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Prose Studies: History, Theory, Criticism

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From Panchamars to Dalit

Krishnamurthy Alamelu Geetha
Published online: 24 Nov 2011.

To cite this article: Krishnamurthy Alamelu Geetha (2011): From Panchamars to Dalit, Prose
Studies: History, Theory, Criticism, 33:2, 117-131

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 Krishnamurthy Alamelu Geetha

FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT:

The Evolution of Tamil Dalit writing

Dalit writing in Tamil Nadu is considered young compared with the other regions in India.
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Recent studies reveal, however, that Dalit consciousness and sensibility in Tamil Nadu
predated Ambedkar’s struggle against caste oppression in Maharashtra. Well ahead of his
time, Dalit intellectuals in Tamil Nadu in the later nineteenth century preceded
Ambedkar’s disillusionment with Hinduism and subsequent conversion to Buddhism. In the
early decades of the twentieth century, a group of intellectuals (identifying themselves as
Panchamars) from Tamil Dalit communities were working toward the emancipation of their
fellow citizens. Predominant among them was Iyothee Thass Pandithar who was
instrumental in spreading a distinct Dalit sensibility and consciousness. It is generally
observed that Tamil Dalit writing which was conspicuous during the period of Iyothee Thass
Pandithar in the early years of the twentieth century failed to sustain its drive in the middle
years. The dormancy in Tamil Dalit writing is attributed to the alignment of Tamil Dalits
with the various political and social movements between the 1930s and 1970s until they
regained a distinct voice in the closing decades of the twentieth century. While there has
been considerable research on the writings of Iyothee Thass Pandithar, Tamil Dalit writings
after his period have received less attention. This paper discusses the writings of Tamil
Dalits in the middle years of the twentieth century (when it was considered to be dormant)
and analyses the reasons for the emergence of a distinct Tamil Dalit political and literary
movement in the last decades of the twentieth century.

Keywords Tamil Dalit; Tamil Dalit literary history; Panchamars; Adi

Dravidars; Tamil Dalit literature

In the last decades of the nineteenth century, Colonial India was entering modernity
through the agency of imperialism. Aloysius points out that modernity brought with it
principles of egalitarianism which democratized and rationalized the socio-cultural
universe of the people of modern India (4). The egalitarian principles of modernity
facilitated the emergence of social groups (like Dalits) which had till then suffered a
relegated status in society. G. Aloysius remarks that though the relegated groups were
never passive even in a pre-modern society, in the new scenario of modernity they
actively engaged in interrogating and confronting hegemonic traditions and practices
(Aloysius 6). He refers to Ferguson’s description of “modernity as an endless project of
self-realization” and “the continuous unfolding of the fundamental postulate of human
self-autonomy” that initiates a process of modern subjectivity (Aloysius 8). Aloysius
confines his definition of subjectivity to sociology, which indicates a new and a different
state of individual and collective existence. Emergence in subjectivity from pre-

Prose Studies, Vol. 33, No. 2 August 2011, pp. 117-131

ISSN 0144-0357 print/ISSN 1743-9426 online q 2011 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2011.632220
 118 PROSE STUDIES

modern to a modern state refers to a passage from a state of passivity and receptivity to
a state of being a subject; a transition which enables an actualization of selfhood.
Aloysius discerns three dimensions in the emergence of modern subjectivity. The
first dimension is “reflexivity,” indicating the acumen in an individual to critically
evaluate and discover meaning in his or her existence. It enables him or her to
“criticize, differentiate, oppose, protest, reject and revolt” (Aloysius 7). The second is
“expressivity,” or articulating and asserting one’s presence, resulting in inviting
interrogation or demanding assent from the dominant “other” of the society. The third
dimension is “actualization” in which the self-generated thinking and articulation of an
individual are directed toward activity by staking his or her legitimate claim in the
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modern state. It is in this individuating activity, which helps in discriminating and

differentiating, that the “self” is created and sustained. Modern subjectivity is thus the
activation of human agency directed toward self-determination within the constraints
of given circumstances (Aloysius 8).
The early twentieth century was a significant period in the history of the Dalit
liberation movement. From 1909 there emerged a number of Dalit (then referred to as
“Depressed classes” by the colonial government) liberation movements across the
subcontinent. The organizations became widespread due to the spread of English
education and public employment among the Depressed classes which were made
possible during the colonial rule. Their ideology was disseminated through print
culture and the period witnessed a proliferation of journals published by the Depressed
classes. The various castes classified as Depressed classes in the colonial period
converged to form a unified caste identity to facilitate empowerment and liberation of
their social groups. In the last decades of nineteenth-century Tamil Nadu witnessed the
emergence of a distinct identity and subjectivity of the Tamil untouchables,1 when
modernity acquired a crucial significance for the Depressed classes.
Nearly two decades before Ambedkar’s crusade against untouchability in
Maharashtra, there were distinct voices of protest in Tamil Nadu against the
discrimination suffered by Depressed classes, who were referred to in Tamil as
taazhtapattor (those who are considered low) or odukkapattor (those who are separated
or cast out from society). Similar to the Depressed classes organizations in other
regions of India, a unified caste organization was formed by the various untouchable
castes in Tamil Nadu in the 1920s. The organizations articulated the problems and
demands of the Depressed classes in Tamil Nadu.

