of the abuse of a particular term, other
theorists of rhetoric go somewhat further. They argue that a catachresis is a
misappropriation of the referent, wherein the realm of signification is doubled or
extended. Dumarsais maintains that:
la catachrese est un ecart que certains mots font de leur premiere
signfication, pour en prendre une autre qui a quelque rapport, et c3est aussi
ce qu3on appelle extension? (1988 [1730]: 86)
 226 V. K. Namaste

Dumarsais then provides an example of his conception of catachresis. In French., the

word feuille refers to the leaf of a tree. We also use it to denote a sheet of paper (une
feuille de papier). It is this operation of extension which defines catachresis (863 90).
Dumarsais summarizes:
Chaque preposition a sa premiere signification; elle a sa destination princi-
p a l son premier sens propre; et ensuite3 par extension par imitation3 par
abus3 en un mot3 par catachrese3 on la fait servir a marquer d'autres
rapports qui ont quelque analogie avec la destination principale de la
preposition ... 6 (1988 [1730]: 90)
Pierre Fontanier also explains the properties of a catachresis in terms of figural
meaning:
La Catachrese3 en generate^ consiste en ce qu5un signe deja affecte a une premiere
idee3 le soil aussi a une idee nouvelle qui elle-meme n 5en avail point ou n 'en a
plus d'autre en propre dans la langue* Elle est3 par consequent, tout Trope
d'un usage force et necessaire3 tout Trope d5ou resulte un sens purement
extensif... 7 (1968 [1821]: 213)
Fontanier also offers some examples: we speak of 'seeing the light3 to refer to
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intellectual comprehension., and 'blindness' in terms of confused thought (216).

Because catachreses are figures used to describe extended meaning3 they belong
to the realm of tropes8 Yet3 whereas some tropes (metaphor3 metonymy) are directly
involved in the denotation and/or comparison of particular realities., catachreses
challenge the delineation of referents. We refer to the 'leg' of a table because we
need a term to designate that particular part of the furniture3 but if we stop to think
about it3 the piece of wood or metal indicated is not3 in fact, a human leg.
Catachreses can act as shorthand in these kinds of instances., words which mark a
reality for which our language is inadequate.
Christine Klein-Lataud (1991) provides a useful summary of the notion of

II existe dans la langue un certain nombre de metaphores obligatoires3

c'est-a-dire de mots dont on se sert3 en detoumant leur sens ordinaire3
pour designer une realite quelconque pour laquelle il n'existe pas de terme
approprie. Cette figure obligatoire s'appelle catachrese8 (1991: 773 empha-
sis in original)
Klein-Lataud understands the dilemma associated with catachreses3 and thus the
difficulties involved in theorizing them. Since they designate a reality for which there
is no adequate term3 catachreses extend the meanings of the figure. This operation
of extension is one demanded by the need to adequately depict a particular
reality—hence Klem-Lataud s phrase of metaphores obhgatoires .
This discussion of catachresis has3 following theorists of rhetoric3 focused on the
figural use of meaning—the wing of a plane3 the leg of a table3 etc. But we can also
think about catachresis in relation to identity. The act of naming oneself remains an
integral aspect of those interested in sexual liberation. Historically., a variety of
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 227

