International Relations

and Diplomacy
Volume 8, Number 9, September 2020 (Serial Number 84)

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International Relations and Diplomacy. 8(2020). Copyright ©2020 by David Publishing Company

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Editorial Board Members of International Relations and Diplomacy:

★Abdel-Hady (Qatar University, Qatar);
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★Ahmed Y. Zohny (Coppin State University, USA)
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Rome);
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Poland);
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Zealand);
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Taranaki, New Zealand);
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★Christos Kourtelis (King’s College London, UK);
★David J. Plazek (Johnson State College, USA);
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★Fatima Sadiqi (International Institute for Languages and
Cultures, Morocco);
★Ghadah AlMurshidi (Michigan State University, USA);
★Guseletov Boris (Just World Institute, Russia);
★Hanako Koyama (The University of Morioka, Japan);
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★John Opute (London South Bank University, UK);
★Léonie Maes (Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium);
★Lomarsh Roopnarine (Jackson State University, USA);
★Marius-Costel ESI (Stefan Cel Mare University of
Suceava, Romania);
★Marek Rewizorski (Koszalin University of Technology,
Poland);
★Martha Mutisi (African Centre for the Constructive
Resolution of Disputes, South Africa);
★Menderes Koyuncu (Univercity of Yuzuncu Yil-Van,
Turkey);
★Myroslava Antonovych (University of Kyiv-Mohyla
Academy, Ukraine);
★Nazreen Shaik-Peremanov (University of Cambridge,
UK);
★Nermin Allam (University of Alberta, Edmonton,
Canada);
★Nadejda Komendantova (International Institute for
Applied Systems Analysis, Austria);
★Niklas Eklund (Umeå University, Sweden);
★Phua Chao Rong, Charles (Lee Kuan Yew School of
Public Policy, Singapore);
★Peter A. Mattsson (Swedish Defense College, Sweden);
★Peter Simon Sapaty (National Academy of Sciences of
Ukraine, Ukraine);
★Raymond LAU (The University of Queensland,
Australia);
★Raphael Cohen Almagor (The University of Hull, UK);
★Satoru Nagao (Gakushuin University, Japan);
★Sanjay Singh (Ram Manohar Lohiya National Law
University, India);
★Shkumbin Misini (Public University, Kosovo);
★Sotiris Serbos (Democritus University of Thrace,Greece);
★Stéphanie A. H. Bélanger (Royal Military College of
Canada, Canada);
★Timothy J. White (Xavier University, Ireland);
★Tumanyan David (Yerevan State University, Armenia);
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★Valentina Vardabasso (Pantheon-Sorbonne University,
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The Editors wish to express their warm thanks to the people who have generously contributed to the
process of the peer review of articles submitted to International Relations and Diplomacy.
 International Relations
and Diplomacy
Volume 8, Number 9, September 2020 (Serial Number 84)

Contents
Russia

The Troubled Road in Russia: Putin’s Impasse 377

Sait Yilmaz, Muzaffer Ertürk

Creative Economy

Creative Economy, Manufacturing Industry, and Agribusiness in the New Era of

Globalization 392
Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus

Leon Trotsky

Hero as Pariah: Trotsky’s Struggle Against Stalinism 398

Dibyajit Mukherjee

Trojan Terrorism

Trojan Terrorism as a Principate of Deception, Or in the Arms of the

Terracotta Locust (Ethymological Wing Cases of Virtus): Part II 409
Menshikova Elena Rudolfovna
International Relations and Diplomacy, September 2020, Vol. 8, No. 09, 377-391
doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.09.001
D DAVID PUBLISHING

The Troubled Road in Russia: Putin‟s Impasse

Sait Yilmaz
Esenyurt University, Esenyurt/Istanbul, Turkey
Muzaffer Ertürk
Nişantaşı University, Istanbul, Turkey

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia, which is sustaining a new recovery process with Putin, is at the
crossroads of a new turning point. Putin, the face of the country‟s deep state, may hold the presidency for another
two terms, in line with new constitutional changes. The new constitution predicts handing over some of the
presidential authority to the Russian Parliament, the Duma. These changes in the constitution involve new
alignments in the Russian decision-making system rather than promoting internal democracy. On the other hand,
the conventional energy resources of Russia, representing the predominant part of the national income, are in a
decreasing trend. The explored energy reserves are either too expensive for extraction or too far from the center of
the country. Russia inevitably has to develop additional sources for export other than energy to balance her budget.
With COVID-19, the vulnerability of the Russian state system and revenues came into the open. In the coming
decades, Russia needs to make critical decisions to sustain her ambition to be a major power. Putin, being aware of
this, is planning a transition period, behind which he will personally stand during the changeover.

Keywords: Putin, Russia, Duma, energy, constitution

Introduction
Russia overcame the Mongol and Turkish invasions due to her immense lands. The Tartars, not daring to
cross Russia‟s Western borders, retreated to their own lands. Thus, the Russians have survived, taking the
initiative in order to survive in such an environment. A life style similar to their own drew them close to the
Christianity, but alienated them at the same time. That is, the division of the churches separated them from
Europe. Therefore, they were excluded from the prominent world-shattering events. On the other hand, their
own fate was predestined. With Misha, the symbolic Russian bear, Russia grew larger by integrating many
nations and ethnic groups. Although a lot of states broke away from the Soviet Union, other nominee states on
stand-by that could not be assimilated are anticipating the shattering of the bear. The Russians are in a constant
state of insecurity, being secluded and surrounded. Like other large and small states in Asia, they think they
have a prominent place in the world stage and are expecting to be appreciated.
The countries in Eurasian region, where Modern Russia is in the center, are still unable assume actual
democracy. For instance, the permission of the president is required to establish a university in Kazakhstan or
to start up a hospital in Georgia. In such countries, there is no number two and everything depends on one

Sait Yilmaz, Dr., Prof., Faculty Dean of Business and Management Sciences, Esenyurt University, Esenyurt/Istanbul, Turkey.
Muzaffer Ertürk, Dr., Assoc. Prof., Faculty Member of Economy and Administrative Sciences, Nişantaşı University, Istanbul,
Turkey.
378 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

single man, the president, the only autocrat. Russia, being conscious of its insecurity and isolation due to its
geographical location, has the cultural confidence to recognize that the only way to overcome problems is by
means of a powerful state and leader. Just like Turkey, Russia, being the unwanted or “other” by the West
throughout the history, is now on the verge of transformation. Putin, like Gorbachev, wants to change the image
of Russia and reshape it. The main reason for this is the deteriorating structure of the state, and the energy
which they depend on so highly is losing its value as an advantage. However, the actual expectation is different
and Putin is very well aware of the fact that this transition is inevitable. The transition that Russia is involved in
is the subject of this article.
The main research questions of the paper focus on identifying the challenges of the Russian impasse with
its state structure and decreasing energy. The study follows a qualitative methodology. Data were collected
from secondary sources published in journal articles, professional magazines, conference papers, working
papers, reports published by national and international organizations, unpublished archival documents, and
online resources of different government and non-government organizations. The findings will hopefully add
new information to existing knowledge and provide new insights those governments and policy makers can use
to both understand the problems and challenges of integration and introduce appropriate initiatives for the
desired and successful regional economic integration to benefit the people there.

The State Structure of Russia

Preceding Putin (1990-2000) there was a “looting state” where three to five oligarch Jews were robbing
the country. When Putin came to power, the country moved from a disintegration course into a recovery and
reconstruction process, for which he should be given the credit. However, mafia, theft, and bribery became the
official state policy. In the 1990s, the country was converted from the “Robber Capitalism”; the USA had been
encouraging to Putin‟s Statist Capitalism. Actually, only the direction of the oligarchs changed in the 2000s;
“the Putin Gang” took the place of the former gangs. Although they are also robbers, they at least gain the
public consent by providing them a pittance. The public thinks “our money remains within the state instead of
being plundered by the thieves”. The country being able to sustain her ambition to become a major power is
more important to the Russian people even if they starve. Therefore, the Russian interference in other countries
such as Ukraine and Syria has found approval.
The foremost aspects for the Russians are nationalism and pride. The threat of starvation cannot frighten a
country that has been hungry and repressed throughout her history although the West had hopes of doing so for
years. The weak opponents that emerge in the country are discredited and have no further image than as a
puppet of the West. There is no existing basis for the democracy that is desired by the West and freedom is
considered a threat against the country‟s security. In fact, the public has no such expectation.
The global duty of the Russian head of the state, Vladimir Putin, is to maintain the existing system of the
government. Like what Angela Merkel said, Putin lives in a world of his own that is full of conspiracies against
his country. He reflects his way of thinking to the whole Russian society as if the whole world is against him.
He constantly has to point out an enemy and always finds a suitable one. The target has to be powerful but
distant so that even though you call it an “enemy” it is unnecessary to be overly concerned. In order to
accomplish this, he needs victories such as Syria and Ukraine. First, he wishes to create problems, which are
then presented in such a way that only he can solve them. Syria is one of these calculated problems which can
be exchanged with another problem. He sees Syria and Ukraine as leverage. He needs a government that would
 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE 379

say: “You won Vladimir”, “You made everything right”, “We will constitute the new World Order with you”.
That is how he and Trump are similar.
It is not possible to have a fair election in Russia with the current election laws and the regulations. If there
were an independent legal system today, the regime would collapse. In the case of an independent parliament,
the regime would also collapse. Putin‟s ability is having good relations with people and winning their
confidence. That is something he learned in the KGB. Only if you are straight can you call it “life” (Rose,
2016). No one around Putin is straight but they are all corrupt. It is very difficult to work in Russia without
getting involved in the corruption directly or indirectly. In part, the good relationships with the other countries‟
leaders are also based on political corruption. From time to time, Putin dismisses some employees because of
corruption. There is a saying in Russia: “The one who tells the thief to stop in a higher voice is the thief
himself”. Corruption becomes a good cover for one to clean his environment. The economy is monopolized;
70% of the GNP is under the control of Putin and his immediate circle. Privatization is unnecessary for them.
The education system is getting worse since the Russians do not need education like they used to due to the
country‟s industry. Science is unnecessary, so there is a slump in that sector as well.
The Russian economy is collapsing and gradually losing its compatibility and modern production takes on
a lesser place in the industrial base. However, the crash of the economy will not eradicate the foundation of the
regime. As the standard of living falls, propaganda is carried out with regard to the attacks of the external
enemies, causing harm to the Russian economy. However, Putin wishes to introduce a new model to the
Russian public. It will be similar to the Chinese model. The economy will be compensated by a comparatively
independent but new political system. This cannot work in Russia, which has a different culture from China.
Russia does not have the extensive service concept that is widely present in China. The Russian people are used
to living for themselves. There is no vertical power structure in Russia; Putin directs only a small group in his
own environment with only a few definite targets. Putin is eventually bound to lose control as the models he
offers will not work. The first two models he implemented have already failed. He is preparing to introduce a
third model, which is also bound to fail. A psychological crisis is about to emerge. Putin depends on five
people to carry on achieving, controlling, and sustaining his living. There are also others who manipulate
indirectly. Putin could not make reforms even if he wanted to. He will not have any alternative other than the
final slump of the country and will have to leave. He will definitely fall as deterioration continues.

Putin’s New Constitution

Putin‟s state is similar to a drug dealer‟s. Even if he wishes to leave office, the cartel which makes money
off him will not let him. Putin‟s wife desires to continue her good life with black money. His clients crave for
more drugs. Even the police choose to keep Putin in office to get hold of more men. The stones of the government
order, which Putin designed particular to him, will fall one by one if he leaves and the bureaucracy does not
want that chaos. The elite thieves, the oligarchs behind Putin, need him. If Putin remains, everyone that holds a
post becomes rich and is protected against his/her enemies and thus will keep their positions. For the people
who are used to a Putin centered administration, he is the most effective drug. They have gotten used to and
believe the tales he tells. At the open media video conference meeting Putin arranged at the beginning of
January 2020 along with some of the most prominent government authorities, he delegated some of his important
duties to the related government organizations and proclaimed that he wanted to lessen central administration of
the country. In the Western Media, this is interpreted as the dictator of Russia distributing his authority.
380 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

Throughout Russian history, attempts to make reforms are evident. In the 1930s, during the constitutional
period capital punishment was repealed and Soviet citizens were given the freedom to travel the whole world.
Moreover, some people even said that the constitution was unnecessary and that the church would be sufficient,
but they were immediately arrested. Following these implementations, Stalin came to power and the cruelest
term was given its start. He founded NKVD, the father of KGB, to punish dissidents in 1934. In 1937 Stalin
had his own constitution written (Voronov, 2020). Those who know Russian history well are aware of the fact
that the longing for reformation that emerged in this dark period turned into Stalinism due to the fears grounded
in the roots of the country (Goldstein, 2020). Just like the period of Stalin, there is still no opposition in Russia
so Putin can manipulate the constitution as he pleases like he has done over the last 20 years. In an instant, he
can render his status to a more authoritarian level by a demand for urgency. The current constitution, in the
brutal civil war setting against Chechnya, was passed to implement strict authorization aimed at maintaining a
united Russia (Korybko, 2020). Actually, the first phase of this policy commenced with the technocracy in the
Medvedev period. Interference in Chechnya in April 2009 brought a new pace. At present, acting on the
directives of Vladimir Putin, the Russian Parliament (Duma) is making a constitutional amendment by which
the function of the president is lessened, and the government branches are getting more coordinated and
dependent on one another.
President
Currently Security Council & State Council
*Selects and appoints the prime minister Currently
*Elects main members of Cabinet, *Both advise the president
Duma
appoints them, and ratifies the others *Both represent the authority of the
Currently
*Acts as head of State Council and State president over the other authorized bodies
*Ratifies the Prime Minister
Security Council and appoints the *Security Council is a constitutional
*Demands vote of confidence
members of both institution
Guidelines recommended
Guidelines recommended Guidelines recommended
*Confirms all (except the key members
*Term in office cannot be extended *The State Council is also designated a
appointed by the president)
*Unable to confirm the cabinet members constitutional institution
except key members *He proposes potential amendments
*Authority over State Council and State related to the functioning of both councils
Security Council is lessening
Figure 1. Amendments for Russian constitution. Source: Sim Tack, “What 12 More Years of Putin Means for Russia”,
Stratfor (March 31, 2020).