Pioneering protest – Iyothee Thass Pandithar

Pioneering efforts to protest against caste hierarchy were initiated by a group of educated
Parayars (a Scheduled Caste in Tamil Nadu) intellectuals who had moved to the cities in
the 1890’s (Gautaman 13; Sajan 25). Prominent among them was Iyothee Thass
Pandithar. Iyothee Thass Pandithar endeavored to build a new casteless Tamil society
based on his research on the literary, social, and religious caste histories of ancient Tamil
Nadu. His re-readings of ancient Tamil history enabled to spread ideas of socialism,
rationality and modernity in colonial India. In the last decades of the nineteenth century,
Iyothee Thass Pandithar raised a distinct protest against Manudharmic Brahminism, and
fought for the dignity and rights of the “untouchable communities.” Most importantly he
 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 119

insisted that the “untouchable communities” in Tamil Nadu must identity themselves as
Panchamars (fifth Caste). A contemporary of Jyotiba Phule, Iyothee Thass has been a great
source of inspiration for Ambedkar, who was born nearly 40 years after Iyothee Thass.
Iyothee Thass Pandithar published a journal called Oru Paisa Tamizhan from 1907 to
1914 (later published by his friends from 1926 to 1934) in which he interrogated the
established notions of Brahminical superiority, purity and dominance. Oru paisa
Tamizhan (later Tamizhan) provided a space for Panchamar intellectuals to vehemently
denounce Brahminical ideals and notions of Swadeshi ideals.2 These vituperative
criticisms against Brahminism anticipated and paved the way for E.V. Ramasami
Naicker’s (Periyar) anti-Brahmin movement and the Self-respect movement, which
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followed a decade later. It is striking to note that a distinct Panchamar politics and
sensibility aroused by Panchamar intellectuals like Iyothee Thass Pandithar in the early
decades of the nineteenth century, failed to sustain its drive in the middle years. Their
alignment with the Self-respect and later with the Marxist movements suppressed their
distinct voices.

Panchamars to Adi Dravidars

The 1920s was a period of social reforms and anti-caste movements and this context
provided an opportune climate for the emergence of “Adi” movements mobilized by
untouchable communities throughout India. The untouchable communities sought to
deconstruct the myth of their lowly status by bringing to light their glorious past
subjugated by the Aryan invaders. Similar to the Ad Dharm movement in Punjab and
the Namashudra movement in Bengal, the Adi Dravida movement began in Tamil
Nadu. On 20 January 1922 Parayar leaders like M.C. Raja succeeded in changing the
term Panchamars to Adi Dravidars (Mohan 46 –8). The appellation Adi Dravidars or
“Adi Dravidas” continued to remain a blanket term for all the untouchable communities
till it was substituted in 1935 with the term Scheduled castes. Though the Adi
movements organized in the 1920s were from diverse regions they had certain
common themes. The Adi movements claimed that the Depressed classes were the
original inhabitants of the land and had inherent traditions of casteless society which
was based on the notions of equality and unity. Their egalitarian casteless society was
suppressed by the Aryan invaders who brought caste hierarchy to the continent. The
movement brought to light the glorious past of the untouchable castes and the
magnitude of caste norms which relegated them to the lowest status in Hindu society
(Patankar and Omvedt 13– 6).

Adi Dravida journals

It is evident that the early twentieth century had been witness to a prominent and
specific politics and identity of the Adi Dravidas which was to create a strong impact in
the cultural and political circles decades later. There was a spate of journals published
by Adi Dravidas in the early decades of the twentieth century, like Tamilan (1907),
Anror Mitran (1910), Adi Dravidan (1919), Dinabandhu (1924), Adi Dravida Mitran
(1939), Jai beem (1940), and Theendathar Thuyaram (1945). The journals enabled Dalits
 120 PROSE STUDIES

to spread ideas of liberation and empowerment among Adi Dravidas and thus played a
pivotal role in augmenting the sensibility and consciousness of Adi Dravida politics and
identity. Articles voiced the discontent against the dominant caste order and represented
the Adi Dravidas as a new political force against the dominant castes. Except for Oru Paisa
Tamizhan and Tamizhan and a few issues of Parayan most of the journals were lost with the
passage of time. If only the other journals were available we could have learnt more about
the history and politics of the Adi Dravidas of the early decades of twentieth century.