names have been used to achieve social change in this realm—the most well-known
English terms being 'lesbian3 and 'gay3. It Is, in part, because of an implied relation
between naming and politics that debates on terminology have been so bitter in
these communities. Yet the enunciation of a particular name is not merely a
rhetorical strategy. It belongs to a project of articulating one's individual and
collective identity* For example, coming out as bisexual marks one's specificity in
relation to bipolar categories of sexual Identity and, by coming out3 one can align
oneself with a bisexual political community. The name 'bisexual3 functions as a
catalyst of social change3 an instance of social discourse through which hegemony is
contested.
In the terrain of sexual politics, words like £blsexual33 'lesbian3, 'transsexual3 and
'queer 3 are more than just names. They are signifiers3 In the sense that they designate
certain relations to and understandings of the social world. Thus., the term 'lesbian5
denotes women who love women 3 'gay3 refers to men sexually and romantically
Involved with other men 3 'transsexual3 Indicates people who live In a gender and a
sex other than that assigned to them at blrth 3 and so on. But semlotlclans recognize
that signs only achieve their value through a differential network of relations. The
examples cited Inscribe sexual and gender Identities which are distinct from a
heterosexual norm. Insofar as they Invoke a separate sphere of existence (whether
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lesbian3 gay3 or transsexual), the utterance of these names invokes clear referents.
But what happens when the limits of an Identity are not regulated? How can one use
a sign which does not obviously denote a specific reality? Can such signs exist, and
If so3 how can they remain open-ended? Is It possible to root a sexual politics in
misnaming? These questions bring us back to the notion of catachresis.
Before an analysis of queer-punk discourse, a few remarks on the formation of
queer-punk communities and the circulation of queer-punk culture are required. It
Is difficult to pinpoint a definitive emergence of queer-punk culture; variations in
geographic location and historical time prevent anyone from claiming a particular
time or place as a point of origin for people who call themselves 'queer-punk 3 .
Nevertheless, certain cultural products, producers, and cities are associated with the
development of a queer-punk style, aesthetic, and politics.
This culture can be traced back to (at least) 1985, with the publication of a
Toronto-based underground 'fanzine3 called JDs3 an abbreviation for Juvenile Delin-
quents. 9 A San Francisco publication, Homocore3 appeared in 1987, as did other
anarchist publications such as Jerking Off (Toronto, 1987) and Coming On
(Toronto, 1988). Bands such as Fifth Column, A.S.F., and Mr Tim helped foster
a sense of queer-punk community, especially when they toured. Towards the
beginning of the 1990s, there was an established network of fanzines, bands, and
Individuals active In queer-punk milieux. My Investigation of queer-punk discourse
relies on sources produced alter this time, when the articulation of a specifically
queer-punk Identity was a cultural possibility for quite some time. 10
Within queer-punk communities of the early 1990s, the term 'queer3 was used In

reduced to a mere designation of lesbians and gay men,

 228 V. K. Namaste

Mykel Board makes this broad conception of 'queer' clear in his column in the
popular magazine Maximum Rock'n' Roll. He recounts a conversation with Lily
Braindrop:
"Don't worry3 Mykel.' She says3 T m not gonna let the homos steal
queerdom from us,3
Bravo Ms Lilly (sic)! Queer means queer—not 'gay'* It means strange—not
the norm. It means not Mr. and Mrs. Staightahead. It means the celibate
girl with her clit pierced is queer. The head of the gay Republicans is not.
The hetero who wears diapers under his wall street suit is queer. The
Andrea Dworkin lesbians are not. Ok, It's a tempting idea. Already too
many folks think Jody Foster and Tom Selleck are 'queer'* Yeech! (1992:
22)
Board's use of the term 'queer' is direct and explicit. He clarifies that the referent of
this term cannot be assimilated to3 or equated with., the referent of the terms
lesbian' or 'gay'. Moreover, Board offers a variety of referents for this term—
everyone from celibate girls to diaper-clad businessmen. The rhetorical strategy
enacted here is that of catachresis. Board uses this term3 but he understands that it
is a term of misuse to refer to people outside the norm. Within this usage., Board
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appeals to both the sexual and political referents of terms like 'queer' and 'gay'. He
maintains that the term 'queer' refers to people who are located outside the political,
as well as the sexual3 mainstream society. Having established a central place for
politics within this invocation of the term 'queer9. Board can easily refuse any
simplistic equations among queers and lesbians/gays based on a shared experience of
non-heterosexuality. An introductory editorial to the 'Absolutely Queer' issue of
Maximum Rock'n' Roll further relates the sexual and politics referents of the term
'queer':
For us3 the word [queer] not only ties in to the rebellion often associated
with punk and the like3 but is also the only term that describes all the sexes.*
genders3 and orientations outside the norm. Got a better word? Then use
it. (Smith & Braindrop 1992: 2)
This use of the term 'queer' is centrally concerned with challenging the reproduction
of heterosexual hegemony. By developing a lexicon which focuses on sexual and
gender norms3 rather than simply designating lesbians and gay men as oppressed
people3 Smith and Braindrop include bisexuals and transgendered people in their
political programme. They use the word 'queer' to refer to individuals who contest
hegemony3 but with the acknowledgement that this term is provisional and3 ulti-
mately., inadequate. As such3 Smith and Braindrop actualize Klein-Lataud's (1991)
definition of catachresis3 by using a word to denote a reality for which there is no
adequate term,
A catachrestic use of the term 'queer' within queer-punk discourse is markedly
different to lesbian and gay citations of the same term. While queer-punks invoke
the word 'queer' as one term to describe an anti-authoritarian political position
and a disenfranchised sexuality., lesbian and gay activists and academics refer to
 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 229

