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1B Statutory Construction Module 1
1B Statutory Construction Module 1
1B Statutory Construction Module 1
MODULE 1
1. David v. Arroyo, G.R. No. 171396, May 3, 2006
Presidential Decrees issued by the President in the exercise of his
legislative power during the period of martial law under 1973 Constitution
have the binding force as statutes in accordance to Presidential
Proclamation 1081.
2. Sanidad v. COMELEC, G.R. No. L-44640, October 12, 1976
Any amendment to, or revision of the Constitution may be proposed by
the Batasang Pambansa upon the vote of three-fourths of all its Members,
or by a constitutional convention. Any amendment to, or revision of, the
Constitution shall be valid when ratified by the majority of the votes cast
in a plebiscite which shall be held not later than three months after the
approval of such amendment of revision.
3. Chavez v. Judicial and Bar Council, G.R. No. 202242, April 16, 2013
It is a well-settled principle of constitutional construction that the language
employed in the Constitution must be given their ordinary meaning except
where technical terms are employed.―One of the primary and basic rules
in statutory construction is that where the words of a statute are clear,
plain, and free from ambiguity, it must be given its literal meaning and
applied without attempted interpretation. It is a well-settled principle of
constitutional construction that the language employed in the Constitution
must be given their ordinary meaning except where technical terms are
employed. As much as possible, the words of the Constitution should be
understood in the sense they have in common use. What it says
according to the text of the provision to be construed compels acceptance
and negates the power of the courts to alter it, based on the postulate that
the framers and the people mean what they say. Verba legis non est
recedendum―from the words of a statute there should be no departure
4. Tolentino v. Secretary of Finance, 235 SCRA 630
It is not the law, but the revenue bill which is required by the Constitution
to “originate exclusively” in the House of Representatives. It is important
to emphasize this because a bill originating in the House may undergo
such extensive changes in the Senate that the result may be a rewriting
of the whole. What is important to note is that, as a result of the Senate
action, a distinct bill will be produced. To insist that a revenue statute must
be the same as the House bill would be to deny the Senate’s power not
only to “concur with amendments” but also to “propose amendments.”
5. In re: Cunanan, 94 Phil. 534
Limitations on the Legislative Power:
The Constitution has not conferred on Congress and this Tribunal equal
responsibilities governing the admission to the practice of law. The
primary power and responsibility which the Constitution recognizes,
continue to reside in this court. Congress may repeal, alter and
supplement the rules promulgated by this court, but the authority and
responsibility over the admission, suspension, disbarment and
reinstatement of attorneys-at-law and their supervision remain vested in
the Supreme Court
2. The power to appropriate funds can only be made through a law, and
the power to enact a law is purely a legislative power.
7. Belgica v. Ochoa, G.R. No. 208566, November 19, 2013
‘Separation of Powers’ – Any provision of the law that authorizes
Congress (or its members) to execute or implement law or governmental
policies, which in its nature is vested upon the powers of the Execuitve
branch, violates the principle of separation of powers and is consequently
deemed unconstitutional.
8. Abakada Guro Party-list v. Purisima, G.R. No. 166715, August 14, 2008, 562
SCRA 251
Separation of powers is a legal doctrine under constitutional law which
separates the three branches of the government being the executive,
legislative and judicial. This is a system to keep the checks and balances
to keep each branch’s certain powers in check and balance the other
branches.
9. Datu Michael Abas Kida v. Senate, G.R. No. 19671, October 18, 2011, 659
SCRA 270
The Constitutional mandate of when the local and national elections are
to be held is synchronous to the ARMM elections.
CASE TITLE PROF. RANDOLF S. DAVID vs. G.R NO. G.R. No. 171396
GLORIA MACAPAGAL-ARROYO
PONENTE SANDOVAL-GUTIERREZ, J DATE: May 3, 2006
DOCTRINE Presidential Decrees issued by the President in the exercise of his
legislative power during the period of martial law under 1973
Constitution have the binding force as statutes in accordance to
Presidential Proclamation 1081.
FACTS On February 24, 2006, as the nation celebrated the 20th Anniversary
of the Edsa People Power I, President Arroyo issued Presidential
Proclamation (PP) 1017 declaring a state of national emergency.
Respondents stated that the proximate cause behind the executive
issuances was the conspiracy among some military officers, leftist
insurgents of the New People’s Army (NPA), and some members of
the political opposition in a plot to unseat or assassinate President
Arroyo. The Office of the President announced the cancellation of all
programs and activities related to the 20th anniversary celebration of
Edsa People Power I; and revoked the permits to hold rallies issued
earlier by the local governments. On March 3, 2006, President Arroyo
issued PP 1021 declaring that the state of national emergency has
ceased to exist. Petitioners Randolf S. David, et al. assailed PP 1017
on the grounds that (1) it encroaches on the emergency powers of
Congress; (2) itis a subterfuge to avoid the constitutional requirements
for the imposition of martial law; and (3) it violates the constitutional
guarantees of freedom of the press, of speech and of assembly.