Beginnings of Adi Dravida literature

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Dalit literary writing has existed (as Adi Dravida literature) since the 1930s. V.V.
Murugesa Bhagavathar’s Adi Dravida Samuga Seerthirutha Geethangal, written in 1931, is
regarded as one of the early works in Tamil Dalit literature (Arasu 146; Sajan 25). This
collection of poems highlights the caste discrimination and practices of untouchabilty
prevalent in that period. Commenting on the work, M.C. Raja, leader of the Adi
Dravidars writes,

From my reading of V.V. Murugesa Bhagavathar’s “Adi Dravida Samuga

Seerthirutha Geethangal”, I find that these verses excel in content, style and
language. It is commendable that such a knowledgeable text is written in simple
language. Since it is written in simple language and style, students will benefit if it is
included in the university syllabus. (Translation mine. Bhagavathar, IV)

In his review of the book published in Kudi Arasu (dtd. 22 February 31) Periyar writes,

The verses expose the irrationality in the practice of untouchability, the present
state of Adi Dravidars and the importance of education for their liberation and
upliftment. The verses are written in simple Tamil and set to good music. The
poems reflect the values and principles of the Self-respect movement and the book
should be read by all those who are interested in the progress of untouchables.
(Translation mine. Bhagavathar, V)

V.V. Murugesa Bhagavathar in his preface explains the reasons behind writing these
poems:

Recently I visited some villages and was a witness to the atrocities committed by
the upper castes against our people. I found that our people were treated worse
than animals. Most of our men, women and children are illiterate and fall prey to
the manipulations of the upper castes and suffer endless exploitation. . . . This book
seeks to bring an awareness of our deplorable conditions and to instill in our
youngsters a sense of unity, motivation and rejuvenation . . . (Translation mine.
Bhagvathar vxiii)

In the songs “Jathi Kodumai” (Evils of Caste) and “Kanvizhipeer” (Keep your eyes open)
Bhagavathar exposes the manner and degree of caste discrimination that alienates Adi
 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 121

Dravidars from mainstream society. The songs seek to instill among Adi Dravidars an
awareness of their subjugation and motivate them to work toward their liberation.

Evils of caste
Chorus
Pathetic! Pathetic! The Evils of caste in this world.
Stanza
In spite of having a sixth sense,
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You are not different.

While you laud the devotion of Nandanar,3 We, who slave for you and
Live forever in poverty
are barred entry into temples,
Pigs, dogs and buffaloes are
worthy of your touch,
While our very presence defiles you.
Are we also not your god’s creation?
You bathe in the Ganges
Sing praises of god and
Read the holy books
Only to learn nothing of
Love, humanity and equality.
You offer pongal4 to your gods
and still keep us in starvation.
All god’s creation were equal,
till traitors intercepted
and pushed us to the bottom.
Everything here is modern
Under the rule of the British
Ships and trains post and telegraphs,
Universities and hospitals.
It is time for us to rise,
This is your thondan 5 Murugesan calling you
to fight for equality. (Translation mine. Bhagavathar, 2 – 3)

Keep your eyes open

Chorus
Adi Dravidare, keep your eyes open
Let us join and work together
Refrain
Let us fight against
Those unjust people
who call themselves upper castes.
Stanza
Let us proclaim that
We are Adi Thamizhar
 122 PROSE STUDIES

Let us be united as a family and

mobilize volunteers and funds
Let us be courageous and
Fight for equality
Even if it be attained
at the cost of our lives.
Let us abstain from liquor
and work towards progress.
Let us educate ourselves and be
Dauntless in action.
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Let us interrogate how

The upper castes
Became rich and superior.
Let us not forget that while
We drank sour porridge
Our master was relishing rice and pongal
Reaped from our labor.
Let us rise firmly like brave lions and
Put an end to our slavish existence
Let us March towards rationality and equality and
Put an end to our superstitions
Let us read newspapers everyday and
Work towards our country’s progress.
It is time for all good deeds and action
As you are listening to Murugesan’ song.
(Translation mine. Bhagavathar, 17– 18)