themselves through a metaphorical association amongst the referents of the terms

'queer3 and lesbian/gay'. How, then3 are these different rhetorical strategies—cat-
achresis and metaphor—understood3 enacted3 and conceived?
A close reading of queer-punk culture reveals that queer-punks are keenly aware
of the rhetorical differences between their usage of the term 'queer5 and those of
lesbians and gay men. The term 'queer3 achieved currency for lesbian and gay
activists following the formation of QN3 in 1990, and the development of Queer
Theory., in approximately 1991. The examples of queer-punk culture cited in this
section of this paper are all taken subsequent to this time period., in which the term
'queer3 was assimilated to and equated with lesbians and gay men.
The use of the term 'queer3 within a metaphorical or a catachrestic mode., as
already outlined., invokes different referents. If lesbian and gay theorists and activists
advocate a rhetorical use of the term 'queer3 which designates themselves.,
queer-punks develop strategies which elucidate the workings of such rhetorical
and referential, discourse processes. The Toronto zine BIMBOX3 for instance., is
explicit:
You are entering a gay and lesbian-free zone. BIMBOX has transformed
into an unstoppable monster hell-bent on forcably [sic] removing lesbians
and gays from non-heterosexual society ... (1992)
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Effectively immediately3 BIMBOX is at war against lesbians and gays. A

war in which modem queer boys and queer girls are united against the
prehistoric thinking and demented self-serving politics of the above-
mentioned scum.
Since current uses of the label 'queer3 involve metaphorical strategies which
denote lesbians and gay men3 queer-punks respond by attacking the referents of the
terms 'lesbian3 and 'gay3. The categories 'lesbian3 and 'gay3 are specified., yet
simultaneously banished from a non-heterosexual site. Whereas metaphorical uses
of the term 'queer3 compare and juxtapose lesbian/gay and queer spheres3 BIMBOX
disavows a shared experience of non-heterosexuality between these two identities.
Consequently., one cannot employ the term 'queer5 as a metaphor in absentia in
order to evoke the referents of the terms 'lesbian3 and egay33 nor can the referents of
the term 'queer5 be lesbians and gays (a use of metaphor in praesentia). Furthermore3
a metaphor of comparison cannot be used to compare the referents of the sign
'queer5 to the referents of the signs 'lesbian5 and 'gay5. By defaming a denoted
lesbian/gay referent^ BIMBOX maintains a crucial distance between queer and
monosexual realities—a distinction which is lost through the metaphorical use of the
word 'queer.3
The writers of a zine called QT also declare that identifying a lesbian and gay
appropriation of 'queer3 is a crucial aspect of their struggle:
You cannot hide—Queer Terrorists are everywhere3 and we are ferreting
out those amongst 'us3 who are really imposters—lesbians and gay men
trying to pass as queet3 all so they can have monumental status and be
associated with one of the fastest-growing movements in the worid3 homo-
core. With all the excitement, sex3 and revolution this movement brings3
 230 V. K Namaste

