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Geed 10033 - Readings in Philippine History - Pdf.
Geed 10033 - Readings in Philippine History - Pdf.
Table of Contents
Content Page
Unit 1
UNDERSTANDING HISTORY USING PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SOURCES
Lesson 1.
Meaning and Relevance of History ..............................................................................2
Lesson 2.
Test of Authenticity and Credibility ..............................................................................8
Lesson 3.
Test of Authenticity and Credibility: The Tejeros Convention of 1897 ..................... 14
Unit 2
SPANISH COLONIZATION TO THE PRESENT
Lesson 1.
Chronicles about the 16th Century Filipinos: The First Voyage
Around the World and the Customs of the Tagalogs ................................... 35
Lesson 2.
Kartilya ng Katipunan ................................................................................................. 48
Lesson 3.
The Declaration of Philippine Independence ............................................................ 54
Lesson 4.
The Malolos Constitution and the First Republic ....................................................... 62
Lesson 5.
Visual Sources in the Stud of History ......................................................................... 72
Lesson 6.
Raiders of the Sulu Sea: A Documentary Presentation ............................................ 83
Unit 3
HISTORIC CONTROVERSIES
Lesson 1.
The Site of the First Mass .......................................................................................... 88
Lesson 2.
The Cavite Mutiny ...................................................................................................... 92
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Unit 4-A
SOCIAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC and CULTURAL ISSUES
A General Discussion
Lesson 1.
The Constitution of the Philippines .................................................................................... 113
Lesson 2.
The Indigenous People: Some Notes ................................................................................ 118
Lesson 3.
History of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines ....................................................... 124
Unit 4-B
SOCIAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND CULTURAL ISSUES
With Adaptations to the Disciplines of the Students
Lesson 1.
Bridges in the 19th Century Philippines Through Selected Photographs
(For Engineering and Architecture Majors) .......................................................... 128
Lesson 2.
The “Moro” Problem (For Liberal Arts Majors) ............................................................... 134
Lesson 3.
Implementing Public Order through the Claveria Decree of 1849
(For Computer Science, Accountancy and Business Admin. Majors) …. ................. 138
Lesson 4.
The School Curriculum in the Philippines: Its Historical Development
(For Education Majors) …........................................................................................ 144
Unit 5
APPRECIATING HISTORIC AND HERITAGE SITES
Lesson 1.
Dealing with Local History ................................................................................................. 151
Lesson 2.
Philippine Heritage and History .......................................................................................... 158
Appendices
Appendix A.
Dealing with Local History ................................................................................................. 163
Appendix B.
Philippine Heritage and History .......................................................................................... 164
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List of Figures
Figure Page
Figure 1.
Reseña Historica de la Inauguracion de la Iglesia de
San Ignacio de Loyola de Manila en 1889 ............................................................ 1
Figure 2.
The book Katipunan and the Revolution ............................................................................. 16
Figure 3.
The book Revolt of the Masses ......................................................................................... 23
Figure 4.
The Main Academic Building of PUP and its environs ................................................. 34
Figure 5.
Photo of Emilio Jacinto courtesy of Ambeth Ocampo ................................................... 49
Figure 6.
The Malolos Congress which convened at the
Barasoain Church in September 1898 .................................................................. 63
Figure 7.
Equal Work, Unequal Salary, Why? and
American Worker/Filipino Worker ................................................................... 77
Figure 8.
Tanong na Makahulugan .................................................................................................. 78
Figure 9.
The painting Planting Rice (1951) by Fernando Amorsolo ……………………………81
Figure 10.
Ambeth Ocampo’s picture of Jose Rizal’s alleged retraction document ...................... 87
Figure 11.
Photo of the Spanish arsenal in Cavite taken during the American Period. ............... 93
Figure 12.
Map of Cavite Arsenal. ................................................................................................... 104
Figure 13.
Sergeant Fernando La Madrid, a mestizo who served as one
of the leaders of the Cavite Mutiny ................................................................... 108
Figure 14.
An Indian carpenter of the Cavite Arsenal ................................................................... 108
Figure 15.
Fathers Gomez, Burgos and Zamora, the martyrs of Filipinism. .............................. 110
Figure 16.
The destruction of downtown Manila during the liberation campaign. ................... 112
Figure 17.
Manuel Roxas signing the constitution of the Philippines ......................................... 115
Figure 18.
History of Government Agencies on Indigenous People ........................................... 119
Figure 19.
Ethno-Linguistic Map of the Philippines ...................................................................... 120
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Figure 20.
Four Bundles of Rights from Republic Act No. 8371. . ............................................... 121
Figure 21.
The Absence of regulatory measures on the consumption of
tobacco made the children addicted to it. ......................................................... 127
Figure 22.
The Puente de Malagonlong in Tayabas, Quezon ....................................................... 130
Figure 23.
The Puente de España. .................................................................................................... 131
Figure 24.
The system of writing by the Pre-colonial Filipinos called Baybayin ……………….145
Figure 25.
The transcript of records of Rizal at the Ateneo Municipal ………………………….146
Figure 26.
The subjects taken Up by Rizal at UST ……………………………………………….147
Figure 27.