Adi Dravidas and the non-Brahmin movement

The protest against Brahmin hegemony and their Manudharmic caste division begun by
Panchamar intellectuals like Iyothee Thass Pandithar, Rettamalai Srinivasan, Murugesa
Bhagavathar and Rev. John Ratnam Maduriar was a great inspiration not only to Adi
Dravidas but also to non-Brahmin leaders like E.V. Ramasami Naicker (Periyar).
Prominent among the non-Brahmin leaders was E.V. Ramasami Naicker, who
began his political career with the Congress party, but soon realized that the congress
was pro-Brahminic and that it sidelined non-Brahmins. In 1916, dissatisfied with the
congress’s attitude toward non-Brahmins, its leaders left the congress and formed the
South Indian People Welfare Association. Simultaneously, the new Justice Movement
was established.
Since Iyothee Thass and his contemporary Panchama Intellectuals had already
begun to interrogate the established traditions of Brahminism as early as the 1890s, the
non-Brahmin association endeavored to form a non-Brahmin fraternity which would
comprise both the caste Hindus and Panchamars. The Madras Adi Dravida Mahajana
Sabha of which M.C. Raja was a prominent member responded favorably to join the
Justice party (Geetha and Rajadurai, Towards a Non-Brahmin Millennium 175 – 6).
 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 123

Operating under a common banner, both the non-Brahmins and Panchamars urged the
British for communal representation.
The Justice party headed by the non-Brahmins took up the demands and concerns
of the Panchamars. However, the Justice party’s dream of constituting a unified non-
Brahmin fraternity was not completely fulfilled since the tensions and differences
between the non-Brahmins and Adi Dravidas was accentuated by various factors. The
Justice party was anti-brahminical and endeavored to form a non- Brahmin fraternity.
But their efforts ran into troubled waters when the Adi Dravidas realized that Justicites
observed caste hierarchy and considered Adi Dravidas inferior. This was reflected when
the Adi Dravidas were given secondary status in the movement. Adi Dravida leaders
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like M.C. Raja blamed the Justicites for the low representation of the Adi Dravidas in
the Madras council and local bodies and noted that they had not been nominated to any
of the committees set up by Justicites. The relationship between the two was further
aggravated when the strike in the Buckingham and Carnatic mills triggered clashes
between caste Hindus and Adi Dravidas in 1921. The clashes (in Pulianthope) exposed
their traditional positions of domination and subordination and widened the gap
between the Justicites and Adi Dravidas. The Justice party’s endeavor to devise a
credible ideological alternative to Brahminism was not fulfilled until the advent of the
Self-respect movement.

Self-respect movement and the Adi – Dravidas

In 1927 at a conference of the Justice party held at Coimbatore, E.V. Ramasami Naicker
(henceforth referred to as Periyar) suggested that it would be better if the party divided
itself into two distinct organizations. One would carry out political responsibilities and
the other would work toward social reform. Periyar found this distinction necessary
because even those political parties, which professed to transform the existing social
order were forced to compromise on their principles for political gains. As a result of
this decision the Self-Respect – Samadaharma party was launched in 1932.
The Self-respect movement vehemently attacked the existing social systems of religion,
caste and gender and articulated a rationalistic world-view which would pave the way for a
radical change in the social order. The Self-Respect movement headed by Periyar strongly
denounced Brahmin ideology and interrogated the established notions of caste and religion.
They critiqued the religious Scriptures, Vedas, Itihas, Puranas religious festivals, rituals,
practices and traditions. In this they resembled the Panchama intellectuals like Iyothee Thass
Pandithar, Masilamani and Maduraiar. Periyar and the Self-respecters envisaged a
samadharmic society, where rights, claims and responsibilities would be equal; a new
egalitarian community which would function as an alternative to the Brahmin caste order.

Adi Dravida articles in Kudi Arasu

Adi Dravida leaders appreciated the zeal and social commitment of the Self-respect
movement and urged Adi Dravidas to support it. They became a vital part of the Self-
respect movement and participated in the major struggles launched by the movement.
The Adi Dravida intellectuals had regularly articulated their concerns in the journals
 124 PROSE STUDIES

like Oru Paisa Tamizhan, Parayan, Adi Dravidan and Vazhikattovone that Adi Dravida
intellectuals had actively published in the early part of the century. After they joined
the Self-respect movement, the Adi Dravida intellectuals began to voice their views in
the Self-Respecters’ journal Kudi Arasu.
Kudi Arasu continued the virulent criticism that Tamizhan had initiated against Vedic
Brahminism. It vehemently criticized the dominant and hegemonic traditions and
practices of Hinduism and laid bare the superstitions and contradictions in it. While
Tamizhan had begun a column to discuss issues pertaining to women, Kudi Arasu went
ahead in spreading through its articles a Self-respect ideology of gender. The articles
touched various themes: female education, Tamil culture, traditions, marriage,
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widowhood and Brahminism.