It's almost hard toblame these peoplefortrying to pass as queer—they

really do lead such dreadfully boring lives as lesbian/gay. (QT 1992)
Like BIMBOXy QT distinguishes between 'queer3 and lesbian/gay3 Identities. The
zine suggests that these are entirely different realms of existence3 and laments the
monosexual appropriation of a 'queer3 discourse and aesthetic In this intervention
QT contends that some lesbians and gay men attempt to mime queers3 that they 'are
trying to pass as queers3* This is not an appeal to an ahlstorical3 'original3 state of
queernesSo Rather^ QT insists that queer and lesbian/gay Identities are not the same
thing. In the passage clted3 'queer3 is not defined3 although the writers specify that
the referent of this term is not the same as lesbian and/or gay male subjectivity*
While lesbians and gay men use the term 'queer3 to refer to themselves3 the writers
of QT use it as a catachresis to show the Implicit limits of a denotative sexual
politics*
Queer-punk culture contains many examples which explain the rhetorical differ-
ences between metaphor and catachresis3 and which further relates these processes
to the question of politics. In certain lnstances3 these Interventions can appear to be
quite scandalous3 as In this example from BIMBOX:
FACT: All victims of gay bashing DESERVE what they get. All victims of
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queer bashing are unfortunate cases of mistaken Identity. (1992)

Here3 BIMBOX suggests that we need to distinguish between the referents of the
terms 'lesbian/gay3 and 'queer3. In the view of the BIMBOX edltors3 the word
nnppf n n p c mc\1r ff'TP'T' tr\ l ^ c r M d n c cturtiH CTQ\T tmtp'n ¥?c8t'1rip>T* it" 10 I I C P / I 00 CJ r ^ t d r h f A c i c t~f\
OULCtl UUCa ilUL 1C1C1 LLJ ICoUldilQ dllUL H a y 111C11. JXdLllCi.«j I I I s UoCil d o d t*/dLdL.IiICoio> Lii

indicate a subcultural and political anti-authoritarian identity. But when most

people use the term £queer?3 particularly lesbian and gay activists in the early 1990s3
Liicy i c i c i 10 icaoid-Hb diiti g«y iiicii. oiiice uiih cuiiitibiuii ib njimiiuiij diio. biiiLc ii

ehiLciDiiaiiea Liic baiiic leicreiiL l o r Liic Lcniib ULieei « icbuidn ^ duo. Hdy , i n e ecuiors 01

BIMBOX respond with a witty attack on the referents of the terms lesbian 3 and
'gay'o In this way3 BIMBOX ust^, the terms 'lesbian3 and 'gay3 to denote lesbians and
gay men3 while the word 'queer3 is used catachrestlcally3 with no literal referent In
mind. One can only interpret the BIMBOX statement to be homophobic when
i|U.CCI ib IlHsICdtl dllU. 11U iUIigCI LlIitlCIbLOOU. do d Ld.Ld.i/IirCbIao

he naming ot one queer-punk activist group— Bitch Nation—offers one exam-

ple of the ways In which a colonization of the term 'queer3 can be resisted. If the
term 'queer' of QN Is collapsed Into the referent for the terms 'lesblan/gay33 and if
this understanding of the term Is hegemonic within lesbian/gay communltlesj then
queer-punks may be forced to abandon the term 'queer3 altogether. An interview
with Jena von Brucker and GB Jones criticizes QN In this regard: 'We are angry at
those awful people at Queer Nation33 says von Brucker. 'They stole our word33
continues Jones. 'While there Is a few [sic] ok Individuals at Queer Nation3 they are
for the most part clones In queer's clothing3 (quoted In BIMBOX 1992). Advance
publicity for Bitch Nation Indicates an awareness of how mainstream lesbian and gay
a i 3 & o
fL/UililllLlIliLlCo
ntnniiinitipc Vici\7'<
UaVC r i f ^ f i i n v f r i dllUi
U.CIJi!JyGU a n r l lf"tiiicirp>f"iiPP
llloiClJiC cp»i"ii1hp><rl
o d l L C I J . ^fin^f^t*
UUCCI \7^r°ail^n1ciit^flf
V U L a U u l d l l C c; csnn<rl iirlp>'tTit"iit"i^c
o dllU. iULCIlLlLlCo.