The constitutional amendment affirmed on March 10 allows Putin to stand for election in 2024 and then
run for two more terms, each spanning a six year period. These constitutional amendments were to be
submitted for the approval of the public on April 22, but were suspended due to COVID-19 precautions.
Because the opposition has no chance to succeed in Russia, the referendum is only a perfunctory. This will
allow Putin, who has been leading the country for 20 years, to maintain Russia‟s status as a great power and also
prevent any socio-economic instabilities that might crop up during the transition period to a new leader. The
constitutional referendum was rescheduled to be held from 25 June to 1 July 2020. As foreseen, official results,
nearly 79% of valid votes supported the changes to the constitution (Higgins, 2020). According to Konstantin
Remchukov, editor-in-chief of Nezavisimaya Gazeta, constitutional changes brought an end to the opposition‟s
political line, which was called transition. The Kremlin does not need traditional, official Duma parties any
longer (Heilbrunn, 2020). On the other hand, confidence to Putin is dropping. Speaking of ratings, the Levada
Center indicates that public confidence in Putin has dropped to 25 percent (Reevel, 2020). Two-thirds of Russians
expect economic conditions will worsen. In this context, it is indeed paradoxical that people vote for Putin.
 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE 381

The transfer of some of the Presidential authority to the Parliament (Duma) by the constitutional
amendments that Putin put forth, at first sight, seem to negate the allegations raised in the West that Russia is a
dictatorship. Constitutional amendments bring restrictions and balances to various executive organs and at the
same time, bring new regulations for appointing members of government, especially those related to the
economy, and new arrangements regarding the issue of authority to make decisions related to the Duma and the
president‟s security and foreign policy. It is rumored that Putin has offered the vice-presidency of the State
Council to Medvedev, who is known to be Western oriented—“an Atlanticist” as a Russian jargon suggests. In
the Russian finance sector, there are also the Western siding people who are seen as the fifth column of the
West. The Duma now has more authority and they will appoint the prime minister and the cabinet, but the final
decision is still the president‟s. To avoid the possibility of Russians who live abroad becoming the president,
the prerequisite of having resided in Russia for a certain length of time has been introduced. Putin desires a
system where the Parliament is more than a mere presidency system.
Primarily, Putin has become aware of his boundaries and realizes that he cannot keep his position forever.
The average human life in Russia is 68 years and Putin is 67 years old. If he fulfills his mission, he will be 83.
Support for Putin has decreased from 77% in 2018 to 70% in 2020. As Russia enters this new era, Putin will still
have authority, some of which he will share with the Parliament. We do not know whether Putin‟s health will
allow him to carry on until 2036, but the elite group who share unity of interest with Putin will maintain their
position for that period and they might prepare an alternative for themselves. However, economic hardships
might change everything. Putin seems to be able to manage the transition of Russian leadership that will occur
sooner or later. The new Putin has given up his Presidential power in favor of Parliament. Now he wants to
follow Obama‟s model of foreign policy, a “directing from behind” strategy, in his country (Korybko, 2020). In
other words, this might be “taking advantage of invisible hand in charge”. Thus, he can no longer be held
accountable for failures such as COVID-19.

Today’s Russia
Russia today has to cope with many intertwined; Russia invaded Donbass and Crym in the Ukraine, came
to a dead-end with Turkey in Idlib, and is exposed to US sanctions while her energy income is on the decline.
Currently Russia is playing the corona virus “aid-game” with other countries while she herself is one of the
countries most severely affected by the corona virus pandemic. As a result, Putin has been forced to put off the
constitution referendum. Confronted with unforeseen hardships, Putin‟s competence in crisis management will
undergo a difficult test. Putin‟s next 12 years will be a troublesome period of economic and demographic crises.
Social expenditures will increase while the working population diminishes extensively. Her hydrocarbon
energy production will decrease considerably over the next 15 years. Russia spends a huge amount of her
national income on military expenditures. Despite diminishing income, Russia has to feed a huge population
and display a powerful military potency at the same time. To provide a balance between the economy and
national defense is difficult, especially when the petroleum business is at a deadlock. Moreover, there are 400
billion dollars worth of National Development Projects waiting to be financed for the improvement of the
country.
A third of the Russian budget is provided by energy exportation. Now the Russian government has to
reduce its budget for company recoveries, unemployment payments, emergency health expenditures, and other
complimentary expense items. This case will cause cracks not only at the Russian social and economic order,
382 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

but also within the deep state (Sestanovich, 2020). The security units and armed forces will change their
priorities. For example, while the procurement plan of the army is diminishing, there will be a decrease in
manpower and operations.
The pandemic crisis may bring about some alterations in the deep state. During the Chechnya Crisis, when
he was a retired intelligence officer, Putin became an instant success and superseded Yeltsin in a short time. In
2024 Putin might not stand for candidacy and even if he becomes the president, it is assumed that he might
have already made a deal with the deep state, just like he once did to oust Yeltsin. Giving a guarantee to
conceal Yeltsin‟s misuse of authority cleared Putin‟s path.
Now that Putin has delivered his decision to the prime minister, he will try to re-spin the wheels of the
economy with a new directive on May 11th even though the corona virus pandemic still exists. In short, he did
not let the prime minister make the decision.
According to the news in the Russian press, the health, education, and retirement policies of the government
were criticized by the conservative and pro-monarchy sided television channel, Tsargrad TV, which supports
the Russian Head of State Vladimir Putin. The presenter Yuri Pronko announced that “none of the reforms had
been successful in recent years based on the „fatal figures‟ acquired by the Russian health system”. Pronko
added that the lyceum and university entrance examinations given in Russia and the continuous changes of the
contents were unable to stimulate the students for critical thinking. He also said that the Minister of Finance,
Anton Siluanov, signed an embarrassing pension reform by cheating. The presenter declared that as a result of
the policies in the medical system, referred to as “the retired reformation”, within the last three years, the number
of the medical personnel in Russia dropped by 42%. This figure indicates that one of every two people in the
health sector has been dismissed. Pronko said that, even in Moscow, these incompetent reformists were obliged
to retrieve all those they rejected only yesterday under the pretext of reformation. Not even one reform pioneered
by Anayoli Çubays, who turned Russia “into the Capitalism of the thieves”, has been successful (Uçan, 2020).
There are two parties in Duma: the Communist Party and the Liberal Democratic Party. The Kremlin is
now designing new parties: the Direct Democracy Party and the Actuality Targeting Movement. Although
these may focus on definite issues, they do not make up a real opposition. Putin replaced the Prime Minister
Dmitri Medvedev with Mikhail Mishustin, whose economic performance was better during the 2015-2017
financial crises. Now, due to COVID-19, the Russian administration is going through a new test. It is high time
for Putin to tell a new story through the press in order to conceal the economic complications and to initiate a
new administrative understanding without losing his control of power. The Kremlin media is now busy
bombarding the public to enhance the popularity of the authority and arranging a new campaign to suppress the
feeble opposition. Following the constitutional referendum in 2020, there are elections of Duma in 2021, and
the election of the president in 2024. For 20 years, Putin has been running his own democracy by diminishing
the power of the opposition.

Russian Energy Option Is Becoming Invalid

It is not enough for a country to have petroleum or natural gas. Other countries may also have petroleum,
but at what depth? Is it economically feasible to try to extract that oil? In Russia, it costs 17 dollars to bring up
a barrel of oil. In Saudi Arabia, the cost is 7-8 dollars and in Norway they drill in the middle of the sea for 50
dollars. Besides drilling it is necessary to build a pipe-line or another way of transportation system, which has
operational as well as security costs. Moreover, customers have to be found for the oil and companies have to
 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE 383

compete with other sellers. Barzani, for example, who confiscated the Kirkuk petroleum in the north of Iraq,
cannot find any customer other than Israel and he can sell it only through Turkey. The sale of oil and natural
gas in the European Union occurs on the free market, through online trading platforms, where there is no
monopoly. You lay the pipe line, bring your product, and compete with the other producers regarding its price.
Therefore, when the unit price (mmbtu) of natural gas is 3 dollars in Europe, Turkey purchases the natural gas in
Thrace, from Russia for 4-5 dollars with long term agreements. Nowadays, in the Eastern Mediterranean where a
gas-search fight is being carried on, even if natural gas is extracted, it will cost 5.5-6 dollars (apart from
transportation).
Petroleum must be sold for at least 42 dollars to balance the Russian budget. The annual energy income of
Russia is around 300 billion dollars. Russia earns more from natural gas than oil. The share of energy income
was approximately 67-68% and in the last 10 years the Russians have been working hard to revitalize other
sectors. The economic sanctions implemented by the USA, contrary to the expectations, gave rise to non-energy
sectors and to the development of relations with Germany in the fields of technology and chemistry. Recently,
the share of energy has dropped to 61%. In Russia, there are particularly three important non-energy sectors
that provide income through exportation:
 Arms industry (S-400, SU-24 war planes, etc.),
 Information Technology (IT) (Yandex, Sputnik News, etc.),
 Agriculture (corn, wheat, sunflower oil and other products sold even to Turkey).
Reserves with a low cost of extraction are coming to an end now, so it is necessary to invest in regions where
no drilling has been done previously and widen the reserve areas. It is neither an easy nor an inexpensive activity.
To begin with, the Russian energy sector is not efficient enough; the technology they employ will rather raise the
base cost. A powerful energy market requires funds that can exploit new and expensive reserves. Once Moscow
was a candidate country which could meet the escalating petroleum needs of China, but now she misses the good
old days.
The International Energy Agency (IEA) expects global demand for oil to drop as of 2025, according to
Reuters. This is due to an expected increase in the number of electrified vehicles while fuel efficiency will also
increase, according to the IEA, which predicts that 330 million electrified cars will be on the roads by 2040
(Bergguist, 2019). That will hit Russia hard, so officials of the Russian Ministry of Energy fear a decline in
Russian oil production of up to 40 percent during the next 15 years if the country does not implement more
efficient technology. The bright days of Russia‟s energy market and immense profits will come to an end. The
global demand for fossil fuels is likely to be non-existant after 2040.
Russia currently competes with the US and Saudi Arabia for the title of world‟s largest crude producer.
Although it has set new post-Soviet records, a decline in output in West Siberia, a key producing region, has
forced the country to seek an innovative approach to boost oil recovery. Without new technology and state tax
incentives, Russia‟s crude output risks dropping 40 percent over the next 15 years to about 6.8 m barrels a day
in 2035, according to energy ministry forecasts. West Siberia, which accounts for more than half the country‟s
crude, has seen output slide 10 percent over the past decade because of depleted conventional reserves and
rising water levels (Astrasheuskava, 2019). “The quality of reserves in the country is getting worse. Costs of
per-ton production, fighting water levels and drilling have gone up, while average output per well is declining”,
says Andrey Tereshok, deputy department head at the energy ministry. “That is why developing hard-to-extract
reserves and stimulating production from them is one of the main topics for the ministry, it is a priority”.
384 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

Figure 2. Predicted oil production and drilling expenses in Russia.

Due to climate and geology, Russia‟s oil wells are less flexible than Saudi ones: They cannot simply be
turned off today and then back on again tomorrow. Decreasing output in Russia would risk damaging wells and
losing some fields for years, if not forever (Yaff, 2020). Extraction costs will increase in the 10 to 20 years to
come since Russia will be obliged to exploit more difficult areas in order to maintain the present export levels.
Along with the inadequate Russian petroleum sector, the distance from the remaining reserves and the
potential lapses anticipated in the demand for oil in the future is not good news for Russia, whose economy
depends on petroleum. Russia is already in trouble with the sanctions imposed by the U.S. because of the
Ukraine. Russia, as a country with a dynamic and assertive foreign policy agenda, will not be able to withstand
the shortage of money. Due to the Communist heritage, the liberal economy has been unable to reach the level
to ensure the germination of the desired diversity and competition. What could this country offer to sell apart
from the petroleum and natural gas already available and arms, the inheritance of the Cold War? What other
sectors could be created? For 20 years Putin has been unable to find an answer to these questions. They have
not even built a highway to Syberia.
It was the reserves in Western Syberia that revived the Russian economy in the mid 2000s. When the
global demand for oil was on the rise, the Russians were extracting cheap petroleum in Western Siberia. 15
years later, stagnation and regression began in these reserves. New zones have to be put into operation by 2030,
but they will be costly. Where will these new zones be located? They can be described in two main categories
(Endofdays, 2020):
 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE 385

(1) The reserves that are difficult to extract: Khazarian (Caspian), the Black Sea, the Arctic region, and the
Eastern Syberia regions. The reserves here would require huge investments and considerable tax cuts.
Moreover, the Arctic region is still subject to the Western sanctions.
(2) Shale oil reserves: These are found widely in Russia, especially in the Bazhenov and Domanic regions.
However, the Russians do not have the instrumentation to extract shale oil and cannot extract effectively due to
the sanctions. They can extract only 15 thousand barrels at ticket price per day.

Figure 3. Russian petroleum reserves and production regions. Source: Endofdays, “The Golden Age of Russian Oil
Nears an End”, Stratfor (April 16, 2020).

Following a strong start with annual growth rates above 10% between 1960 and 1980, gas production
levels began to even out in the mid 1990s and then declined as of 2010. This downward trend resulted from
decreasing production at the three super-giant gas fields of Urgenoy, Yamburg, and Medveze. Originally
developed by Gazprom, these fields have since reached maturity (Locatelli, 2017).
New zones for possible development include gas fields in the Yamal peninsula (Bovanenkovo), satellites
of the Nadym-Pur-Taz region, Eastern Siberia (Chayandinskoye and Kovyktinskoye), and certain border-areas
(the Shtokman and Sakhalin offshore fields). Later, other projects are also envisaged for the development of
fields in the Kara Sea (Leningradskoye and Rusanovskoye).
As all of these zones cannot be developed simultaneously, the Russian gas industry must select which
zones to give priority to. According to Gazprom, production in the Yamal peninsula and Eastern Siberia could
represent more than 20% of the company‟s total production in 2020 and more than 50% by 2030 (Table 1).
386 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

Table 1
Gazprom Production Prospects (in BCM)
2030 baseline 2030 upper limit
Year 2010 2020
scenario scenario
Production of fields in operation 510 380 150 150
New fields of Nadym-Pur-Taz 45 110 110
Yamal projects 100 250 290
Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East 20 70 70
Shtokman 0 45 70
Total 510 545 625 690
Source: “Russian and Chinese Energy Relationships Heat Up”, Gas Matters, April 2013.

Russia is not very optimistic about the transition to these new reserve regions. In accordance with the
Energy Strategy in 2035, the optimistic senario is that petroleum production will not change while the
pessimistic senario is that production may diminish by 12-40%. Even if production capacity does not change,
expenditures are predicted to go up extremely. The new reserve areas such as Eastern Syberia are far away
from the highly populated regions like Moscow.
One of the constraints of the Russian energy sector is not having good equipment, as a result of which
expenses rise. The hardships do not end with this.
 The refinery network is inefficient and poorly integrated; accordingly, the refined products (that is, the
processed ones) are more profitable. Considering the environmental protection and efficiency factors, European
countries prefer to export the refined products themselves.
 The lack of trustworthy financial institutions in Russia is the outcome of being continuously robbed—by
the Alfa group, for example. As a result of this, oil prices fluctuate and the dollar-based system becomes more
fragile.
 International sanctions impede Russia‟s importing advanced petroleum extraction technology at a rate of
99%. Even if they could find other ways to obtain this technology, they would still need international support to
improve extraction. In brief, the sanctions of the West prevent Russia from opening new oil-wells in potential
areas.
 There is a lack of competition in the Russian oil market, and the Russian oil producers have got the licence
for 95.7% of the country‟s proven oil reserves and 88% of the estimated total reserves (Endofdays, 2020).
Nowadays, these companies are trying to open up abroad. While Lukoil took a huge risk in Iraq, Rosneft is in
search of a market in South Asia. Not being able to produce the oil cheaply is a setback for these companies due
to the issue of innovations. Furthermore, smaller producers do not have the freedom to experiment. Even if
Gasprom, Neft, and Bazhenov start to work on shale oil production, the process will take decades.
Europe still imports 30% of its oil and 40% of its natural gas from Russia. Europe and Russia have achieved
a stable relationship in the energy business and need each other. However, the consumption of oil in Europe has
reached the saturation point, as a result of which their consumption will not increase. This means that keeping the
Russian energy market strong by using the expensive reserves in Eastern Siberia depends on Russia‟s turning
towards Asia, and particularly to China. Russia already provides 15% of the petroleum consumption of China,
which will grow slowly as China dispenses with using coal. However, the Russian-Chinese relationship is full of
political tensions. China‟s demand for a greater share in the Arctic region and in central Asia means that the
 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE 387

economic competition will continue. Their energy relationship is important for both countries and they would not
want to lose this because of unimportant political issues.
The risk of the US shale gas to show up in Europe may strike a major blow to the energy income of Russia.
That is why the US has blocked the North Stream 2 Project of Russia. The US coveted replacing Russian shale
gas with its own in Europe but was unable to compete due to $45 cost and that is why the USA urged Russia and
Saudi Arabia not to drop their prices while they were fighting about the price of oil. The USA is also trying to take
away the Indian and Belarus energy markets from Russia. To sum up, the energy issue is being used as a weapon
between the two countries.
The energy issues of Russia and her budget are seriously impacted by the global oil market. For instance,
the excessive drop in the demand for and the price of oil per barrel, because of COVID-19, had a considerable
effect on Russia. The decline in the price of petroleum to $20 had a negative impact of 10 dollars per barrel on
the budget. Besides the budget problem, the most urgent issue is to modernize the Russian economy. Being
dependent only on selling energy and arms causes economic vulnerability. In recent years, steps have been taken
for economic modernization. Following the Norwegian, Australian, and Canadian models, Russia is trying to
promote producers with less state control. Putin is aware of the fact that oil income is related to cost, but such
an operation might result in a worse siruation. The model countries mentioned above have smaller populations,
so small companies can survive in a competitive environment.