Adi Dravida woman intellectual – Annapoorani

Kudi Arasu provided a platform for women Self-respecters to articulate their views on
marriage, widowhood and sexuality. The narratives and articles by women Self-
respecters like Neelavathi Ramasubramaniam, Mu. Maragathavalliyar, Kamalakshi and
Trichy Neelavathi interrogated the norms of gender and the inequality prevalent in
Tamil society (Srilata 3 –27). Adi Dravida intellectual Annapoorani was an active
member of the Self-respect movement and regularly wrote on problems related to
women. Annapoorani’s articles reflect her deep concern for women and emphasize the
need to empower them through education. In an article titled, “Inthiya Sagothiragale
Innuma urakkam? Ezhunthirungal! Vizhithirungal” (Indian sisters, are you still asleep?
Wake up! Rise!) Annaporani examines the subjugated status of Indian women and
directs them to rise from their slumber. The world, she says, was reverberating with
socialist ideals and spirit of liberation and women in western countries had proven
themselves intellectually equal to men. Strongly condemning Tamil proverbs like
‘Aduputhum pengaluku padipetherku (why do women who are born to cook need
education?)’ and ‘Pethamai enpathu matharkanikalam (ignorance is an ornament for
women)’ which ridicule and relegate women to a peripheral status in society, she
appeals to women to liberate themselves from unjust and selfish patriarchal norms and
beliefs (Annapoorani 17 July 1932, 5, 16) Annapoorani firmly believed that women can
empower themselves only through education. She observes that in a land which has the
uniqueness of making a woman goddess (Saraswati) responsible for learning and
knowledge, the majority of women have not had formal education. She is anguished
that even those women who enjoy the rare opportunity of being sent to school and
colleges are confined to the domestic sphere, once they are married. A woman who has
spent money on securing an MA is forced to remain subservient to her husband and
serve his needs. Worst is the tendency of those women to confine their reading to
worthless stories like Alli Arasani Malai and Abimannan Chandirimalai, which reiterate
the inferiority of women. Annaporani insists that women should be professionally
qualified and not limit themselves to a BA and MA. She also emphasizes that women
should be educated in public affairs and trained to read and write English along with
their mother tongue. (Annapoorani 14 August 1932, 4, 17). The following excerpt is a
translation of Annapoorani’s article in Kudi Arasu:
 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 125

Who wants aunties’ and grandmas’ tales?

What is the status of women’s education in Tamilnadu? In this land where a

woman is worshipped as goddess of knowledge and offered milk payasam6 with
utmost devotion, it becomes imperative to find out what kind of education women
need. No other country has this distinction of worshipping a woman as goddess of
education. There can hardly be one or two women in this country who don’t
worship this goddess. Even if one were to accidentally step on a printed or plain
sheet of paper, he or she immediately exclaims nervously in an apologetic
tone “Oh my, I have trod on Saraswathi! Insulted Kalaivani! Please forgive me
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O goddess!” In a land where Saraswathi Pooja is celebrated, out of hundred people

hardly two women are educated. The statistics is staggering and falls far behind
those in western countries. Is it a shame for us or Kalaivani? Most people in this
society are deliberately preventing women from reading books other than Alli
Arasani, Suravallikathai, Abimannan and Santhanamalai?7 Women are not allowed to
read books on equality or socialism; can’t attend public meetings; can’t go up on
stage. Women who have done MAs are forced to remain at home. The fault lies
not with women, but with men who take great pleasure in controlling women.
Hinduism with its endless and meaningless norms is the pivotal reason for the
servile existence of women. Women can attain freedom only with the death knell
of Hinduism.
There are some women who are Congress leaders and members of round table
conferences. But this is not enough. In a land of 16 crore women what is the use of
the progress of a few women? Hinduism has not only imposed restrictions on
untouchables and pushed them to the bottom; it has equally suppressed women to
the lowest status in the society. It is feared that if women are allowed access to
education, they will outshine men. Hence women are forced to be dependent on
men. Dear ladies, it is high time we come out of these traditions and learn to assert
ourselves. We need to realize that more than a degree in arts (BA or MA) we should
train ourselves in technical education. Let me list out a few important points which
will bring about women’s empowerment.

(1) First, it is imperative for each woman to be given primary education

(2) Whatever be the mother tongue of the woman, Telugu, Kannada, Tamil,
Marathi Tulu or Urdu, she should be well versed in that language.
(3) To improve their knowledge in worldly affairs it is necessary for women to read
books in English. Hence it becomes necessary for women to learn English.
(4) Each woman should be well versed in first- aid to take care of casualties at home.
(5) Apart from BA and MA, women should seek technical qualification. A technical
qualification will fetch them a job immediately.