The world heritage icon Paoay Church in Ilocos Norte .............................................. 150
Figure 28.
The Ruins in Bacolod City .............................................................................................. 159
Figure 29.
Heritage Cycle. .................................................................................................................. 160
Figure 30.
Cultural Agencies and their role in heritage
management in the Philippines ........................................................................ 161
Figure 31.
Categories of Cultural heritage in the Philippines ...................................................... 161
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PREFACE
It is difficult to read history—dealing with it makes even worse. Yet, the faculty
members of the Department of History of the University who kept these pieces together tried
with ardor to respond to the challenge of the University in its call to write an instructional
material for the online classes as a consequence of the dreadful pandemic. The task is
tough and demanding because it seeks a thorough review and analysis of sources—
something which cannot just be done in a given limited period of time.
It is with great pleasure to write an instructional material for the benefit of the
students of the University and, perhaps, as a contribution to the discipline. However, it is
equally terrifying to succumb to inadvertent mistakes and criticisms that may arise from
clerical errors, editing and haphazardness. This is because history is always enlightening
and therefore inaccuracy is not permitted--there is no room for mistake, no room for doubt!
Whatever inexactitude and lapses committed herein, the indulgence of the readers is
earnestly sought—mea culpa. Those who prepared this material do not claim title to certain
ideas, visuals and illustrations. In fact, they are also committed students of history.
This material came up with the concerted effort of certain faculty members in the
Department: Prof. Jasper Christian L. Gambito wrote Lesson 1 (The Meaning and
Relevance of History) in Unit 1; Lesson 1 (Chronicles About the 16th Century Filipinos) and
Lesson 6 (Raiders of the Sulu Sea) in Unit 2; Lesson 1 (The Site of the First Mass) in Unit
3; and, Lesson 2 (The ―Moro‖ Problem) in Unit 4-B. Prof. Mc Donald Domingo M. Pascual,
the editor and chair for this module, dealt with Lesson 2 (Tests of Authenticity and
Credibility) and Lesson 3 (The Tejeros Convention) in Unit 1; Lesson 2 (The Declaration of
Philippine Independence) and Lesson 5 (Visual Sources in History) in Unit 2; Lesson 2 (The
Cavite Mutiny) in Unit 3; Lesson 1 (Bridges in the 19th Century) and Lesson 3 (Implementing
Public Order Through the Claveria Decree of 1849) in Unit 4-B; and, Lesson 1 (Dealing with
Local History) in Unit 5.
Atty. Melchor A. Pelleja, on the other hand, tackled Lesson 4 (The Malolos
Constitution and the First Philippine Republic) in Unit 2; Lesson 1 (The Constitutions of the
Philippines) and Lesson 3 (History of Agrarian Reform in the Philippines) in Unit 4-A; and,
Lesson 4 (The School Curriculum in the Philippines: Its Historical Development) in Unit 4-B.
Prof. Sherrenne R. De Amboy, the co-chair and layout in-charge of the team, presented
Lesson 2 (The Indigenous Peoples: Some Notes) in Unit 4-A and Lesson 2 (Philippine
Heritage and History) in Unit 5. Finally, Prof. Ma. Rhodora Agustin examined Lesson 2
(Kartilya ng Katipunan) in Unit 2.
The team wishes to thank Prof. Marlon F. Agoy-Agoy, the chairperson of the
Department of History, for his unfaltering support and understanding towards its members—
he has never failed to remind them with great compassion; to Dr. Nicolas T. Mallari, the
dean of the College of Social Sciences and Development for his usual considerations; to the
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University Administration for this opportunity; to Ms. Angelica Sevilla for her cooperation
and effort; to Mr. Lito S. Lacaba, Jr. for the cover design; and, to all of those who, in one
way or another, helped in carrying out this task.
―To err is human, to forgive is divine.‖ It is hoped with great zeal that this humble
material shall be used meaningfully by the students, less the shortcomings. It is anticipated
that, from here, they will be able to learn the ideas and information they need in order to
accomplish their pursuits in the course Readings in Philippine History (RIPH) and, of course,
to satisfy the quest for the truth about the past in their attempt to understand the present
and, perhaps, the future better. Be it like that, all the hardships and challenges in doing this
piece will be paid off.
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UNIT 1
UNDERSTANDING HISTORY
USING PRIMARY AND
SECONDARY SOURCES
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Lesson 1
Introduction
History is a boring subject for many. Students find it dull due to certain reasons as
previous techniques in teaching which tended to focus on memorizing the dates of historical
events, as well as the names of historical figures and the places where these events took
place. As such, it is the aim of this lesson to shed light on the meaning and relevance of
History in the daily lives of the Filipinos. Without dismissing the necessity of knowing the
answers to the basic questions of what, where, and when, studying history should be more
concerned in answering questions like ―Why a certain event happened?‖ and ―How did it
happen?‖ In the first place, why is it necessary to write history? Is it just a mere caprice of
the academician for him to brag his technical expertise? Can the study of history be useful
in understanding the different factors that led to the development of the present society?
Learning Outcomes
1. Identify credible and authentic primary sources and know how to evaluate their
provenance.