Russian Foreign Policy

Putin seems to be making a surprise leap forward by taking a step backwards from the authoritative regime
while trying to find a solution to the reality of irresponsibility and lack of institutionality in his own back yard.
Putin‟s new constitution has not been set up to bring democracy, a powerful opposition and freedom of media.
If Putin stays as the president of the country by means of the latest constitutional amendments, he will either
play to save the day by addressing short term issues or find remedial solutions to the country‟s financial
problems in the long term. He may be forced to transform Russia‟s standing against foreign loans. To Putin‟s
way of thinking, the old constitution was legislated by American bureaucrats during the Yeltsin term, so it was
not compatible with the factual basis of the Russian public, who are ashamed of being ridiculed by Europe. In
Russia an Atatürk, Churchill, or Roosevelt is not likely to come to the rescue. In recent decades, the Russians
learned about election engineering and exercised it first in the US elections and then in Latin America and
Europe. Unless the Russians overcome the fear and distrust in their roots and start believing in pluralism and
freedom, they will remain the same old “Bear” that they have always been. Whatever policy they choose, the
bells toll for Russian petroleum and they still have to solve all the difficulties in question.
There are risks awaiting Putin in the short as well as the long term (Beebe, 2020):
 To begin with, Putin can no longer keep Turkey, with whom he experienced a hostile encounter in Idlib
only a few months ago, as an ally. Both Ankara and Moscow found a playground for themselves (in Syria,
Idlib), provided that the game has nothing to do with the Turkic World, despite fast-flowing developments.
 Coronavirus showed Russia how delicate the country‟s health system is and how dependent its economy is
on energy sales. Both Russia and Saudi Arabia came out on the losing side in the clash over oil prices. The
North Stream 2 Project sanctions of the USA are also beating the Russians.
Agreements made with Putin are not trustworthy because there is nothing to limit his power and everything
could change at any time. He is so uncertain that when a foreign statesman at a negotiation table states that “There
388 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

are some restrictions”, and Putin thinks he is being deceived. What Putin will do in the coming 12 years is a
matter for anticipation (Tack, 2020).
 While Russian conventional military power declines, Putin will give priority to the nuclear ability and
deterrent forces. He will maintain his relations with the allies that he chooses one by one through military and
financial aid.
 To reorient the economy dependent on the sales of energy, he will put more emphasis on the capabilities
of high technology and promote quantum computing as well as the utilization of artificial intelligence in state
institutions.
 Putin‟s escalation continues and the surrogate powered clashes in Ukraine, Iran, and Syria will be carried
out.
Russia is going after new geopolitical adjustments in the Middle East; by equally supporting the
conflicting parties, he seems to be a stability provider (Rabil, 2020). As American power decreases, the world is
sliding down to multi-polar order. In this conflict, Russia and China are vying with the hard and soft power of
America in the Middle East. The listlessness and miscalculation of the US, as far as Putin‟s allies are concerned
in a way provide assistance to Russia. The Turkey-YPG/PKK, Saudi-Qatar, Qatar-BAE, Turkey-Egypt,
Algeria-Morocco, Israel-Jordan and Lebanon-Israel conflicts are smoothed over through US diplomacy. The
short-sightedness that commenced during the Bush term has continued with Obama and Trump, who
incessantly followed wrong policies because they were unable to understand the challenges, the historical
misunderstandings, and national security concerns in the Middle East, where the situation is as follows:
 Russia built a bridgehead in Syria, trying to protect Esad on one hand and the Kurds on the other. Turkey
was forced to turn to Russia due to the misguided policies of the US.
 Lebanon invited the Russian Rosneft to revitalize her energy sector. Thus, Lebanon wanted to prevent the
surrogate power that would come from Syria and Iran with the help of the Russians.
 Egypt also chose Russia as an ally when she was disturbed by the intervention of Turkey in Syria and
Libya and underwent a joint military exercise with the Russians in November 2019.
 Israel built military bases at the Syrian border by making an agreement with Russia against the operations
of Hezbollah in Syria.
 The Arab countries in the Gulf chose to develop socio-economic relations with Russia. They have the idea
of balancing Iranian-Russian strategic cooperation.
 Oman, Kuwait, and Iraq are getting relatively closer to Russia while distancing themselves from the USA.
All eyes and ears in the Middle East are shut to Trump‟s management strategies for Iran although he wants
maximum coercion. Russia fills the gap made by the US as she infantilizes the Middle East countries.

Western Perspective of Russia

The Western think-tanks beat their brain on how they will chase Russia, or how they will destroy her. The
popular strategy is that, just like in the Cold War, they take Russia under control and apply sanctions, expecting
Russia‟s economic resources to be totally used up (Dobbins et al., 2019). The CIA and its extension RAND
assert that Russia‟s weakest point is her economy and the need for energy exportation. To this end, first of all,
the energy dependency of Europe on Russia will be stopped. The second precaution is to encourage a brain
drain of young Russians by offering them a better education in the Western World. The next is to prevent the
sale of Russian goods using negative propaganda. Geopolitically, the Ukraine is the weak point of Russia, and
 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE 389

NATO‟s threat will force Russia to increase her defense budget. The USA, on the other hand, is investing in
strategic bombardment planes and long-range missile to threaten Russia. Therefore, the US is pulling out of
missile agreements one by one. RAND‟s assumption is that the Russian sources are limited and the idea is to
confront them with the scenarios that they would not like to venture into.
Russia has been exposed to the economic sanctions of the US and other countries for many years. The
Russians are trying to overcome the sanctions using the corona virus pandemic as an advantage. For instance,
Aventa-M ventilators are produced in a factory in the Ural Mountains, which has been under U.S. sanctions
since 2014. It is said that 80% of the respiratory ventilators sent by the Russians to Italy and other European
countries were either small or impractical. The terms that the US puts forth to the Russians for lifting the
sanctions are as follows (Lamond, 2020):
 Russia‟s withdrawal from Crimea and East Ukraine: During the Minsk negotiations, an agreement was
reached to meet these requirements. A cease fire and supervision by the OSCE of the withdrawal of Russians
were stipulated. The Ukraine would return to its original boundaries, hold local elections, and implement the
new arrangements in the administrative zone.
 Russia‟s putting an end to the usage of chemical weapons: The Russians have not yet met the terms to
relieve the sanctions that were imposed on them following the assassination of the opponent Sergei Skripal in
England, Salisbury. The Russians are asked to permit an international inspection on the particular issue and
undertake a compensation for the Salisbury victims.
 Putting an end to Russian interference in Western democracies: The intervention in the USA elections will
bring additional sanctions.
NATO is getting tougher towards Russia. Since the Ukraine crisis, the bells toll for the Russians. All plans
and exercises are targeted towards her. Despite COVID-19, the biggest military exercise of the last 25 years
(Defender Europe-2020) was implemented. The number of American soldiers in Europe is over 20 thousand
and it is on the rise. New military exercises are on the way. Poland and the Baltic countries are cautiously
watching the nearby Kaliningrad region, where there are Russian missiles (Alexander rockets and S-400 missile
systems) together with submarines. NATO spy aircraft swept over Kaliningrad more than 800 times in 2019
(Antonopoulos, 2020). The US is setting up an air defense system in the region. Western media perceives the
Russians as “aggressive”, but the Russians may wake up one day having lost Kaliningrad.
The US venture into Syria commenced when a civil war was designed along with Turkey and Qatar to
topple the Esad regime. It is clear that nothing will come of this civil war and each country expects to carve out
a piece of Syria for itself. To this end, the USA chose the Kurds under the pretext of combating ISIS. The US
realizes that she cannot remain in North Syria despite Turkey‟s opposition. The US appears to be controlling
the oil wells but is in fact chasing after other accounts in the Deyrizor region close to the Syrian-Iraqi border.
This region will be the base of the proxy power for the Iranian scenarios and will be exploited together with
certain regions in Iraq. Staying in Syria, the US also plans to make Syria uninhabitable for the Russians. On the
issue of playing against Esad, the US seems to have entered the same path as Turkey. First of all, new sanctions
are being brought to Damascus. All kinds of restrictive decisions against Syria, especially in sectors such as
finance, construction, oil, banking, and agriculture, have been taken. Many products, including oil, are imported
to Syria from Iran.
Turkey‟s intervention in Syria and Libya came to a deadlock because of Russian political interests. While
defending the Esad regime, Russia still makes agreements with Israel against Syria. Russia, on one hand, allows
390 THE TROUBLED ROAD IN RUSSIA: PUTIN‟S IMPASSE

Israel to bomb Syria and on the other provides S-300 to Esad. Russia still maintains her position as an ally of
Turkey, who is obsessed with toppling the Esad regime, while both Turkey and Russia have recently come close
to fighting each other in Idlib. Russia is also extra cautious to sustain her activities without getting into a
conflict with the US.
We have observed that Turkey was pulling away from Russia before the Idlib conflict and is taking with
the US once more. In an interview at the Hudson Institute, James Jeffrey, the US Special Representative for
Syria, declared that they were targeting Russia in Syria and Libya. Turkey has suspended the program to
activate the S-400 because of the corona virus pandemic. The recent announcement that Turkey plans to join
the European Union is a sign of turning her face to the West again.

Conclusion
The new constitutional amendments in Russia do not bring democracy and her agenda does not include
that anyway. The Russian leaders believe that democracy is too dangerous and risky to their ability to maintain
their governmental powers. Some German leaders have remained in power for long periods despite a sound
democracy and the existence of a strong opposition. For example, Konrad Adenauer (14 years), Helmut Kohl
(16 years), and Angela Merkel (15 years) were long-lasting heads of state. In Turkey, during the multi-party
terms, Süleyman Demirel (17 years) was another example. The modern leaders in Finland and Iceland have
also stayed in power for more than 20 years. The human typology of the Soviet Union has not changed. The
Russian people have not even absorbed the concept of “ownership”, let alone perceived the freedom of media.
As these people have no drive to own property and no drive to be rich, they have very poor motives for
business management and entrepreneurialism. The Russians mostly refrain from working. Russia did not
disintegrate either at the end of the Czar period nor when the Soviet Union collapsed. Today the republics and
autonomous regions that constitute Russia are not ready to separate from Russia. Their regional economies are
so interconnected with each other that it is difficult for them to dissolve their relationships.
More importantly, the current rulers who administer Russia are around 60 to 70 years old and they are the
final members of the Soviet period. This generation has dwindled and there is a search going on for a new generation
of candidates to administer the country. More clearly, Putin is in search of new people that will conform to the
regime. He desires to try paving the way for these new people to be administrators. The Russian administration
is willing to hand the future over to a new and modern management. As it used to be said about the old Turks,
Putin is the person of the system selected by the elite, which consists of security-army-intelligence-business
people. So long as this goes on, he does not need to bother about constitutional guarantees. Finally, it should be
mentioned that as long as inequality, starvation, climate problems, child labor, homelessness, immigration (all
of which are produced by the capitalist order) continue, Russia will maintain its role as an assurer. The only
reason for us to be optimistic about Russia is that the US is in worse condition.

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International Relations and Diplomacy, September 2020, Vol. 8, No. 09, 392-397
doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.09.002
D DAVID PUBLISHING

Creative Economy, Manufacturing Industry, and Agribusiness in

the New Era of Globalization

Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus

ESPM-Rio, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil


The aim is to examine how the creative sectors and professionals contribute to the manufacturing industry and
agribusiness in the new era of globalization. Creative sectors can develop innovations and experiences as part of
their own activities, as well as procedures, technologies, and routines in business models, which increase the
efficiency or the quality of the results. Creative professionals can support innovation and the generation of
experiences.

Keywords: creative economy, creative industries, creative class, manufacturing industry, agribusiness, globalization

Introduction
The new era of globalization is characterized by the relentless innovation in products and markets, the
need for even greater economic productivity in developed markets, a greater focus on matching demand for the
world’s critical resources with their supply, the rising pressure on free market-oriented governments due to
societal and demographic changes, and the global interconnectivity of capital, goods, information, and people
(Hendrix, 2012; Jesus, 2009; 2010; 2014). This era of globalization takes place in a moment when the
convergence of technological innovations on the physical, biological, and digital levels is changing the ways of
living, working, and consuming. The Fourth Industrial Revolution has produced transformations such as
technologies capable of promoting disruptions in relation to well-established procedures (Cyzmmeck, 2020). It
combines physical and digital technological innovations, such as artificial intelligence (AI), internet of things,
computer clouds, adaptive robotics, and augmented reality (Barbosa, Costa, & Pontes, 2020).
While the debates about the new era of globalization and the Fourth Industrial Revolution have grown in
importance, creative economy started to be understood as an engine for development. The term refers to
activities based on individual and collective talent or ability, which encompasses a great range of sectors, such
as the audiovisual, music, and book industries, new software sectors, design, architecture, and bioengineering,
for example (Miguez, 2007). It creates conditions for a more diversified set of actors leading the economic and
political initiatives, including small and medium-sized enterprises and a range of professionals which compose
the creative class, responsible for economic development because they aggregate talent, technology, and
tolerance (Florida, 2002; 2005; Jesus, 2017; Landry, 2008). The creative economy has the potential to
recognize the relevance of human capital in integrating sociocultural and economic goals and opportunities
based on creative entrepreneurship (Howkins, 2001; Jesus & Kamlot, 2016). Creative sectors support high-tech

Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus, Dr., Prof., ESPM-Rio, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
 CREATIVE ECONOMY, MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY, AND AGRIBUSINESS 393

companies (Jesus, 2011; 2012; 2013) by developing creative inputs in areas that invest in research and
development. Creative professionals may also contribute to innovation in less knowledge-intensive areas
(Cunningham et al., 2004).
The aim of the article is to examine how the creative sectors and professionals contribute to the
manufacturing industry and agribusiness in the new era of globalization and the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
In line with Granados, Bernardo, and Pareja (2017), the author argues that the creative sectors can develop and
introduce innovations and experiences as part of their own activities, as well as procedures, technologies, and
routines in business models, which increase the efficiency or the quality of the results. Along with Müller,
Rammer, and Trüby, (2009), the author also argues that creative professionals working in more traditional
sectors of the economy can support innovation and the generation of experiences in these sectors through inputs
that relate to standard activities of creative enterprises, which serve as a basis or inspiration for traditional
sectors.