We should set up an Education centre (Podhu Kalvi) in each village and read out to
women, books and journals, which expound the ideas of rationalism and equality.
We do not want aunties’ and grandmas’ tales which dull our intellect! We need to
realize that what we require is education on par with men and, technical education
which will make us more intelligent and rational.
 126 PROSE STUDIES

(Translation mine. Excerpt from Annapoorani‘s Athaipaati Padippu Yarukku vendum?

Kudi Arasu 14 August 1932, 4, 17)
In an article Entha Natirku undu intha abaayam? (Which country has this danger?)
Annapooranai points out that in response to the global scientific and rational spirit,
people all over the world are charged with notions and ideals of socialism, freedom and
brotherhood. When the world was resonating with principles of liberty and equality,
she points out that Indians are still submerged in irrational and superstitious traditions
and practices like child marriage, casteism, and untouchability and widow oppression
(Annapoorani 10 July 1932, 6, 15, 16). Through her virulent attack on patriarchal
norms and traditions, Annapoorani is one of the first Adi Dravida women to have
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introduced a feminist perspective. The gender concerns that she had articulated in Kudi
Arasu were taken up decades later by Contemporary Dalit feminists like Bama,
Sivakami and Sugirtharani.

Denouncing the nationalist movement in Kudi Arasu

Adi Dravida intellectuals continued to attack the definition of nationalism propounded

by the congress-led nationalists. Denunciation of the congress and its Swadeshi ideals
(initiated by Iyothee Thass Pandithar) was a major issue in the articles that Adi Dravida
intellectuals published in Kudi Arasu. In an article titled Gandhiyin satyagrahathinaal
Adidravidarku enna payan? (Of what use is Gandhi’s fasting to Adi Dravidas?) Appaduraiar
(editor of Tamizhan) strongly criticizes Gandhiji’s satyagraha (fasting unto death) to
oppose the claims of a separate electorate for the untouchables. Appaduriar vehemently
accuses Gandhiji of political deceit and finds it quite ironic that Gandhi who claims to
abolish untouchabilty does not allow the “untouchable castes” to select their representative
to voice their problems. (Kudi Arasu 25 September 1932, 5)
Apart from writings by Adi Dravida intellectuals, Kudi Arasu regularly reported Adi
Dravida conferences and meetings and published the speeches of prominent Adi Dravida
intellectuals and leaders. At a meeting held in Katupadi on 17 October 1927, M.C. Raja,
leader of the Madras Adi Dravida Mahajana Sabha strongly criticizes Gandhiji for failing to
fulfill his claims to abolish untouchability. In the article titled “Manusastram Saambalaga
Vendum” (Manushastra should turn to ashes) M.C. Raja opposes Gandhiji’s disparaging
remarks on Katherine Mayo’s book Mother India.8 Countering Gandhiji’s claim that the
book had insulted Indians and should hence be banned, M.C. Raja retorts that before
banning Mother India, the Manushastra should be burnt and abolished since it has not only
obstructed the growth of Adi Dravidas but has also legitimized the insults that they suffer
in the hands of the upper castes (Kudi Arasu 30 October 1930/1927, 3–4).

Communism and Adi Dravida movements

Socialism was gaining ground in Tamil Nadu in the 1930s and it is to be noted that the
members of the Self-respect movement were drawn toward Marxist theories of state
and society and that socialist ideals of an egalitarian society underlined their writings.
By the early 1940s the Communist party had established itself in Tamil Nadu and like
the Self-respecters, Adi Dravida leaders aligned themselves with it.
 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 127

There was a communist upsurge in the 1940s that inspired and influenced Adi
Dravidas. The anti-congress wave and the growing discontent of the Adi Dravida
leaders with the Self-respect movement enabled the communists to establish its
presence in Tamil Nadu. The communists were successful in mobilizing the lower
castes against mill owners and landlords. Thus by the late 1940s districts in Tamil Nadu
like Tanjore, Tiruchirapalli and Madurai stood on the threshold of powerful communist
movement involving lower caste agricultural and factory laborers. The Adi Dravida
laborers took the lead in these protests organized by the communists (Basu 26 –9).
It was a period when writers throughout India were influenced by Marxism, a
movement that culminated in the genre of progressive literature. Progressive literature
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foregrounded the problems of the underprivileged sections of society, who were