...don't even bother trying to assimilate any aspect of Bitch Nation In a

 Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes 231

futile attempt to make your paltry careers or lame causes appear more
glamorous or exciting. We won't hesitate to prosecute and the Bitch
Nation court is now in session! (QT 1992)
If the use of metaphor invokes a literal referent for the term 'queer3., the adjective
and noun 'Bitch5 represents something else altogether. This use of the term 'Bitch'
forces people to imagine a kind of sexual politics which is not limited to, defined by3
or premised upon., lesbians and gay men.
A catachrestic use of the term 'queer5 within queer-punk culture envisions a broad
community of individuals working against heterosexism. In this manner., there is a
direct relation between rhetoric—how discourse is organized., expressed., and Inter-
preted—and politics. Unfortunately 3 these relations between rhetoric and politics
have been elided in recent academic considerations of the concept 'queer3.
Critic Alexander Doty3 for Instance., contends that the term 'queer3 must necess-
arily remain an elastic site. He writes of 'the audience for (as well as the producers
of) "queercore33 publications, who individually and collectively often seem to com-
bine reactionary and radical attitudes3 (1993: 15). Although Doty does not specify
which zines he has in mind3 and although he offers no historical analysis of
queer-punk culture., he is probably referring to publications like BIMBOX3 JDs3 and
Homocore3 given their wide distribution In recent years. His characterization of
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queercore zines as simultaneously 'reactionary and radical3 relies on a superficial

reading of these publications., one which would equate the BIMBOX call for
gay-bashing with homophobia. By attending to the rhetorical strategies deployed by
the producers of these zines3 and by contrasting these to those used by lesbians and
gay men (Including Doty himself), we can better appreciate queer-punk claims to
political Intervention. Once we grasp that queer-punks are challenging the political
project of lesbians and gay men (a project which Involves the relfication of the terms
and Identities 'lesbian3 and cgay3)3 our analysis of queercore can be more subtle than
an oxymoronic combination of 'reactionary and radical attitudes3.
To Ignore the different uses of the term 'queer3 Is to appropriate queercore to the
very political and semiotlc project In interrogates. Doty disregards the catachrestic
strategies of queercore3 absorbing them into metaphor. He refuses to define a 'queer3
political agenda., preferring instead a vague concept of pluralism:
Any 'queerer than thou3 attitude, based on politics, style3 sexual behavior3
or any other quality3 can only make queemess become something other
than an open and flexible space ... a conservative gay white male's response
to Mel Gibson's star image Is as queer as one of Sadie Bennlng3s punkish
'baby-dyke3 videos. (1993: xv)
What Doty does not understand Is that. In 1993, queerness was already Inflected
with certain styles., politics, and sexual behaviours. It was metaphorically assimilated
to lesbian and gay realities, perhaps best represented in Doty3s proclamation that a
gay white man's response to Mel Gibson falls under the rubric 'queer3. Since he pays
no attention to the different rhetorical uses of a 'queer3 label3 Doty merely assumes
that queer-punks use the term in the same way as lesbians and gay men. Paradoxl-
 232 V. K. Namaste

cally3 Doty privileges lesbian and gay male identities and politics even as he claims
to remain 'open and flexible3.
In direct contrast to Doty's use of the term 'queer33 catachrestic deployments of
the word draw our attention not merely to what the word 'queer' denotes. Rather.,
these examples ask us to think about how that sign circulates within various
communities—queer3 punk3 lesbian3 gay—and to what political endSo11 In the
language of semiotics3 such a strategy focuses on the production of an utterance
(I'enonciatiori) rather than limiting itself to the content of a statement {Fenonce)}2

Conclusion

It is noteworthy that current 'queer3 debates within lesbian and gay communities
(QN) and theories (Queer Theory) do not direct our attention to the production of
the sign 'queer3 (Venonciation)* In contrast^, they squabble over what it means3 as
when Kader & Piontek (1992) contend that it elides lesbian specificity., or when
Doty (1993) claims that it cannot exclude conservative gay white male responses to
Mel Gibson, From a social semiotic perspective3 what is perhaps most remarkable
about the queer debates is this consistent refusal to account for the locations within
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which categories such as 'queer3 achieve their currency.