Creative Economy, Manufacturing Industry, and Agribusiness

Rather than a separate sector, the creative economy is integrated throughout all industries. It is not limited
to core creative industries and encourages innovation-driven growth, with creative workers embedded
throughout all economic sectors and responsible for the creation and adoption of new products. Although there
are many people who are core or specialist creatives working in positions in the creative industries or working
in administrative, support or managerial positions in the creative industries, others work in embedded creative
positions in non-creative sectors (Rodgers, 2015). Laaksonen and Gardner (2012) argue that creative
professionals and sectors contribute to the manufacturing industry and agribusiness, for example, with creative
thinking, innovation, new solutions, instruments for networking, interdisciplinary research, alternative
perspectives, working methods, and fresh insights. Fleischmann, Daniel, and Welters (2017) indicate that
creative industries are driving economic growth with their innovation methodologies, including
cocreation—which is based on the active involvement, in the value creation system, of people who will benefit
from the product, service, or process—and design thinking, which focuses on building empathy, fast learning,
rapid prototyping, and iteration of solutions through user feedback. Cocreation and design thinking have
approached innovation from a human-centered perspective, spawned disruptive and beneficial business models,
and cross pollinated their ideas within other sectors in urban and rural areas.
Creative industries produce and commercialize ideas which contribute directly or indirectly to the
generation of services and products. They also provide innovation impulses to technology producers because
they often demand adaptations and new developments and offer services which can bring inputs to innovative
activities of businesses and organizations within and outside the creative economy (Bakhshi & McVitte, 2009;
Fleischmann et al., 2017; Muller et al., 2009; Reid, Albert, & Hopkins, 2010). According to Teece (2007),
embedded creative professionals and creative sectors contributing to non-creative industries can promote
dynamic capabilities, which refer to the capacity to shape opportunities and threats and maintain
competitiveness through enhancing, combining, and reconfiguring intangible and tangible assets. Lee and
Rodrıguez-Pose (2014) argue that embedded creatives may drive innovation because of their propensity to
move fluidly among work roles and bring advanced knowledge of new techniques and processes. According to
Hearn and Bridgstock (2014), companies need to support embedded creatives with spaces for process
innovation in which they can develop interdisciplinarity.
394 CREATIVE ECONOMY, MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY, AND AGRIBUSINESS

Creative Economy and Manufacturing Industry

Manufacturing is the essence of the secondary sector of the economy and encompasses a set of activities
related to the fabrication of products for use or sale, using labor and machines, tools, and chemical or biological
processing or formulation. It is commonly applied to industrial design, in which raw materials are transformed
into finished goods on a large scale, which can be sold to other manufacturers of more complex products—such
as aircraft, household appliances, and vehicles—or distributed via the tertiary industry to consumers. Typically,
innovation in manufacturing occurs through modifying products and introducing products to the market, and
design innovation commonly concerns external facing functions, such as branding and new product
development. Creative professionals who are usually employed in the manufacturing industry are graphic
designers, marketing specialists, software engineers, industrial designers, fashion designers, ICT business
analysts, architects, designers, planners and surveyors, arts professionals, and visual arts and crafts
professionals. The creative professionals in a manufacturing company may influence the nature of the products,
their delivery, and the ways how the customers are reached. The designers, for example, can influence the
nature of the product, the shape it takes, its power usage, output, and appearance. The marketing department
impacts the delivery of the product and how customers are reached (Kamlot & Calmon, 2017; Kamlot &
Fonseca, 2010; Rodgers, 2015).
In the architecture and design segments, the main embedded creative professionals can play a role in the
decision-making process by specifying how the activities will be implemented. The designers might undertake
all the styling or support the larger companies in their styling with feedback, because they know technical
aspects, such as fabric, seam lines, and joins. Designers may help develop a product with a better value
proposition, despite their finance and time restrictions and the difficulties some companies have in capitalizing
on the potential of creative staff. In the advertising and marketing segments, the involvement of the sales and
marketing manager in the company influences the delivery of the product in terms of the way the customers are
reached through the websites—making them unique and functional, with real time information, visual
merchandising, and brochures with targeted information, for example. The marketing and communications
managers may lead teams of designers and organize web development and trade shows (Rodgers, 2015).

Creative Economy and Agribusiness

In the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the new era of globalization, consumers are increasingly more
informed about food systems and interested in sustainable production, animal welfare, climate change, food
waste, and a lifestyle related to improved health knowledge and nutrition education. These emerging trends in
the food system are connected to the transition to a post-industrial creative economy, in which the
understanding of food consumer demand, the knowledge of food industry and agriculture employees based on
creativity, and flexibility of processes of production become fundamental (Klimczuk & Klimczuk-Kochańska,
2019). In rural areas, some creative industries contributed to local and regional development strategies, and the
countryside turned into a place where the creative economy was differently manifested and articulated from the
standard creative script based on cities. Its economic foundation has shifted, at least in part, from agricultural
production to a site of consumption, tourism, and recreation. At the same time, farm diversification has turned
to various alternative economic activities, including creative work which revitalized and rebranded rural food
and drink production and consumption cultures. Many creative workers moved to rural locations, and creative
 CREATIVE ECONOMY, MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY, AND AGRIBUSINESS 395

industries are harnessed as parts of economic development strategies and rural regeneration tools (Bell & Jaye,
2010).
The world population is increasing, and the production of agricultural products should grow by 60-70%
over the next years. However, the countries with a more relevant agricultural sector have not developed
expressively their innovation potential. Over the past decades, a variety of agricultural crops has been created,
and their development would provide an opportunity to increase the efficiency of the agricultural industry. In
the transition to the digitalization of agribusiness, the workforce must be characterized by considerable mobility,
flexibility, and digital competence, which are creative professionals’ competences. Most tasks cannot be solved
in the new conditions without innovative developments, which determine the need for agricultural production
in training specialists with innovative thinking. Information has an important impact on the distribution,
exchange, and consumption of goods, as well as on the emergence of partnership and relations among
participants in economic relations (Kuznetsova et al., 2018). Bioengineering and information technology
develop fast, but the resources of agriculture and rural districts are usually scattered, with no efficient
integration and diffusion systems. The value of agriculture can be enhanced by the integration of the natural
resources with innovative technologies—which enables new high-value added products to be developed and
new markets to be sought—and the connection between agriculture and processing, distribution, and service
industries. To enhance added values of agricultural products, it is necessary to build a stable distribution basis
to provide the products to consumers and create more jobs in the process of inter-industry connection. The
smart agriculture—integrated with advanced information and communication, biotechnology, environment
technology, and nanotechnology—is turning into a high-value added integrated industry, because these
technologies—which are important elements in the development of creative economy—contribute to precise
production, efficient distribution, and fair management. The integration of agribusiness with the information
and communication technologies is fundamental to embody creative economy as an alternative to address the
insufficient workforce issues related to aging, changing climate conditions, more complex distribution
structures, and the fast consumers’ taste changes (Joon-Kee, 2013).
Noel and Qenani (2013) argue that different skills in agribusiness became more important to employers
and the labor market, such as critical thinking, communication, teamwork, creativity, innovation, and
knowledge of marketing and finance. Agribusiness organizations are more flexible, complex, decentralized, and
reliant on collective action and cohesiveness. The development and implementation of technology and
innovations are critical to long-term success of the agribusiness industry. Creative professionals are
increasingly important in this context because of the unlimited horizons they may open through
multidisciplinary processes. Creativity may be a key to solving social challenges and, at the firm level, an
extremely important skill in creating competitive advantages. Flexibility to work in ever changing conditions
and soft skills, such as interpersonal communication, ability to collaborate, and work in teams, are gaining
value and importance in agribusiness, which is an advantage for creative professionals. In a changing business
environment, creative professionals who have critical thinking become valuable resources for companies,
because they analyze situations and solve problems on their own. Managers behave more like facilitators of
synergetic processes, who hire and bring together creative employees, engage them continuously in planning
stages, and allow them to make decisions (Noel & Qenani, 2013).
396 CREATIVE ECONOMY, MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY, AND AGRIBUSINESS

Conclusion
The embedded creative professionals in the manufacturing industry may face a lot of challenges, such as
financial restrictions and a lack of company support for creative workers (Rodgers, 2015). However, creative
professionals and sectors can include research support for innovation in the development of more efficient and
innovative work environments in more traditional activities of the economy, as well as generate collaborative
networks between creative and traditional enterprises and attend the demands of customers in traditional sectors
for creative inputs with regard to ideas, design, and marketing and the introduction of products, services, and
experiences in these markets not directly associated with the creative economy (Granados et al., 2017; Müller et
al., 2009). However, there are still many obstacles to a more intense relation among creative economy,
manufacturing industry, and agribusiness in many parts of the world. The asymmetrical distribution of creative
industries can reinforce contrasts in different territories (Figueiredo, Jesus, Robaina, & Couri, 2019). In various
places, there are inadequate regulatory frameworks to manage potential conflicts between the creators’ financial
remuneration rights and the public access to knowledge, as well as the gaps regarding knowledge and skills
because of failed education systems, with no effective development of the students’ talents and critical thinking
(Jesus & Figueiredo, 2018; Jesus & Kamlot, 2016; Jesus, Kamlot, & Dubeux, 2019; Lemos, Dubeux, &
Rocha-Pinto, 2014).

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doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.09.003
D DAVID PUBLISHING

Hero as Pariah: Trotsky‟s Struggle Against Stalinism

Dibyajit Mukherjee
Prabhat Kumar College, West Bengal, India


Leon Trotsky‟s contribution to the Marxist position in philosophy and his role in the Russian Revolution of October
1917 had been politically maneuvered, tampered with, fabricated and covered by a muck heap of Stalinist slander.
By Stalinism, I am referring to the narrative which was born from the bureaucratic degeneration of the Soviet
Union, after the failure of working class to consolidate and capture state power in Hungary, Germany, Italy and
other western countries which was materially in an advanced position than early 20 th Century Russia. It was also
the political ideology which was born as a result of civil far, famine, pandemic and the invasion of the newly
formed Russian worker‟s state by more than fifteen foreign countries with colonial objectives. Trotsky‟s role in
creating the Red Army, which was a different to that of a standing army and supporters of Trotsky in the Left
Opposition were not only vilified and charged with false accusations but violently purged. In this paper I have
highlighted how Stalinism marked a revolution against the revolution of 1917 and how Trotsky continuously
struggled against the bureaucratic despotism over the working class in post 1917 Russia.

Keywords: bureaucracy, Stalinism, privileged caste, permanent revolution, Trotsky

Introduction
In his reminiscences of Lenin, Maxim Gorky has related a conversation he had with him. When in the
course of it, he mentioned the hostility shown by certain Bolshevists to Trotsky, Lenin banged his fist upon the
table and said:
Show me another man who could have practically created a model army in a year and won the respect of the military
specialists as well. We have got such a man! We have got everything! (Wollenberg, 1937, Chapter 5, Part 6)

This man was none other than Lev Davidovich Bronstein, popularly known as Leon Trotsky, the hero of
the Russian Revolution. Robert Service (2009) defined him as a bright comet in the political sky. Even Stalin
who became his bitter rival later had said in 1918 that “all practical work in connection with the organization of
the uprising was done under the immediate direction of Trotsky…. It can be stated with certainty that the party
is indebted primarily and principally to Trotsky” (Ali, 2013, p. 76). My paper talks about the legacy of Trotsky
and examines the reasons for which he was made an outcast or pariah. This paper would examine what Trotsky
stood for and I would show how even in the face of extreme vilification and a muckheap of slanderous lies,
Trotsky did not for once capitulate and carried on the struggle against capitalism and bureaucratic socialism and
represented the banner of Marxism who had theorized about the permanency of the worker‟s revolution.
Alex Glasgow, in his poem “The Socialist ABC”, writes:

Dibyajit Mukherjee, M.A, M. Phil (Calcutta University), Assistant Professor, Prabhat Kumar College, Vidyasagar University,
West Bengal, India.
 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM 399

S is for Stalinism that gave us a bad name and T is for Trotsky the hero who had to take all the blame.1

The above line brings to light the history of the degeneration of the Soviet Union into a bureaucratic
worker‟s state which, although being anti-capitalist and having a planned economy, proved to be a systematic
system of asphyxiation for the masses of the working class apart from a privileged caste represented by the
bureaucracy at whose head stood Joseph Stalin. Khrushchev understood this and condemned Stalin‟s work in
the 20th party congress but even he did not do anything to change the bureaucratic structure. David North
(2015), in his book In Defense of Leon Trotsky, wrote:
In February 1956, at the 20th Party Congress of the CPSU, Khrushchev delivered his so-called “secret speech”. He
denounced Stalin as a political criminal, responsible for the imprisonment, torture and murder of countless thousands of
Old Bolsheviks and loyal Communists during the purges of the 1930s. Of course, Khrushchev hardly acknowledged the
full extent of Stalin‟s crimes. The indictment was as evasive as it was incomplete. But the impact of Khrushchev‟s speech
was politically devastating. The unstated but inescapable conclusion that flowed from the exposure of Stalin‟s crimes was
that the Moscow Trials of 1936-1938 were a frame-up and that the Old Bolshevik defendants had been murdered. The
thought that “Trotsky was right” haunted countless leaders and members of the CPSU and associated Stalinist parties
throughout the world. And if Trotsky was right about the trials, what else had he been right about? (p. 27)

Indeed, Trotsky was correct about many events. He was correct about the analysis of Russian Society in
1905 and how the two-stage theory of revolution (i.e., first the bourgeois democratic followed by the socialist)
does not hold firm in a backward country, like Russia. In the second chapter of his book Permanent Revolution,
which is named “The Permanent Revolution is Not a Leap by the Proletariat but the reconstruction of the nation
under the leadership of the proletariat”, Trotsky (2005) wrote:
The Russian Revolution came unexpectedly to everybody but the Social Democrats. Marxism long ago predicted the
inevitability of the Russian Revolution, which was bound to break out as a result of the conflict between capitalist
development and the forces of ossified absolutism.... In calling it a bourgeois revolution, Marxism thereby pointed out that
the immediate objective tasks of the revolution consisted in the creation of “normal conditions for the development of
bourgeois society as a whole”. Marxism has proved to be right, and this is now past the need for discussion or proof. The
Marxists are now confronted by a task of quite another kind: to discover the “possibilities” of the developing revolution by
means of an analysis of its internal mechanism.... The Russian Revolution has a quite peculiar character, which is the result
of the peculiar trend of our whole social and historical development, and which in its turn opens before us quite new
historical prospects…. The proletariat grows and becomes stronger with the growth of capitalism. In this sense, the
development of capitalism is also the development of the proletariat toward dictatorship. But the day and the hour when
power will pass into the hands of the working class depends directly not upon the level attained by the productive forces
but upon the relations in the class struggle, upon the international situation and finally, upon a number of subjective factors:
the traditions, the initiative, readiness to fight of the workers. It is possible for the workers to come to power in an
economically backward country sooner than in an advanced country.... To imagine that the dictatorship of the proletariat is
in some way dependent upon the technical development and resources of a country is a prejudice of “economic”
materialism simplified to absurdity. This point of view has nothing in common with Marxism. In our view, the Russian
Revolution will create conditions in which power can pass into the hands of the workers—and in the event of the victory of
the revolution it must do so—before the politicians of bourgeois liberalism get the chance to display to the full their ability
to govern. (p. 161)