economically exploited. Since the upper castes were mostly the economically dominant
class (mill owners and landlords) and the lower castes were invariably the laboring class,
Adi Dravida writers were influenced by Marxism, which espoused the cause of the
working class. Tamil writers like Daniel, Selvaraj and Poomani were drawn toward
Marxism, and their works represent the economic struggles of the Adi Dravida
community. They established themselves more as Marxists by suppressing their caste
identity. What was remarkable about the Adi Dravida writers of this period was that for
the first time they moved from writing polemical tracts to a genre of literary writing. It
was during this period that novels and short stories came to be written by Adi Dravida
writers and it marked the beginnings of Tamil Dalit literature. However, it should be
pointed out that their works were written from a class rather than a caste perspective.
The writings exposed the problems of the untouchable community entrenched in class
rather than caste oppression. Dalit literary works of this period emphasized that
economic liberation would be a long lasting solution to caste oppression (Sajan 71– 3).

Adi Dravidas to Dalits – emergence of a distinct identity

Many among the Adi Dravidas felt growing dissatisfaction with the Self-respect
movement because they realized that the movement countered Brahminism but failed
to oppose caste Hindus who oppressed Adi Dravidas equally. Periyar’s alignment with
the Justice party (which consisted of elite non-Brahmins who considered Adi Dravidas
inferior) aggravated the dissatisfaction of Adi Dravida leaders. A general opinion
prevailed among Adi Dravidas that the Self-respect movement catered more to the
problems of caste Hindus and sidelined issues pertaining to Adi Dravidas. Adi Dravidas
also observed that Periyar denounced the practice of untouchability and attacked
Brahmins directly but failed to confront caste Hindus for discriminating against Adi
Dravidas. This feeling of discontent with the Self-respecters led the Adi Dravidas to
form a separate political and social organization (Sajan 32–6).
In the last decades of the twentieth century, socialist ideals suffered a major
setback in Russia, (from where it spread to other countries) and this influenced the
Adi Dravida Marxists. Communists relegated caste-related issues giving primary
emphasis on class and economic subordination. As Debjani Ganguly points out the
millennia-long pain of caste oppression experienced by Adi Dravidas could not be
accommodated within the Indian communist movements’ dogmatic acceptance of the
primacy of class struggle (90).
 128 PROSE STUDIES

Adi Dravidas realized that communism had failed to engage with the problems
pertaining to caste, since the Marxists viewed all issues only from a class perspective.
This realization motivated them to establish a separate movement with a distinct caste
identity (Sajan 81). The failure of the Dravidian movement and the communist party to
grapple with the specific problems of Adi Dravidas led to the formation of distinct
political and social organizations. In the 1990s the Tamil Adi Dravidas sought to
establish themselves with a pan-Indian identity and started referring to themselves as
Dalits. The word “Dalit,” meaning “broken down” or “rooted in the soil” reflects the
identity politics that Ambedkar initiated in Maharashtra in the 1950s.
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Emergence of Tamil Dalit political and literary movement

Ambedkar was a great influence on Marathi Dalits and Dalit politics and literature
flourished in Maharashtra after independence, but it failed to create a similar impact
among Tamil Adi Dravidas. It was only in the 1990s that Tamil Dalit political and
literary movement became distinct and popular. The socio-political context in Tamil
Nadu in the 1990s provided an opportune period for the sudden surge in Tamil Dalit
literature.
Two important events mark the development of Dalit movement in Tamil in the
1990s. The Mandal commission report which insisted on reservations based on caste
triggered communal clashes. This resulted in arousing Dalit consciousness and
sensibility and motivated Dalits to form a distinct caste identity (Holmstom ix; Sajan
81). Secondly, the Ambedkar centenary celebrations held in 1992 were a driving force
among Tamil Dalits. The nation wide celebrations brought to the fore Ambedkar’s
ideals and thoughts. The exposure to his writings was a great inspiration to Dalits in
Tamil Nadu and led to a proliferation of Dalit political and social movements in Tamil
Nadu in the 1990s. Thol. Thirumaavalavan started a political party Viduthalai
Ciruthaikkal in north Tamil Nadu (representing the Parayars) and Dr. Krishnaswamy
started Pudiya Tamizhagam in south Tamil Nadu (representing the Pallars or
Devendrakula Vellalars).
The sudden surge in Dalit literature and arts slowly gained ground over the course
of the next decade. The annual Dalit cultural festival organized by the Dalit Athara
Maiyam (resource center) articulated issues and problems related to Dalits. Dalit
cultural festivals were conducted in Pondicherry and Neyveli in 1992. The festivals
provided a platform for exhibiting Dalit art forms and performing plays focusing on
caste oppression.
The little magazine movement that had gained momentum throughout India in the
fifties and sixties influenced the Dalit literary movement in Marathi. Though the little
magazine movement was a strong presence in Tamil from the 1960s, it influenced the
Tamil Dalit literary movement only in the 1990s. This period witnessed a spurt of Dalit
journals like Dalit Murasu, Kodangi (later changed to Pudiya Kodangi), Manusanga, Dalit,
and Mallar Malar which provided a platform to discuss Tamil Dalit politics and
literature. The 1990s was also a period when journals and magazines like Subamangala,
Nirapirigai, Kavithasaran, Ilakku, Thinamani Kathir, Sathangai, and India Today published
special issues on Dalit literature, which contributed significantly to the development of
contemporary Tamil Dalit politics and literature (Sajan 108).
 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 129