ISSUE/S WON PP 1017 is constitutional?
RULING/S The Court holds that President Arroyo’s issuance of PP 1021 did not
render the present petitions moot and academic as it did not have the
requisites under the moot and academic principle.
This provision pertains to the power of the President to ensure that the
laws be faithfully executed. This is based on Section 17, Article VII
which reads:
SEC. 17. The President shall have control of all the executive
departments, bureaus, and offices. He shall ensure that the laws be
faithfully executed.
On October 5, 1976, the Solicitor General filed the comment for the
respondent Commission on Elections, that the petitioners have no
standing to sue the issue raised is political in nature, beyond judicial
cognizance of the court. The General Solicitor General also asserts
that the state of transition period, only the incumbent President has the
authority to exercise constitute power; the referendum-plebiscite is a
step towards normalization.
ISSUE/S 1. Whether or not the constitutionality of P.D Nos. 991, 1031 and
1033 justiciable?
2. Whether or not the President possess power to propose
amendments to the constitution as well as set up the required
machinery and prescribe the procedure for the ratification of the
proposals by the people during the present stage of the
transition period under, the environmental circumstances ?
3. Is the submission to the people of the proposed amendments
within the time frame allowed thereof a sufficient and proper
submission?
RULING/S 1. Yes, 7 Justices held that the issue of the constitutionality of
P.D’s are justiciable while the three Justices held the view that
the question is political.
2. Upon the second issue the 7 Justices voted in affirmative, while
the 2 Justices voted in the negative. Associate Justice
Fernando, conformably to his concurring and dissenting opinion
in Aquino vs. Enrile (59 SCRA 183), specifically dissents from
the proposition that there is concentration of powers in the
Executive during the period of crisis, thus raising serious doubts
as to the power of the President to propose amendments.
3. Upon the third issue the 6 Justices view that there is a sufficient
and proper submission of proposed amendments for ratification
by the people. The 2 Justices expressed the hope, however that
the period of time may be extended.
Section 8 (1) Article 8 is clear and unambiguous and does not need
any further interpretation.
The provision provides for the creation of a JBC and its composition
where the regular members are enumerated: a representative of the
Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired member of the Court and a
representative from the private sector. On the second part lies the crux
of the present controversy. It enumerates the ex officio or special
members of the JBC composed of the Chief Justice, who shall be its
Chairman, the Secretary of Justice and “a representative of Congress.”
It is not the law, but the revenue bill which is required by the
Constitution to “originate exclusively” in the House of Representatives.
It is important to emphasize this because a bill originating in the House
may undergo such extensive changes in the Senate that the result may
be a rewriting of the whole. What is important to note is that, as a result
of the Senate action, a distinct bill will be produced. To insist that a
revenue statute must be the same as the House bill would be to deny
the Senate’s power not only to “concur with amendments” but also to
“propose amendments.” It would also be to violate the coequality of
legislative power of the two houses of Congress and in fact make the
House superior to the State.
In July 2013, allegations for corruption with the regard the Pork Barrel
funds were exposed by whistle blowers lead by Benhur Luy. The
expose centered on the facilitation of Janet Lim Napoles in helping
lawmakers channel their Pork Barrel funds into fake NGO’s (non-
government organizations) to make it appear that legitimate projects
are being funded but are in fact going into spurious and non-existent
projects. Consequently, the Commission on Audit looked into the
matter and its findings concurred with the exposes of Luy and his
companions. Subsequently, Greco Belgica and several others filed
varying petitions before the Supreme Court challenging the
constitutionality of the pork barrel system.
ISSUE/S 1. Whether or not the congressional pork barrel system is
constitutional?
Any action or step beyond that will undermine the separation of powers
guaranteed by the Constitution. Legislative vetoes fall in this class.
The petitioners also contended that the ARMM elections are not
covered by the constitutional mandate of synchronization because the
ARMM elections were not specifically mentioned in the Transitory
Provisions of the Constitution.
ISSUE/S 1. Whether or not the synchronization of the ARMM regional
elections with the national and local elections is mandated in the
Constitution
2. Whether or not RA 10153 amends RA 9054.
3. Whether or not the holdover provision is RA 9054 is
constitutional
4. Whether or not COMELEC has the power to call for special
elections in ARMM.
5. Whether or not the power of the President to appoint OICs
violate the elective and representative nature of ARMM regional
legislative and executive offices.
6. Whether or not the appointment power granted to the President
exceed the President’s supervisory powers over autonomous
regions.
RULING/S 1. The Supreme Court held that the Constitution mandates the
synchronization of national and local elections, and that also
includes the ARMM elections. While the Constitution does not
expressly instruct Congress to synchronize the national
elections, the intention can be inferred in Secs. 1, 2, and 5 of
Article XVIII of the 1987 Constitution.