In the same chapter, he launched a scathing attack on the liberals or the liberal bourgeoisie by terming
them as a counter-revolutionary force and a population which would strangle and asphyxiate the revolution of
the proletarians who are the direct producers of wealth in a society. He writes:

1
To see full poem, go to http://sa.org.au/marxism_page/int/abc.htm.
400 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM

Since I have not the possibility of setting out here the whole train of thought of Results and Prospects, I should like to
adduce one more summary quotation from my article in Nachalo (1905): “Our liberal bourgeoisie comes forward as a
counter-revolutionary force even before the revolutionary climax. At each critical moment, our intellectual democrats only
demonstrate their impotence. The peasantry as a whole represents an elemental force in rebellion. It can be put at the
service of the revolution only by a force that takes state power into its hands. The vanguard position of the working class in
the revolution, the direct connection established between it and the revolutionary countryside, the attraction by which it
brings the army under its influence—all this impels it inevitably to power. The complete victory of the revolution means
the victory of the proletariat. This in turn means the further uninterrupted character of the revolution” (Our Revolution, p.
172). The prospect of the dictatorship of the proletariat consequently grows here precisely out of the bourgeois-democratic
revolution—in contradiction to all that Radek writes. That is just why the revolution is called permanent (uninterrupted).
But the dictatorship of the proletariat does not come after the completion of the democratic revolution, as Radek would
have it. If that were the case it would simply be impossible in Russia, for in a backward country the numerically weak
proletariat could not attain power if the tasks of the peasantry had been solved during the preceding stage. No, the
dictatorship of the proletariat appeared probable and even inevitable on the basis of the bourgeois revolution precisely
because there was no other power and no other way to solve the tasks of the agrarian revolution. But exactly this opens up
the prospect of a democratic revolution growing over into the socialist revolution. (Trotsky, 2005, Chapter 2)

Supporters of the Stalinist narrative had pointed a finger at Trotsky by saying that the latter had
underestimated the role of the peasantry. This is also a petty vilification and Trotsky (2005), in his Results and
Prospects, wrote:
In the revolutions of 1789-93 and 1848 power first of all passed from absolutism to the moderate elements of the
bourgeoisie, and it was the latter class which emancipated the peasantry (how, is another matter) before revolutionary
democracy received or was even preparing to receive power. The emancipated peasantry lost all interest in the political
stunts of the “townspeople”, that is, in the further progress of the revolution, and placing itself like a heavy
foundation-stone at the foot of “order”, betrayed the revolution to the Caesarist or ancien-regime-absolutist reaction. The
Russian revolution does not, and for a long time will not, permit the establishment of any kind of bourgeois constitutional
order that might solve the most elementary problems of democracy. All the “enlightened” efforts of reformer-bureaucrats
like Witte and Stolypin are nullified by their own struggle for existence. Consequently, the fate of the most elementary
revolutionary interests of the peasantry—even the peasantry as a whole, as an estate, is bound up with the fate of entire
revolution, i.e., with the fate of the proletariat. The proletariat in power will stand before the peasants as the class which
has emancipated it. The domination of the proletariat will mean not only democratic equality, free self-government, the
transference of the whole burden of taxation to the rich classes, the dissolution of the standing army in the armed people
and the abolition of compulsory church imposts, but also recognition of all revolutionary changes (expropriations) in land
relationships carried out by the peasants…. But while every bourgeois party commanding the votes of the peasantry
hastens to use its power in order to swindle and deceive the peasants and then, if the worst comes to the worst, gives place
to another capitalist party, the proletariat, relying on the peasantry, will bring all forces into play in order to raise the
cultural level of the countryside and develop the political consciousness of the peasantry. From what we have said above, it
will be clear how we regard the idea of a “proletarian and peasant dictatorship”. It is not really a matter of whether we
regard it as admissible in principle, whether “we do or do not desire” such a form of political co-operation. We simply
think that it is unrealizable—at least in a direct immediate sense. Indeed, such a coalition presupposes either that one of the
existing bourgeois parties‟ commands influence over the peasantry or that the peasantry will have created a powerful
independent party of its own, but we have attempted to show that neither the one nor the other is possible. (Chapter 5)

Trotsky‟s heroism therefore comes in the shape of a brilliant scientific socialist who had applied the theory
of dialectical materialism quite dexterously. In his essay Revolutionary Silhouettes, Anatole Lunacharsky, the
Bolshevik commissar of culture, described Trotsky as the second great leader of the Russian Revolution.
Attempting to compare Lenin and Trotsky, Lunacharsky credited Lenin as a revolutionary politician of
infallible instinct, less prone to be swayed by his emotions, if only temporarily. Lunacharsky (n.d.) had written:
 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM 401

It would be wrong to imagine, however, that the second great leader of the Russian Revolution is inferior to his
colleague in everything: there are, for instance, aspects in which Trotsky incontestably surpasses him—he is more brilliant,
he is clearer, he is more active. Lenin is fitted as no one else to take the chair at the council of People‟s Commissars and to
guide the world revolution with the touch of genius, but he could never have coped with the titanic mission which Trotsky
took upon his own shoulders, with those lightning moves from place to place, those astounding speeches, those fanfares of
on-the-spot orders, that role of being the unceasing electrifier of a weakening army, now at one spot, now at another. There
is not a man on Earth who could have replaced Trotsky in that respect. When David North (the chairperson of the
International Editorial Board of the World Socialist Website) had asked the historian Alexander Rabinowitch that why did
the attack on Trotskyism carry on for more than seventy years then the latter had replied “Because he is still a threat”.
Therefore, it becomes imperative for me to describe what Trotskyism is and why is it still a threat to both Capitalism and
the Stalinist brand of socialism.

If Trotskyism is considered to be a School of thought, then that school can be said to have five main pillars.
The first pillar of the body of Trotskyism includes the theory of the permanent revolution about which I have
already said in the above lines. This was first established by Trotsky during the 1905 Russian Revolution which
had sparked off after the Czar‟s repressive apparatus had opened fire against a peaceful demonstration lead by
Father Gapon (Wood, 2009). This theory was one which stood against the prevailing orthodoxy of Russian
Marxists who had conceptualized about the two-stage theory of Revolution. This orthodoxy was represented by
the Mensheviks and by Plekhanov who is often considered to be the father of Russian Marxism. They thought
that what was impending in Russia was a bourgeois revolution and that the job of Marxists and of the working
classes was to support the bourgeois revolution as the first stage. Lenin had a radical viewpoint on the same
orthodoxy. Lenin supported this view but the latter went on to say that it would be the working classes and not
the bourgeois class who would lead this revolution. This was different from the Menshevik standpoint in the
sense that this group wanted the working class to play a subordinate role and Lenin wanted to see the working
class who would play the role of the protagonist in the bourgeois democratic revolution. But both Lenin and the
Mensheviks thought that one could not go beyond this two-stage theory. Trotsky contested this. He did not
contest the view that Russia was heading for a democratic revolution. He agreed with that. He agreed with the
idea that the working class should lead this revolution but he argued that if the working class took the leading
role in this revolution, the workers would have to create their own system of power (which they did in the form
of soviets) and in this sense it would become a permanent revolution and would move directly from a
democratic revolution against Czarism into the establishment of worker‟s power which would again be only
completed Internationally. Trotsky writes:
The expression “permanent revolution” is an expression of Marx which he applied to the revolution of 1848. In
Marxian, naturally not in revisionist but in revolutionary Marxian literature, this term has always had citizenship rights.
Franz Mehring employed it for the revolution of 1905-1907. The permanent revolution, in an exact translation, is the
continuous revolution, the uninterrupted revolution. What is the political idea embraced in this expression? It is, for us
communists that the revolution does not come to an end after this or that political conquest, after obtaining this or that
social reform, but that it continues to develop further and its only boundary is the socialist society. Thus, once begun, the
revolution (insofar as we participate in it and particularly when we lead it) is in no case interrupted by us at any formal
stage whatever. On the contrary, we continually and constantly advance it in conformity, of course, with the situation, so
long as the revolution has not exhausted all the possibilities and all the resources of the movement. This applies to the
conquests of the revolution inside of a country as well as to its extension over the international arena. For Russia, this
theory signified: what we need is not the bourgeois republic as a political crowning, nor even the democratic dictatorship
of the proletariat and peasantry, but a workers‟ government supporting itself upon the peasantry and opening up the era of
the international socialist revolution. Thus, the idea of the permanent revolution coincides entirely with the fundamental
strategical line of Bolshevism. It is understandable if this was not seen eighteen or fifteen years ago. But it is impossible
402 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM

not to understand and to recognize it now that the general formula have been verified by full blooded historical context.
One cannot discover in my writings of that time the slightest attempt to leap over the peasantry. The theory of the
permanent revolution led directly to Leninism and in particular to the April, 1917, Theses. These theses, however,
predetermining the policy of our party in and throughout October, provoked panic, as is known, among a very large part of
those who now speak only in holy horror of the theory of the “permanent revolution.” However, to enter into a discussion
on all these questions with comrades who have long ago ceased to read and who live exclusively on the muddled
recollections of their youth, is not a very easy thing to do; besides, it is useless. But comrades, and young communists in
the first place, who do not weary of studying and who, in any case, do not let themselves be frightened either by cabalistic
words or by the word “permanent,” will do well to read for themselves, pencil in hand, the works of those days, for and
against “the permanent revolution,” and to try to get from these works the threads that link them with the October
Revolution, which is not so difficult….It suffices to examine our military political literature to see how permeated it was
with the thought that the civil war is politically the struggle of the proletariat with the counterrevolution for influence over
the peasantry and that the victory cannot be assured save by the establishment of rational relationships between the
workers and the peasants, in an individual regiment, in the district of military operations, and in the state as a whole.
(Lunacharsky, n.d.)

This theory freed Marxism from the grasp of the second International, of German Social Democracy, of
Karl Kautsky which was a movement and a program for a minority mainly for the population of Europe and
North America where Capitalism had already existed and gave a perspective of Global Social Revolution.
Before this, for majority of the population, Marxism was something which could be looked forward to in the
future and not in the immediate present. The programme of socialist revolution was something which was
supposed to happen in the future according to the old type of Marxism. In this way, Trotsky built on and
supplemented the permanent revolution and gave it a global perspective and made Marxism an ideology not
just for the few German Social Democrats but for the oppressed majority of the world. This was a heroic
contribution to scientific socialism.
The second pillar of Trotskyism is Lev Davidovich Bronstein‟s analysis, of the degeneration of the
Russian Revolution into a bureaucratic caricature of socialism. Many Marxists are faced with the question that
how was it then that the greatest socialist revolution of the proletariat ended in the monstrous regime of
Stalinism. Trotsky, in his Revolution Betrayed, gave us a Marxist analysis of why the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (USSR) cannot be termed as socialist. Therefore, in this sense, Trotsky proved his heroic nature once
again. He could have easily taken advantage of his name and prestige and enjoy the benefits that many officers
of high rank in the Soviet Union were enjoying at that time. But he did not. He put his whole life at stake.
When he saw Stalin‟s rise to power he had theorized it to happen because of the failure of the German
Revolution (because of the betrayal of the 2nd International) and which had isolated the Russian Revolution
into an island surrounded by Capitalism. It must also be remembered that after the Russian Revolution, the
newly formed worker‟s state was attacked by 21 so called democratic nations and it was Leon Trotsky again
who had created a Red Army based not on the standing type of military but an army which was basically militia
centric. One must also not forget the counter revolutionary Czarist forces who were trying to restore Czarism
and because of this there had been food shortages and famine and this had led to the exhaustion of majority of
the people. In this situation, it was the rise of the ugly head of bureaucracy that wanted to conserve what they
had gained and the theory of Socialism in one country was propounded by Stalin. Trotsky had managed to
analyze the psychological reason behind the development of such a theory. In Revolution Betrayed, he writes:
In Lenin‟s Declaration of the Rights of the Toiling and Exploited People—presented by the Soviet of People‟s
Commissars for the approval of the Constituent Assembly during its brief hours of life—the “fundamental task” of the new
 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM 403

regime was thus defined: “The establishment of a socialist organization of society and the victory of socialism in all
countries.” The international character of the revolution was thus written into the basic document of the new regime. No
one at that time would have dared present the problem otherwise! In April 1924, three months after the death of Lenin,
Stalin wrote, his brochure of compilations called The Foundations of Leninism: “For the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the
efforts of one country are enough—to this the history of our own revolution testifies. For the final victory of socialism, for
the organization of socialist production, the efforts of one country, especially a peasant country like ours, are not
enough—for this we must have the efforts of the proletarians of several advanced countries.” These lines need no comment.
The large-scale defeats of the European proletariat, and the first very modest economic successes of the Soviet Union,
suggested to Stalin, in the autumn of 1924, the idea that the historic mission of the Soviet bureaucracy was to build
socialism in a single country. Around this question there developed a discussion which to many superficial minds seemed
academic or scholastic, but which in reality reflected the incipient degeneration of the Third International and prepared the
way for the Fourth. Petrov, the former communist, now a White émigré, whom we have already quoted [in previous
chapters of the book], tells from his own memories how fiercely the younger generation of administrators opposed the
doctrine of the dependence of the Soviet Union upon the international revolution. “How is it possible that we in our own
country cannot contrive to build a happy life?” If Marx has it otherwise, that means that “we are no Marxists, we are
Russian Bolsheviks—that‟s what!” To these recollections of disputes in the middle of the twenties, Petrov adds: “Today I
cannot but think that the theory of building socialism in one country was not a mere Stalinist invention.” Completely true!
It expressed unmistakably the mood of the bureaucracy. When speaking of the victory of socialism, they meant their own
victory. In justifying his break with the Marxist tradition of internationalism, Stalin was incautious enough to remark that
Marx and Engels were not unacquainted with the law of uneven development of capitalism supposedly discovered by
Lenin. (Trotsky, 1937b, p. 271)

Paul Le Blanc (2015) noted that the socialism in one country perspective caused for all practical purposes
a downgrade in the seriousness with which the Communist International was taken. Initially established by
Lenin and his comrades to build parties in countries all over the world, this theory was now being vulgarized
and being transformed into a tool for the foreign policy of the bureaucratic brand of Socialism which was being
practiced by the Soviet Union. It is because of this theory that people who are not aware of the history and do
not have a proper knowledge of dialectical analysis fail to analyze the Soviet Union. What people usually do is
ascribe the name—Communism, to the bureaucratic Socialist Russia. Therefore, the fall of Stalinism, in 1991,
is usually known as the fall of Communism and a series of other flawed theories surface, for example, the
notorious notion of the “end of history” put forward by Francis Fukuyama. Even today many leftist parties
worship Stalin as their idol. Trotsky‟s analysis of Stalinism was therefore very important. Trotsky does not see
the rise of Stalinism as a rise of evil. He analyses Stalinism as the development of a conservative and
bureaucratic tendency because of the isolation of the USSR and the failure of the German Communists to lead
the proletarian masses into revolution.
To the question that whether Bolshevism is responsible for Stalinism, Trotsky (1937a) wrote:
The flaw in this reasoning begins in the tacit identification of Bolshevism, October Revolution and Soviet Union. The
historical process of the struggle of hostile forces is replaced by the evolution of Bolshevism in a vacuum. Bolshevism,
however, is only a political tendency closely fused with the working class but not identical with it. And aside from the
working class there exist in the Soviet Union a hundred million peasants, diverse nationalities, and a heritage of oppression,
misery and ignorance. The state built up by the Bolsheviks reflects not only the thought and will of Bolshevism but also
the cultural level of the country, the social composition of the population, the pressure of a barbaric past and no less
barbaric world imperialism. To represent the process of degeneration of the Soviet state as the evolution of pure
Bolshevism is to ignore social reality in the name of only one of its elements, isolated by pure logic. One has only to call
this elementary mistake by its true name to do away with every trace of it.