It is here that rhetorical theory proves most valuable. Theories of metaphor and
catachresis help us to understand how relations of association are established among
queers and lesbians/gays. This theoretical knowledge is directly relevant for the
realm of politics3 since rhetorical theory can explain the implicit conceptions of
sexual politics embedded in different rhetorical uses of the term 'queer3. While queer
theories and activism make use of metaphor to associate queers and lesbians/gays3
queer-punks employ the term catachrestically3 as a metaphor for which no literal
referent exists. Lesbians and gays who call themselves 'queer3 assimilate and equate
the referents of 'queer3 and 'lesbian and gay5 sexual identities and politics: an
association which should make us question whether Queer Theory and politics are
as radical and inclusive as they claim to be. The rhetorical use of the term 'queer3
within queer-punk discourse., in contrast, cannot be reduced to a lesbian/gay
political framework or agenda.
Antiheterosexist advocates who seek to develop a truly inclusive., broad-based
coalition of sexual minorities3 then3 would do well to reflect on the rhetorical use of
language. As I hope to have demonstrated in this paper3 particular rhetorical
strategies belie specific political agendas.

Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Barbara Havercroft for encouraging me to apply rhetorical
theory to the fields of Queer Theory and queer activism3 as well as her detailed
readings of earlier versions of this text. Any errors in interpretation, of course.,
remain my own responsibility.
 Use andAbuse of Queer Tropes 233

Notes
[1] University of Illinois at Urbana-Champagne, 2-4 April 1992.
[2] This reading of de Lauretis is indebted to numerous conversations with M. du Plessis.
[3] University Of Toronto, 13-15 May 1993.
[4] I do not wish to suggest that people who call themselves 'queer-punk' are the only
individuals who use the term 'queer' catachrestically. See, for instance, the writings of
bisexual activists Carol Queen (1991) and Elizabeth Daumer (1992). Due to limitations of
space, however, I shall limit my discussion of the term 'queer' to its use within lesbian/gay
activist and theoretical contexts, contrasting these uses with those proposed by queer-
punks. A more in-depth study of the term 'queer', of course, would consider other
locations in which the word is cited.
[5] Translation: 'catachresis is a gap words make in their first meanings, to take another that
has some relation to it, which is also known as extension'.
[6] Translation: 'Each preposition has its first meaning; it has its principal destination, its first
own meaning; and then, by extension, by imitation, by abuse, in a word, by catachresis, it
is used to mark other relations which have some analogy to the principal destination of the
preposition...'.
[7] Translation: 'In general, catachresis consists of a sign which is already related to a first idea,
related to a new idea which itself has no or has no other meaning in language. It is, therefore,
any trope whose use is forced and necessary, any trope which results in a purely extended
meaning'.
[8] Translation: 'There exists in language a certain number of required metaphors, which is to
say words that we use, in modifying their original meaning, to designate a reality for which
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there is no appropriate term. This required figure is called catachresis'.

[9] I offer a more in-depth historical investigation of the emergence of queer-punk identity in
my Ph.D. thesis, 'Deconstructive Que(e)ries: Identity, Social Semiotics, and Queer-Punk
Culture', Doctorat en Sémiologie, Université du Quebec a Montreal, 1995.
[10] See, however, Chapter 4 of my thesis for a consideration of queer-punk discourse prior to
1990 (Namaste 1995).
[11] Queer-punk culture is deeply invested in anticapitalist strategies. An examination of the
social semiotics of such strategies is offered in my Ph.D. thesis (Namaste 1995).
[12] On the distinction between l'énonciation and l'énoncé, and its import for a social semiotic
perspective, see van Schendel (1987).

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