In a way, the process of globalization has also contributed to the emergence of

contemporary Tamil Dalit literature. Globalization is often believed to have
homogenized cultures and blurred territorial distinctions. However, scholars point out
that that the process of globalization has simultaneously led to a resurgence of local
cultures and identities, as a resistance to global cultures. Thus, the onset of
globalization provided a platform for Dalits to establish their distinct identity. The
World conference against racism held in South Africa in 2001 and Dalit International
conference in 2003 highlighted the problems of Dalits at the international level. The
new visibility of Dalits in global spaces resulted in an interest in Dalits and their
literature (Sathyanarayana 89– 90). In this context, there was an increasing demand for
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English translations of Dalit literatures written in regional languages, and the publishing
industry responded to this demand. Thus, the 1990s was a period when the publishing
industry took special interest in translating Dalit literary works from Tamil into English
and other regional languages. Tamil Dalit literary works are being increasingly
translated into English. Many publishing houses like Macmillan, Oxford University
Press, Katha, Penguin India and Sahitya Akademi, are publishing English translations of
Dalit literature.
Thus in the 1990s Tamil Dalits achieved a specific social, political and literary
identity. A distinct Panchamar politics initiated by Iyothee Thass Pandithar in the early
twentieth century culminated in the emergence of Dalit subjectivity in the last decades
of the twentieth century. In the 1990s the Dalit “subject” was fashioned through the
tumult of a century – long struggle and resistance. The transition from Panchamar to
Adi Dravidar and finally to Dalit reflects the shifting terrains of this identity.

Notes
1. The social structure of caste in India is rooted in the Varna system which segregates the
Hindu society hierarchically into four Varnas namely, Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas
and Shudras. The Panchamars or “untouchables” (present day Dalits) are placed below
the category of Shudras and exist outside the four fold Varna system. The ideology of
caste is based on the notions of purity and pollution. The Panchamars1 were considered
the lowest in the society and apart from serving the upper caste landlords they were
assigned common duties like removing dead cattle, cleaning drainage, and played a
pivotal role in death and funeral ceremonies. Due to the nature of their work they were
considered “untouchables” and lived in the fringes of the village. Denied access to
mainstream society, their very sight was believed to cause pollution. “Untouchables”
were expected to tie an earthen pot round their neck so that their sputum did not fall to
the ground and pollute the atmosphere.
2. This paper focuses on the Tamil Dalit writings after Iyothee Thass Pandithar. For
elaborate discussions of the articles published in Oru Paisa Thamizhan see Geetha, V. and
S.V. Rajadurai. Towards a Non-Brahmin Millenium From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. Calcutta:
Samya, 1998 and by the same authors, “Dalits and Non-Brahmin Consciousness in
Colonial Tamil Nadu” Economic and Political Weekly 28.39 (1993): 2091– 8.
3. Nadanar is a saint poet from the untouchable community who was denied entry into the
Natarajar temple in Chidambaram, Tamilnadu. He was forced to undergo an ordeal by fire by
the Caste Hindus to purify his body and it is believed that he emerged from the fire unscathed.
4. A rice dish.
 130 PROSE STUDIES

5. A volunteer in an organisation.
6. A sweet dish.
7. These are women’s magazines.
8. Katherine Mayo in her book “Mother India” criticized the barbaric and regressive social
life of Hindus. She was particularly critical of the customs and traditions in Hinduism
which relegated the status of Hindu women. The congressmen were infuriated by the
criticisms that the book leveled against Hindu society.

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 FROM PANCHAMARS TO DALIT 131

Dr K.A. Geetha is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Humanities and

Management, BITS Pilani, K.K. Birla Goa Campus, India. Her doctoral research focused
on the production and reception of Tamil Dalit literature and its English translations. As part
of her research she worked on the evolution of Tamil Dalit writings from the early decades of
the twentieth century to the present day and, also explored their impact on the academia.
She has published articles in Journal of Post colonial writing, The Journal of the School of
Language, Literature &Culture Studies and Language Forum. [email: kageetha@gmail.com]
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