This leads directly to the third pillar of Trotskyism and that is Internationalism. After the degeneracy of
404 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM

the Third International and especially after the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, Trotsky had created the Fourth
International. On 28th October 1938, an inspiring mass meeting in New York celebrated the founding of the
Fourth International. Trotsky (1938) said:
Dear friends, we are not a party as other parties. Our ambition is not only to have more members, more papers, more
money in the treasury, more deputies. Our aim is the full material and spiritual liberation of the toilers and exploited
through the socialist revolution. Nobody will prepare it and nobody will guide it but ourselves. The old Internationals—the
Second, the Third, that of Amsterdam, we will add to them also the London Bureau are rotten through and through. The
great events which rush upon mankind will not leave of these outlived organizations one stone upon another. Only the
Fourth International looks with confidence at the future. It is the world party of Socialist Revolution! There never was a
greater task on the earth. Upon every one of us rests a tremendous historical responsibility. Our party demands each of us,
totally and completely. Let the philistines hunt their own individuality in empty space. For a revolutionary to give himself
entirely to the party signifies finding himself. Yes, our party takes each one of us wholly. But in return it gives to every one
of us the highest happiness: the consciousness that one participates in the building of a better future, that one carries on his
shoulders a particle of the fate of mankind, and that one‟s life will not have been lived in vain. The fidelity to the cause of
the toilers requires from us the highest devotion to our international party. The party, of course, can also be mistaken. By
common effort we will correct its mistakes. In its ranks can penetrate unworthy elements. By common effort we will
eliminate them. New thousands who will enter its ranks tomorrow will probably be deprived of necessary education. By
common effort we will elevate their revolutionary level. But we will never forget that our party is now the greatest lever of
history. Separated from this lever, every one of us is nothing. With this lever in hand, we are all…. We aren‟t a party as
other parties. It is not in vain that the imperialist reaction persecutes us madly, following furiously at our heals. The
assassins at its services are the agents of the Moscow Bonapartist clique. Our young International already knows many
victims. In the Soviet Union they number by thousands. With gratitude and love we remember them all in these moments.
Their spirits continue to fight in our ranks. The hangmen think in their obtuseness and cynicism that it is possible to
frighten us. They err! Under blows we become stronger. The bestial politics of Stalin are only politics of despair. It is
possible to kill individual soldiers of our army, but not to frighten them. Friends, we will repeat again in this day of
celebration ... IT IS NOT POSSIBLE TO FRIGHTEN US. Ten years were necessary for the Kremlin clique in order to
strangle the Bolshevik party and to transform the first Workers‟ State into a sinister caricature. Ten years were necessary
for the Third International in order to stamp into the mire their own program and to transform themselves into a stinking
cadaver. Ten years! Only ten years! Permit me to finish with a prediction: During the next ten years the program of the
Fourth International will become the guide of millions and these revolutionary millions will know how to storm earth and
heaven.

Trotsky did this because he understood that the theory of socialism in one country would eventually
destroy the Internationalist Communist Movement and would vulgarize it by transforming the movement from
serving the world revolution of the oppressed masses to an instrument of Soviet Foreign Policy. Soon we would
hear many Communist Parties all over the world imitating that style of Socialism and taking their own national
roads to Socialism instead of adopting the International Road. All these so-called National Roads were
eventually the same revisionist parliamentary roads where often these communist parties collaborate and enter
into coalitions with other parties who represent the interests of the capitalist class.
The fourth pillar of Trotskyism can be said to be his analysis of Fascism and how it should be fought against. It
must be mentioned that before Hitler, there was a tremendous tendency in the left to underestimate Fascism.
Trotsky had warned about the impending danger of the monster called Fascism and how the latter has the
potential of running across the spine of the German working class like a terrible tank. He understood that the victory
of Fascism would imply the defeat of the Communist Movement. George Lavan Weissman (1969) wrote:
Liberals and even most of those who consider themselves Marxists are guilty of using the world fascist very loosely
today. They fling it around as an epithet or political swearword against right-wing figures whom they particularly despise,
 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM 405

or against reactionaries in general. Since WWII, the fascist label has been applied to such figures and movements as
Gerald L. K. Smith, Senator Joseph McCarthy, Senator Eastland, Barry Goldwater, the Minutemen, the John Birch Society,
Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Wallace. Now, were all these fascist, or just some? ... These movements not
only permitted Nazism to come to power in Germany without a shot being fired against it, but they failed abysmally in
understanding the nature and dynamics of fascism and the way to fight it. After fascism‟s triumphs, they had much to hide
and so refrained from making a Marxist analysis which would, at least, have educated subsequent generations. But there is
a Marxist analysis of fascism. It was made by Leon Trotsky not as a postmortem, but during the rise of fascism. This was
one of Trotsky‟s great contributions to Marxism. He began the task after Mussolini‟s victory in Italy in 1922 and brought it
to a high point in the years preceding Hitler‟s triumph in Germany in 1933. In his attempts to awaken the German
Communist Party and the Communist International (Comintern) to the mortal danger and to rally a united-front against
Nazism, Trotsky made a point-by-point critique of the policies of the social-democratic and Stalinist parties. This
constitutes a compendium of almost all the mistaken, ineffective, and suicidal positions that workers‟ organizations can
take regarding fascism, since the positions of the German parties ranged from opportunistic default and betrayal on the
right (social democratic) to ultra-left abstentionism and betrayal (Stalinist). The Communist movement was still on its
ultra-left binge (the so-called Third Period) when the Nazi movement began to snowball. To the Stalinists, every capitalist
party was automatically “fascist”. Even more catastrophic than this disorienting of the workers was Stalin's famous dictum
that, rather than being opposites, fascism and social democracy were “twins”. The socialists were thereupon dubbed
“social fascists” and regarded as the main enemy. Of course, there could be no united front with social-fascist
organizations, and those who, like Trotsky, urged such united fronts, were also labeled social fascists and treated
accordingly.

According to Paul Le Blanc (2015), Trotsky analyzed that Nazism could be explained by several
convergent developments. Nazism‟s growing mass base came largely from what he viewed as petty bourgeois
layers, that is the farmers, shop keepers, civil servants, and white-collar employees who definitely did not want
to be proletarianised and were becoming increasingly desperate for an alternative to the grim status quo and the
deepening economic crisis. It is from this that we can go on to point out the fifth and last pillar of Trotskyism,
which culminates in his theory of the United Front as opposed to the popular front put forward by Stalin and
Dimitrov. Trotsky called for a United Front of Social-Democrats and Communists, drawing on a
conceptualization to which the Communist International of the early 1920s had been won by Lenin, Trotsky
himself and others; the notion that a working class divided between reformists and revolutionaries as the most
effective fighters, could ultimately win the adherence of a working-class majority. This dynamic played out in
Russia in 1917, when the reactionary General Kornilov was defeated by the united working-class action, giving
the Bolsheviks predominant influence in the working class. Paul Le Blanc (2015) noted that:
Trotsky felt that the people‟s front approach blurred and made incoherent any pretence at a Marxist understanding of
current realities, insisting that it could not realize its own stated goals of stopping fascism and war. He had always
championed the working-class united front, whose primary purpose was to facilitate working class victories around
specific struggles, while enabling revolutionary socialists in such an alliance to expand and enhance their own influence,
with a perspective of drawing more and more sectors of the working class in a revolutionary socialist direction. (p. 105)

These five pillars serve as Trotsky‟s legacy as a hero of the Russian Revolution and his legacy as a true
Marxist analyst and a dialectical materialist. Apart from this he was an artistic writer as well. David North
(2015), in his book In Defense of Leon Trotsky, noted:
I attended a lecture on Russian Literature by an aged specialist who had fled his homeland in the aftermath of the
October Revolution. This was not a man from whom one could expect the slightest sympathy for Trotsky. At the
conclusion of his lecture, a survey of Russian Literature in the twentieth century, I asked him to give his opinion of
Trotsky as a writer. I recall vividly both his answer and the thick accent with which it was delivered: “Trotsky”, he replied,
“was the greatest master of Russian prose after Tolstoy”. Many years later, this assessment was echoed in a remark made
406 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM

by a student I met during my first visit to the Soviet Union in 1989. He confessed that reading Trotsky was for him a very
difficult experience. Why was this so? “When I read Trotsky”, he explained, “I am forced to agree with him—but I don‟t
want to!” (p. 8)

Trotsky at the time of his exile from the Soviet Union had many followers. At that time, he had created a
left opposition which was a bloc against the bureaucracy. It was basically the fight between two camps. One
camp was represented in the conservative ideology of socialism in one country which represented the Stalinist
bureaucracy and the other which was represented by Leon Trotsky and his ideology of International
Revolutionary Marxism. Stalin was aware of this and therefore he had conducted the operation of his
banishment in secrecy. Deutscher (1963) noted in his The Prophet Outcast:
Stalin was still afraid of commotion. The troops assembled in the harbor were there to prevent any demonstration of
protest and any mass farewell such as the Opposition had organized a year earlier, before Trotsky‟s abduction from
Moscow. This time there were to be no witnesses and no eye witness accounts. Trotsky was not to travel with a crowd of
passengers before whose gaze he might resort to passive resistance. Even the crew was warned to keep to their quarters
and avoid all contact with those on board. A nervous mystery surrounded the voyage. (p. 2)

This “nervous mystery” in Deutscher‟s statement was well anticipated by Lenin (1922) when he wrote:
Comrade Stalin having become Secretary General has unlimited authority concentrated in his hands and I am not sure
whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution. Comrade Trotsky on the other hand as his
struggle against the C.C on the question of the People‟s Commissariat for Communications has already proved, is
distinguished not only by outstanding ability. He is personally perhaps the most capable man in the present C.C and he has
displayed excessive self-assurance and shown excessive preoccupation with the administrative side of the work. These two
qualities of the two outstanding leaders of the present C.C can inadvertently lead to a split and if our party does not take
steps to advert this, the split may come unexpectedly.

Not only this, Lenin (1922) had also written a letter which suggested that Stalin should be removed from
the post of General Secretary:
Stalin is too rude and this defect, although quite tolerable in our midst and in dealings among us Communists,
becomes intolerable in a Secretary-General. That is why I suggest that the comrades think about a way of removing Stalin
from that post and appointing another man in his stead … namely, that of being more tolerant, more loyal, morepolite and
more considerate to the comrades.

Not only was Stalin rude according to Lenin but he proved to be the murderer of the Internationalist
Communist Movement. Stalin later on became notorious for the famous Moscow trials, which was a kind of a
purge against Trotskyists and other enemies of the state and one has to remember that this was a degenerated
worker‟s state. The Moscow Trials was just one of the process of making Trotsky, the hero, into Trotsky the
Pariah. Issac Deutscher (1963) had very beautifully said:
Trotsky‟s verdict that the Stalin era will go down in the history of artistic creation pre-eminently as an epoch of
mediocrities, laureates and toadies has come to be generally accepted. Who does not now agree with him that under
Stalinism the literary schools were strangled one after the other and that the process of extermination took place in all
ideological spheres and it took place more decisively since it was more than half unconscious. (p. 322)

To make Trotsky into a pariah, the new “Trotskyism” was invented which would create a narrative of lies
and slander to bury the truth under this gigantic heap. Trotsky (1927), in his The Stalin School of Falsification,
talked about the letter from G. Piatakov where the latter writes:
 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM 407

Dear Leon Davidovich,

You ask me to inform you what I am able to recall about the speeches of Lashevich and Zinoviev on the occasion of a
discussion with Leningrad comrades on “Trotskyism” which took place at Kamenev‟s home. I no longer remember all that
was said. But since I have always been deeply disturbed by the question of so-called “Trotskyism,” and since the attitude
of the Opposition of 1925-1926 towards this question was always of enormous political interest to me, I remember quite
clearly what Zinoviev and Lashevich said to us. I do not recall the exact words but the sense of what they said I remember
well, namely: “Trotskyism” had been invented in order to replace the real differences of opinion with fictitious differences,
that is, to utilize past differences which had no bearing upon the present but which were resurrected artificially for the
definite purpose mentioned above. This was told to the comrades from Leningrad who were wavering on the question of
“Trotskyism” and to whom it had to be explained how and why the legend of “Trotskyism” had been created.

In the same book, Trotsky (1927) wrote:

This admission on the part of Zinoviev aroused considerable astonishment among many second-rank leaders of the
Leningrad Opposition who were not initiated into the conspiracy and who honestly believed in the legend of “Trotskyism.”
Zinoviev told me repeatedly: “In Leningrad we hammered it into the minds of the comrades more deeply than anywhere
else and it is, therefore, most difficult to re-educate them.” I recall quite accurately the words that Lashevich shouted at
two members of the Leningrad Group who came to Moscow to clarify themselves on the question of Trotskyism: “Why do
you keep standing the matter on its head! We invented „Trotskyism‟ together with you in the struggle against Trotsky.
Why won‟t you understand this? You are only helping Stalin! etc.” Zinoviev in his turn said: “You must keep the
circumstances in mind. You must understand it was a struggle for power”. The trick was to string together old
disagreements with new issues. For this purpose, “Trotskyism” was invented.

He even quotes from Karl Radek‟s letter where Radek had written:
I was not present during the first conversation but heard of it later from L. D. [Trotsky]. But I was present at the
conversation with Kamenev when L. B. [Kamenev] said he would openly declare at the Plenum of the Central Committee
how they, that is, Kamenev and Zinoviev, together with Stalin, decided to utilize the old disagreements between L. D.
[Trotsky] and Lenin so as to keep comrade Trotsky from the leadership of the party after Lenin‟s death. Moreover, I have
heard repeated from the lips of Zinoviev and Kamenev the tale of how they had “invented” Trotskyism as a topical slogan.
(Trotsky, 1927)

Therefore, it becomes painstakingly important for us to observe the legacy of a man who was a
working-class hero and who was unstoppable. During Czarist regime, he was sent to Siberia twice in exile, but
he did not give up, after the isolation of the Russian Revolution and the triumph of the bureaucracy he was
exiled, but he posed a threat to the Stalinist caricature so much so that he had to be assassinated in a planned
way by an agent of the USSR‟s State Political Directorate, namely Ramon Mercader, who had disguised
himself as Trotsky‟s student—Franck Jackson. Mehring Books, after publishing Vadim Z. Rogovin‟s book
Stalin’s Terror of 1937-1938: Poitical Genocide in the USSR (translated by Frederick S. Choate), writes as a
review:
Professor Vadim Rogovin demonstrates that the principal aim of the terror was the physical annihilation of the
socialist opposition to Stalin‟s bureaucratic regime. Moreover, Rogovin places at the very center of this historical tragedy
the crucial political figure whom most contemporary historians tend to ignore: Leon Trotsky. Rogovin insists that it is
impossible to understand the purges apart from Stalin‟s determination to stamp out all vestiges of Trotsky‟s influence
which, despite years of repression, had remained a powerful current with revolutionary potential both within the USSR and
abroad. (Rogovin, 2009)

Even after his death, the vilification continued as there was always the threat of the ideas of revolutionary
Marxism forcing a political revolution in the USSR. He was a hero of the commons and USSR had become a
408 HERO AS PARIAH: TROTSKY‟S STRUGGLE AGAINST STALINISM

champion in preserving the bureaucracy. At the time of Trotsky‟s death, the people composed a ballad which
summarizes the notion of Trotsky as a pariah:
Stalin and the assassin
In frank cooperation
Carried their crime with precision
To its final destination.
Expelled from his country
He wandered through many nations
Always fighting bitterly
to combat oppression. (Le Blanc, 2015, p. 177)

The pathetic transformation of this hero into a pariah can be summed up in a conversation between
Trotsky and Kishkin who was an officer in charge:
The officer in charge, ashamed because he had served under Trotsky during the civil war, lamented: “Shoot me,
Comrade Trotsky!” To which Trotsky responded: “Don‟t talk nonsense, Kishkin. No one is going to shoot you. Go ahead
with your job”. Yet the revolutionary chose not to cooperate with the arrest, forcing the GPU agents to break down the
door and physically carry him away. (Le Blanc, 2015, p. 31)

References
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Deutscher, I. (1963). The prophet outcast: Trotsky: 1929-1940 (Vol. III). United Kingdom: Vintage Books.
Le Blanc, P. (2015). Leon Trotsky: Critical lives. Great Britain: Reaktion Books Ltd.
Lenin, V. (1922). Letter to the congress. Retrieved from
https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1922/dec/testamnt/congress.htm
Lunacharsky, A. (n.d.). Revolutionary silhouettes. Retrieved from
https://www.marxists.org/archive/lunachar/works/silhouet/trotsky.htm
North, D. (2015). In defense of Leon Trotsky. USA: Mehring Books.
Rogovin, V. Z. (2009). Stalin’s terror of 1937-1938: Political genocide in the USSR. USA: Mehring Books.
Service, R. (2009). Trotsky: A biography. England: Pan Books.
Trotsky, L. (1927). Some documents relating to the origin of the legend of “Trotskyism”. Retrieved from
https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/ssf/sf07.htm
Trotsky, L. (1937a). Stalinism and Bolshevism. Retrieved from https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1937/08/stalinism.htm
Trotsky, L. (1937b). Revolution betrayed. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Revolution_Betrayed
Trotsky, L. (1938). On the founding of the fourth international. Retrieved from
https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/10/foundfi.htm
Trotsky, L. (2005). The permanent revolution & results and prospects. India: Aakar Books.
Weissman, G. L. (1969). Pamphlet introduction. Retrieved from
https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1944/1944-fas-htm
Wollenberg, E. (1937). Trotsky and the Red Army. Retrieved from
https.//www.marxists.org/history/ussr/government/red-army/1937/wollenberg-red-army/ch06.htm
Woods, A. (2009). Bolshevism: The road to revolution. India: Aakar Books.
International Relations and Diplomacy, September 2020, Vol. 8, No. 09, 409-417
doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.09.004
D DAVID PUBLISHING

Trojan Terrorism as a Principate of Deception, Or in the Arms of

the Terracotta Locust (Ethymological Wing Cases of Virtus):
Part II

Menshikova Elena Rudolfovna

New Institute for Cultural Research, Moscow, Russia


“Trojan terrorism” leaped to the place and in time as an exhalation of bewilderment at the terrorist attacks in
London last year, as a challenge to political manipulation, and jumped as the continuation of the topic of migration
(the fundamental problem of modernity), as a creation of an internal conflict that multiplies the external conflict, in
the theme of systemic instability ― theoretical reasonableness of Deception, which destroys the system of contracts
as a condition of the world order. My report at the University of London (Birkbeck) on Feb. 9, 2018, which was
read in English, still not the latest direct evidence of the use of this scandalous method of “Trojan terrorism” — the
defamation of the whole country (Russia), plus violation of territorial integrity, including and military attack,
another country that lies on the other side of the ocean (Syria), and which is accused of not living by the rules (the
“Absolute” method by Caesar), the relevance of its problems beat real events in because the state of modern
“utopianism” ― the state of Utopus (USA), intended from the matrix of the British Empire, its tactics of
violence ― “occupy” (seizure of the “alien”) ― has never changed, and the March-April events in international
politics are just another notch on this dead python, which is called “democratic values”. As in the case of Marks’s
“Capital”, the theory first followed, and then the practice of sabotage: a system of terrorist attacks, riots, revolutions,
world and civil wars, and “Trojan terrorism”: bold attacks by international terrorists, sweeping away the principles
and norms of any social treaty (Rousseau did not even dream of this sadness), the norms of law, ethics and morality,
economic agreements (interstate agreements), including military demonstration of force, provocation of military
conflicts, pirate antics, demarches of intimidation and blackmail, reviving the myth of the Trojan Horse and giving
it the status of an “established order”: the norms that are accepted by the majority as “natural law”, as the natural
course of things, contrary to common sense and universal human canons of being, legitimize treachery and deceit as
the only one of possible and all probable ways of further development of human society ― such are the “difficulties
to the stars”: without star wars, but by “occupy”, which allows us to conclude that “Trojan terrorism” is the sum of
technologies aimed at seizure the land (habitable) by fraud, panic, and violence.

Keywords: terra, terror, “Trojan terrorism”, piracy, technology of lies, Myth


This is a translation of an article published in Russian in the Russian Theoretical Journal Credo New, 2018, No. 3 (P. I).
Menshikova Elena Rudolfovna, candidate of Cultural Research (Diploma of the Ministry of Education of the Russian
Federation (VAK) from 17.12.2004), New Institute for Cultural Research, Moscow, Russia.
410 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II

Introduction
Who took place on the political Olympus after France licked its wounds? The Puritans carried out two
revolutionary attacks ― Absolutism faded into the shackles of parliamentarism and the independent states have
arisen ― and, at the same time, interest in the colonies flared up. (Note between the case: In Britain, the
abolition of the slave trade was proclaimed only in 1807, while in the colonies, it continued to go at full
speed ― such offshore points of the time ― and longer than a century, that is, even after the formal abolition of
slavery in America [1865]. Moreover, one of the reasons for the Caucasian War of 1817-1864 was the desire of
the Russian emperor to stop the slave trade traffic through the Tersky and Sancharsky passes, closing the slave
market legally existing from the time of the Ottoman Empire, supported by tolerant European diplomacy). It is
important to consider that the “policy of elimination”, that is, terror itself, is carried out by one who has an
understanding: that there is a “established order” (disciplina) and that there is a “mess” (perturbatio, magna
rerum), who has an established understanding of “compensation of damage” ― that lidless vein of The
Merchant of Venice that will not forget his piece of liver from the debtor, that is, an established system (partly
fiscal) of imposing fines and indemnities, that guided by “summum jus-summa injuria” (literally: “the right
brought to extreme formalism leads to lawlessness”) (Kupreyanova & Umnova, 1999, p. 86), represents the
legislative framework of “Trojan terrorism” as violence, while serving as a strategic part of state planning and
economic management (those the levers without which the state’s ship goes to one, but with which it can be
likened to the Flying Dutchman).
In a word, in every chaos, there is a malicious order — not crowds of people who abandon their lands in
search of a better life, for a straw of happiness, provoke “Trojan terrorism” — this would be possible in the
presence of a real natural cataclysm (for example, in the case of an active and the expanded migration of
Pelasgians and Achaeans in the Mediterranean region in the second half of the second millennium BC, which
gave rise to the Myth of Troy, as well as the great civilization of the ancient Greeks — by lie for salvation), but
when nature rests, military demarches are inventively planned, decoratively formalized in the
contract/agreement, having, as a rule, the economic interest. So, Caesar quarreled among themselves the Gallic
leaders in order to eventually enrich by appropriating someone else’s among the fighters as a bonus for their
reconciliation (a contribution to the common case of the world — such Games of “good will” of the 1st century
BC), and to get their Caesarianism. Alas, the tactics is preserved, the strategy is banal and transparent, and even
the performers — the people — are the same: psychophysics is unchanged (Theophrastus will confirm with his
“Characters” (Stratanovsky, 2007)1 — they have fallen for deception, they become stupid in a panic, freeze
from fear, flee from death — manifest, expressed, leading to the scaffold of retaliation. And in addition, faith
has nothing to do with it — all the moves booked up.
According to the law established in the state since Roman law, the tenant (colon) coming to the state or
living there, but not as a citizen (land owner), but an employee and user of the land, was vested with rights
equal to citizens, that is, fiscal taxation, otherwise, taxes, but also enjoyed the benefits of the state on an equal
basis with citizens equally, without prejudice to reputation (Fichman, 1991). Now, a colon — a migrant, a
migrant arriving — is not always a citizen, but only in potential, is registered on the rights of a serf, who can be
whipped or sent out, or a slave — completely disenfranchised, to whom death is for deliverance, and only by
bribing a public prosecutor, you can change your fate — becoming the “shadow” of a white person. But if the

1
He created an encyclopedia of psycho-characteristics of the “first half of the 1st century BC”.
 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II 411

state is afraid to provide all entering (and illegal immigrants, including) work and, especially, land for rent,
maybe we should cool down the “melting pot” — close the border for migration? In fact, it is not indeed a
seizure of someone else’s territory, but the “redrawing” of terra from within — its transformation into terra
nova — something that did not exist here before — a new “small planet” within your homeland, whose
development is under attack by someone’s eyes, and as if it is not him (someone) — an Alien, but you become
a stranger and no longer needed and superfluous for this land — this is what scares away migrants, thousands
of whom carry with them the nodules of their outskirts (with the ashes of their ancestors, with a bowstring of
culture) and missionaries, whose luggage is scarce, but far-reaching plans, for such an alien rogue, that the
extortionist who is ready to become “his” from an “outsider” — easily and unconstrainedly, will spin the
overtime wheel at any moment — will get rid of those who sheltered him, squeezing him, spray him to dust —
since the alien’s superiority is legitimized behind the scenes in the open vastness now announced “a zone of
strategic interests” and turned into a “zone of conflict” (and worse — the “evil empire”) — by the
self-presentation of an agent nickname: “Bond. James Bond” — the very affectation of military prowess (virtus)
that makes Bandar-logs admit its defeat, numbing with fear under the Kaa’s laser, falling under the rings of
Saturn of Horror. So, the initial assumption arises that the additional connotation of the word “terrorism” is
hidden behind the word “horror” (timor, Latin) — and this is the “fox tail” that covers the caterpillar track of
any direct action — capture.
If now the uniformity of the style of the word terrorism is preserved in all languages of the
Indo-European group (excluding hieroglyphic and Arabic), indicating, by the way, on one basis — terra,
which is also unchanged, like the denotation (Yartseva, 1990)2 responsible for the derivation, affecting the
creation of the word-formative nest, with no practically synonyms, with the usual an extremely narrow
signification: (a) the earth, as a world body; earthquake (terrae motus); (b) earth, like soil; (c) a separate earth, a
country (Petruchenko, 2017, p. 645), having the same root adjectives and participles terrenus, a, um (earthy,
consisting of earth, belonging to the earth, located in the earth), terrester, stris, stre (on earth, located on the
land), terreus, a, um (consisting of earth, earthen), and the same root synonym territorium (earth belonging
to the city, urban district, territory is a word of obviously late formation), then the denotation of “horror” and
“fear” will be expressed by different names, for example, timor, oris, m. (anxiety, concern, fear) and terror,
orus, m. (fear, horror) (Petruchenko, 2017, pp. 645-647), that is, different words in pronunciation and style (in
other words, synonyms), and since the dictionary entry does not record the time of birth and distribution of a
particular language unit, we dare to assume that the second word is of a later origin, since it is one of the most
influential publications of the Roman Empire heyday — Caesar’s “Commentaries on the Gallic War”,
according to which future strategists not only taught the theory study, but also learned the basics and tricks of
Latin in Roman schools, even when the empire fell and the Middle Ages were released, this publication
resorted to this tracing of the denotation of “fear” only three times, and each time in a different
word/combination, there are with different connotations, which confirms our guess about the “unpopularity” of
the word terror, that is, of little use. The French Revolution added the citation index to the word — it was the

2
“Denotation (from lat. Denotatum—denoted) — denoted object. In traditional logic, it is called the “scope of the concept”. D.
is an object of thought, reflecting an subject or a set of objects of reality (things, properties, relationships, situations, states,
processes, actions), which are called this unit (due to its linguistic meaning). D. is the subject value of the object, established in
the process of its designation. And the more significant features the “meaning” (signification) of a linguistic unit contains, the
narrower its D., and vice versa.
412 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II

French who launched the word that, in terms of sound, orthoepic coincidence — by the rhotacismus sound of
the rolling rr — with the Republic’s date of birth: 9th Thermidor, described the situation, the action, the
condition, and the process, which changed the attitudes of French by rebellion and revolt (“La Revolte”), who
entrusted justice to the Guillotine. However, the synonymous series of the denotation of “fear” is much wider in
the old French dictionary: pear, espaorir, espaourer, dubitous, avoir, dolor, peine, anguise, aveir, pesfroi, and
criemble. The situation is similar with the English, Spanish, and other languages that have received the greatest
influence from Latin, having absorbed almost all of its vocabulary and grammar, calculating, but preserving the
utterances of the Britons, Gauls, Celts, Castilians, therefore, in the preparation of the next “frogs” we will rely
specifically on the Latin dictionary as the main source of our interpretations, turning to Gaius Julius to clarify.
The expression “es terrore” in the sentence “Postridie ejus diei Caesar, priusquam se hostes ex terrore ac
fuga resiperent, in fines Siessionum...” [C., II, XII]3 confirms the use of denotation in the phrase “from horror”.
The second case is “neque is sum”, inquit, “qui gravissime ex vobis mortis perculo terrear: hi sapient...” [C.,
V, 30]4, where the expression “fear of death” is conveyed in three words, moreover, same in meaning (almost
synonyms), forms an idiomatic neologism — plus all the meanings of “danger”, “threat”, and “death” in order
to enhance a sense of superiority — courage, in this case. And the third one is “...esseper territis Romanis...”
[C., VI, 8]5, when the conceptual core of the meaning “fear” expands due to the signification (content of the
concept) — “a test by a panic attack that entailed fear, stress, and confusion). The horror brought about by the
persecutors (Caesar’s troops), instilled by death itself, flying off from the spears of the legionnaires who carried
death and personified it, being for the Gauls representatives of another kingdom, as well as death (for the living)
— referent and messenger of the underworld — terrenus, that is, another land — the space of death (the
territory that is bypassed and is avoided, and people especially not eager to get there, ahead of time, if you are
in your right mind and solid memory). The Latin dictionary indicates that this last word was usually used in
poetic speech, and therefore, it had a wide circulation, influencing the imagination, and developing imaginative
thinking, which, in turn, allows us to conclude: the word “terrenum”, having verbal forms “terreo”, “territum”,
“terrui” in the meaning of the word “to frighten”, “to scare” was used not only to inspire fear about the gods of
the underworld (Hades’ terrenum), but also to insure people against early death, who were avoiding to get there
(by foolishness, accident, adversity, other people’s anger). Note that stress always carries meaning, as if only
briefly: timor — where the stressed syllable — mor — means “death”, or literally: “more timor” is “threat by
death” — “a threat originating from the land of Death — the underground Hades’ space. This gives us a chance to
stretch the thread of connotations from “terror” to “terra” through the rattling flasks of “timor”, bringing them
together tropically — through metonymic convergence and metaphorical affectation. And if this is so, then
“Trojan terrorism” as virtus is “timor” (“horror of death”), since “Trojan terrorism”, transforming into Terror
— the execution of “not your own” (by conviction), execution is not according to the law, but the new statutory
Order introduced by the revolutionary storm, supporting the raging death, spreading its prominences and
helping to untwist the hate and violence, begins to be associated with the “execution”, in whose submission
there is a rich arsenal of directed verbs: tear to pieces, kill, capture, etc. (about these efforts below).

3
Gaius Julius Caesar. Decree. Op. p. 27 (“The next day, Caesar, not letting the enemy come to his senses from horror and flight,
led the army into the land of the Suessetani...”).
4
Caesar. Commentaries on the Gallic War. A concise collection of Latin texts/sokolwlad.narod.ru/latin/texsts/caesar05.html (“I
am not so afraid of death more than any of you!”).
5
Ibid, literally: “...with such a panic among the Romans...”.
 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II 413

And again, the Myth’s space can help to understand not only the collisions of modernity, but also the
etymological wisdom of a distant language, according to many, long deceased (dead), but, note, so prolific with
all its decrepitude — Latin sprouted thoroughly in one of the largest language families — Indo-European,
especially influencing the Romano-Germanic group, whose languages occupy a leading place in the modern
world. Let us say that the Trojan Horse was carved by the fire of the Theseus’ battle with the Minotaur — an
army came up from the dragon’s teeth, a stone of discord was thrown to overcome it, and the draconian seeds,
transforming into warriors, “devoured themselves”, destroying each other — and the revolution got rid of its
leaders and heroes just like that: execution “indiscriminately”, without trial, in the name of the revolution —
fire! Quarreling and killing the enemy by dirty trick is a method that Odysseus deftly used, and then the
cunning and wise Caesar, and then...and all the other Caesars of all countries and times — in a word, it has
been introduced into the practice of political games and political strategies of states, cartels, and charters —
clearly-faceless corporations. But the dragon’s sons look out from each of us, and are ready to “tear up” anyone
who has opposed. So, the year 1789 awakened the dozing seed of “retaliation” by occasion of “disobedience”,
and Termidor pulled terror, like a goby on a rope, with the snakes of horror (timor), think of it as the
uncontrolled Valkyries of Medusa (Gorgon). Giving “terrorism” the status of “terror” (in the sense of “horror”)
deprives him of his right as a “nomadic colonus” for any established order — or it sows death, revealing
“lawlessness”, it is outlawed, and even God, but only within one faith, because other religions do not count, and
therefore, fear is instilled around the migration spills, which were and flowed like the Tigris and Euphrates
rivers, always, though changing their channels, and thanks to which civilization has developed. At the same
time, the reluctance of state officials to give each migrant the rights and duties of a citizen of the state (the one
to which he arrived), transferring him into the status of a “colon” — the holder of land and property, equalizing,
according to “democratic values”, turns into a ghetto for displaced people, in poor enclaves in the center of
cities, outlying reservations, life-threatening not only to the indigenous population, but to anyone who wanders
there. So, the artificial slavery of our time is fraught with a real threat of death, concealing the “horror of death”
and frightening it with “pitch-black land, living without rules and outside the law”. And it looks like “hysteria”
with migrations is “overblown”: There is not so much of it — just all the migrants in sight — differ in
“plumage” and “color”, stagger idle, had not been integrated into the economy, are hanging around by thorn,
sauntering without purpose and understanding: Why are they here? What betrays or emphasizes the artificiality
of the selection of this “evolutionary” leap, more likely a “circle”, or rather, an “invasion”, planned, forced?
Which Procrustes pulls the body of migration? It seems that he is still the same scoundrel who is more
interested in his own wallet than in justice, why democratic values are generally perceived as a tall tale.
The ousting of migrants is not existential, since it does not change their inner essence: he stoically
preserves his world, himself, language for all his external (sometimes noticeable) mimicry to a new space,
because his “otherness”, “alienation”, and “strangeness” are his own “shield and sword”, because the outcast is
“constrainedly”, knowing about its paid “slavery” (by deception or by promise); it is included in the army of
the “nomadic colonus”, which does not need a rental — after all, temporary stay is not connected with future
plans and taxes: Everything is fickle and shaky, a sandstorm blows from the newest colonus — it is more like
an army of mercenaries: mobile, obedient, manageable, prone to seasonal work, which does not change the
nature of existence or of nature, whose modus vivendi is defined by the word “jelly”. This is a
ready-made “Terracotta Army”: age of recruitment for the majority of migrants — there are no old men,
moreover, it is mainly the male population, which is why the distributors of panic and “threats of death” build
414 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II

their arguments precisely from these characteristics of the modern “nomad”, escalating fears and provoking an
intellectual ferment. Who benefits from this? It seems to those who benefit from “terror” as a form of genocide
among their own people, as a means of intimidation. Migration became those dragon’s teeth, which Theseus
raised himself, forgetting or not thinking that the seeds are fake — not natural, magical, and deceptive. After
participating in the Anthropological Congress in Izhevsk (2017) about migration, stringing the “voices” of the
regions on a thread and strengthening in thought that the “king is naked” — labor migration provokes local
unemployment, gathering all the strings of reasoning, that is, having by analogy, I suppose that labor shortages
in European countries also do not exist — artificial excitement — it is all about the prices: For the means of
production and the force that leads the means to the final result, the goods, and that the person (modern homo
sapiens) forgot human commandment: Know when to stop is not limit of possibilities so much, as needs.
Migration looks ridiculous, absurdly and recklessly (especially for its puppeteers) without specific (counted and
verified) needs as a “shabby barin” (A. Chekhov). The manipulation of public consciousness led not only to
great sacrifices — persecution of witches, crusades have resulted in usurious system that is resistant to the
freezing of humanitarian disasters and human failures. This system came to Europe from the East (bank
employees as a dispersed seed of the caliphate), and that undermines the entire economic system of production
relations of the West: credit, loans, exchange-rate volatility, market expansion, stimulation of consumption,
interest and interest — all aimed at widening profit margin of the old woman-moneylender by extensive way:
jump of nomad, capture of “top”. The closed “mutual responsibility” of systemic capital, described by Marx
passionately and fully, is now read as a poem that was created for the new Agon of the newest civilizational
turn, but in reality as old as the world — piracy, as a new poem — non-fiction, which replaced the “Iliad”. And
there is another valor in it — deceiving and enchantingly exciting, since it parasitizes on the base — instincts
and emotions, it does not require expenditures for improvement and accomplishment — only resourcefulness of
the mind, treachery, and cunning, which, according to the theory of evolution, are permissible and necessary as
wing cases of violence and aggression. And at this time, after millennia, the Trojan “humpbacked horse” was
not mistaken in its trajectory. The European Union led by Chancellor Merkel, as league of poleis, led by
Agamemnon, were waging a “fair war to provide redress” (which, as we already said, there was not), himself
introduced the “Trojan horse” into its open spaces — but at this time, the wooden horse is skillfully turned,
with the only difference being that it is not a detachment of mercenaries — a nomadic colonus — inside it, but
seedlings of a Terracotta Army from the Middle East, new “deputies” of new liberalism, and the effect of the
future “explosion” seems to me no less dangerous and formidable — not The Hanging Gardens of Babylon, but
the hanging mushroom cloud of Hiroshima, and someone should just give up the terra, which, as always, is a
bargaining chip of property unions — after all, Horse (coupled with terrorism) was put by Europe itself, which
played too long with a buffalo/cow — carried away by the sutras of Orientalism back in the 19th century.
And since most migrants do not demonstrate the need to take root (to dig into the culture), but rather they
dig them into the infrastructure (the service industry is like a “trench” — not a dugout), then migration itself,
representing separate clans of supports (lowered class elements — without citizenship (property, rights),
without showing interest in the “land” (habitat), it is natural to see in it, in addition to the auxiliary “life saver”,
that you will not mind throwing away, but also the potential replenishment of the mercenary detachment — that
warring “nomadic colonus” that turns out to be a “dangerous neighbor”, whose hands fought wars and colour
revolutions in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. They live like garbage — by surface, not taking root and not
working (This is a metaphor, but an expanded metaphor in 1999 was presented by Sam Mendes in his film
 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II 415

“American Beauty”, where any human life is likened to “garbage” — every person who lost the meaning of his
existence when his modus vivendi cannot be found — but it is scattered by a torn cellophane under gusts of
wind). That same poison ivy is a colon, deprived of property rights, land, without the hope of ever getting it,
but whose family is holding hostage by the former tenant, waiting for a command. And this command is one:
Fire!
Having created and implemented the precedent of Deception, the Trojan Horse changed the paradigm of
worldview: The hero was replaced by a deceiver — the lie was introduced into everyday life of the ethos as a
“norm” (in some cases, it was perceived as “valor” and “virtue”, we only note that all Eastern wisdom is built
on “deception on a stranger”, and the justification of justice (from Chinese, Korean, Japanese, Indian, to Arabic
and Turkic) is compiled. Heroization, like military valor (virtus), having lost its “honest rules” (Achilles,
Hector), was transformed into the tactics of “black hunters” — it was their trick that Odysseus used during the
siege of Troy — 10 years — too long for revenge or it was compensated nothing: Queen of Sparta’s honor (as
well as property rights) are not affected — even improved (Menshikova, 2018). Therefore, there was nothing
left (to save strength, of which the Achaeans had little), how to seize a stranger’s house and stuff by cunning
(deception) and small victims (to clean up in their image — such hardworking, but such unlucky Greeks), and
Ilium was precisely the center of wealth, a bag of gold, a beacon of the richest region, a Wind Rose from trade
routes, a keeper of fertile soils, the owner of the depths of the sea and sea creatures of fishing, etc. Do not desire
to obtain that which is not yours, says the Russian proverb. When this dishonest/unholy “tool of the battle” was
introduced, Homer has grown cold towards the legend: It was deliberately cut off, as if the aoidos had lost
interest in the word, forgot the paths of allegory, turned off the lights — he paused with the loss of a hero
worthy of imitation.... So, the Heroic Age was replaced by the Piracy Age, which continues to this day, because
a completely different devil — the Dodger — jumped out of the “Odyssey’s” box, nullifying the epic with its
educational function, introducing the dodger’s novel (travel genre) as the forerunner of the mass culture.
Despite the same verse size, the “Odyssey” is not woven with a hexameter — Homer’s tale is so smooth and
entertaining (and the matter is not only in the skill of Russian translators — both Zhukovsky and Gnedich felt
this “difference” in poems, therefore the perception is different: The paradigm of the Greek world was
changing by “Odyssey”) about the adventures of the thieves — burglars and deceivers who had lost their
combat power, as if the T-34 had moved them all, their consciousness was leaking, and they would never be
near Achilles or raise the Dioscuri’s sword. The fantastic form of the narrative, focusing on magic and fantastic
story, led the listener out to epic heroism into the jungle of everyday jest — a philistine story that did not
require interpretation, did not need existential commentary, but entertained, and without consolation (Boethius,
I believe, saw the difference), it is only for fun — it is impossible to teach by deception, edifying, to be
Heracles or Hector, but to educate a new “hero” — the future “man without properties” or homo ludens — is
easy! Maybe if Odysseus, among other Phaeacia’s gifts, besides Agon, also brought a “game” — collective,
group, team, then perhaps the Achaeans were not destined to play “little war” for centuries, measuring the skill
in controlling the sword and breaking the Corinthian slams? Who knows (but we do not like the subjunctive),
why the Inca Empire, having invented football, suddenly switched over to “hoolie scene” — bloody sacrifices,
which led to a decline in morals and, in fact, the death of civilization — “rotting a gene” — the people simply
disappeared, playing in “Violence”, and the metropolis dissolved under the onslaught of the flora. Is it bad for
humanity to play? To play, or not to play? Into what?
416 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II

This is really a civilizational scrapping that happened from the inside, because the ethos of human
dormitory were shaken — Deception as a permissible liberty entered the system of contracts and entrenched
oneself thoroughly in there, now it has a developed network of trenches and ditches — a practical lie that
prevents a person from standing and walking straight (according code of honor, deception and forgery are not
allowed). It is that “Procrustean bed” that lets people say “alien” is “your own”, if you do not have
opportunities, but there are intentions and thirst, and allows forgery without fail. The war was waged within the
deep antiquity: on schedule, coordinated in time with arable, seasonal work, it was an open battle, and, of
course, the partisans of the “black hunters” were used (otherwise why would new recruits be trained for it?), but
apparently not often, because it is not worthy (both Hesiod and Athena will chide), and then you became a
simple “hunter”, like many, not Hector. Heroization was needed for the construction of a policy in the system
of Law, Earth and Sanity — such a “common home” for a perfect person — not ideal, but committing an act in
a completely passing way — with honor and straightforwardness. When people stopped to be ashamed of
deception, the Trojan Horse, like Bucephalus or Svyatogor’s horse, began to serve faithfully and was an excuse
for the cave greed of those foreigners who were left without shelter — the Achaeans scoured the Mediterranean,
like wolves, in search of a new homeland (after the ecological disaster in 1326 BC), and finding it, they seized
in it like jackals until they gnawed it together with hands of the former owners. We can say that the
“hypocritical refuge of villains” is “Trojan terrorism”, and not “patriotism” at all, as the Puritans inspired
through the paradox.6
The modern renegadeness7 saturated with the corporate spirit, prays only to one god — Deception,
considers that pleasure, desires and consumption are modus (modus vivendi) of his existence, and therefore
remains at the lowest level of organic, for which “storm and onslaught” was important (and remains)
(according to Darwin and Schiller) — emotions and violence — those spears that lead their colonus (holder) to
success in a primitive way — likening among similar ones. The renegadeness, hustling and standing in line of
robotics for artificial intelligence, reduces civilization to a “consumer basket”, hoping to sooth a headache by
virtuality, developing pharmacological addiction, developing cosmic escapism, getting used to and not resisting
artificial food and laziness, taking to the needle of “blissful idleness”, and proclaiming the manifesto of the
generation “indolence” as “the last argument of the kings”, thus gaining for itself an estate equal in privilege to
the aristocracy. And this simple packaging of “the bee’s knees” — the so-called elites — is now accessible to
everyone thanks to anonymity, offshore zones, scattered on the planet by dandelion troops, usurious offers of
banks, profanity of art and education, and spraying consumer goods. Is this not a blast of the newest Horse? A
disruption of the stream that sprayed-crucified virtus by The Humpbacked Horse’s vivendi?

6
“Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel” — the Samuel Johnson’s maxim, which was mistaken for an aphorism in the
Literary Club on April 7, 1775, and published by James Boswell in the biography of Johnson in 1791. We note the fiction
technique known to both Aristophanes and the Arbiter, and Cicero, is an example of how verbal exercise, applying to the laurels
of oxymoron, seems to be an aphorism — an utter wise statement, while the joke of a wit hovered like a propagandistic canard for
six years, and after the 9th Thermidor it was ringed, hanging an aiguillette of exclusivity, it is convenient for the hypocritical
“involvement”.
7
The first book about this segment (type) of society, which was called “Renegades”, giving a definition, describing the
phenomenon that began to take shape in Russia after the Emancipation reform of 1861, was written by N. V. Sokolov, colonel of
the general staff, journalist of the “Russkoye Slovo”, after the publication of which in 1866, the author was arrested, and the
circulation was destroyed. After a one and a half years of imprisonment in the Peter and Paul Fortress, Sokolov was expelled to
the Astrakhan Governorate, from where he escaped, joined the Bakuninians in exile (see Kropotkin, 1988). This is another
evidence from the “life of viruses” — criticism of social phenomenon leads to opposition, which leads to dissidentism, that it
plans and conducts counterrevolution — as if from far away — from Longjumeau’s hovel.
 ETHYMOLOGICAL WING CASES OF VIRTUS: PART II 417

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