2. Determine the various repositories of historical sources where
What is History?
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Aristotle once said, history is a systematic account of a set of natural phenomena. It is also
an investigative work because people aim to satisfy their thirst for truth. History attempts to
know the actions of human beings that were accomplished in the past (Collingwood, 1976).
In the Philippine setting, the classic definition of history is given by Zeus Salazar, a
notable historian and retired professor of the University of the Philippines. To him,
Kasaysayan, the counterpart of history in the mother tongue, is an essential narrative with to
a group of people that is characterized by uniqueness and identity. This uniqueness, as
opined by Salazar, is largely based on their own language and heritage, hence ―Ang
Kasaysayan ay salaysay na may saysay para sa isang grupo ng tao na may kakanyahan,
identidad na nakasandig sa sariling wika at kalinangan (Sebastian and Rosales, 2008).
Through this definition, Salazar reiterates that the essence of history depends on whose
history is being narrated and who the intended audiences are.
It is important to note that history is not the past, but rather a glimpse of the past.
The entirety of the past cannot be narrated and included in all of the written histories for the
main reason that not everything which happened in the past were recorded and/or
documented. Therefore, history does not create narration of past events; rather a recreation
of past events based on available materials.
Collingwood (1976) tells that history is valuable because it teaches people what they
have done and thus what man is. Through history, the present generation could assess the
feats and defeats of the previous generations and can learn not only from their errors but
also from their victories. The following relevance of history were enumerated by Peter
Stearns (1998).
The Archives of the University of Santo Tomas contains rich Spanish-era collection,
especially with regards to education-related records during the Spanish Period. The
National Archives of the Philippines (NAP) also contains rich Spanish-era collection, more
particularly when it comes to government-related records of the Spanish regime. If the
students wish to conduct researches on ecclesiastical-related topics, they can go and visit
the Archdiocesan Archives of Manila which is located in Arzobispado, Intramuros. This
depository contains vast information on Church affairs. It is also here where the infamous
Retraction Letter of Rizal was found. Moreover, the Manila Observatory Archives contains
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pertinent data regarding the various weather disturbances and conditions. This is due to the
fact that the Observatorio served as the weather forecasting bureau of the Spanish colonial
government.
Other institutions of higher learning boast their rich collections of both primary and
secondary sources. Among them are the University of the Philippines Main Library in
Diliman Quezon City; the Ateneo de Manila University‘s Rizal Library and Historical
Collection of the United States Embassy in Loyola Heights, Quezon City; and, the De La
Salle University Libraries in Ermita, Manila.
Students who wish to conduct researches on ethnic groups can visit the SIL
Philippines in Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City. The said archives offer almost 2,000 titles
relating to the languages of the Philippines. The archives of the Congregation of the
Immaculate Heart of Mary (CICM), also in Quezon City, offers collections on documents
written by CICM missionaries who were posted in the northern parts of Luzon. Other
depositories are the centers established by local historical networks. These centers provide
helpful sources about the history of their towns or provinces, thus the study of local history
becomes easier.
Spanish Depositories. The following are the principal Spanish depositories which contain
tons of collections pertaining to the Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines:
The Spanish government through the Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte launched the
Portal de Archivos Españoles (PARES) which offers free access to digitized copies of
documents and other sources that can be found in Spanish Archives. Through this initiative,
students of history in the Philippines can freely access digitized documents and other
sources online.
Mexican Depository. The Philippines was a part of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the
capital of which was situated in Mexico. The ties between the two Spanish territories ended
when Mexico gained its independence in 1821. Because of this, a multitude number of
sources could possibly be sitting in the Archivo General de la Nacion de Mexico which can
be very useful to students.
British Depository. For a brief period of time, that is from 1762–1764, the British occupied
Manila. It was through this invasion that some historical sources written during the Spanish
period made its way to the British Museum. As a matter of fact, Jose Rizal took some time
to research inside this facility in an attempt to annotate the Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas of
Antonio de Morga.
American Depositories. Among the main depositories in the United States of America
include the following:
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The proliferation of online archives is also beneficial to researchers who do not have
the capacity to conduct research in any of the above-mentioned depositories. Although
many of their collections are yet to be digitized, archive.org and Project Gutenberg offer a
wide array of scanned sources which are available for download.
Sources are defined as artifacts that have been left by the past. They exist either as
(1) relics, (2) what we can call as remains, or (3) as the testimonies of witnesses of the past
(Howell and Prevenier, 2001). Based on this definition, the students can infer that historical
sources are not only confined to written documents but also to artifacts and ecofacts. A
basic definition from Collins English Dictionary relates artifact as ‗something made or given
shape by humans such as a tool or a work of art. On the other hand, Merriam Webster
Dictionary denotes artifact as a simple object showing workmanship or modification as
distinguished from a natural object. Basically, it is an object remaining from a particular
period. Examples are tools and ornaments.
It is easy to say that an artifact does not only refer to antiquated objects which are
usually associated with archaeological finds but to any object which were modified by
humans for their own purpose or consumption. Also, an artifact is a mute witness of the
period of its existence. On the other hand, ecofact, according to the Oxford Dictionary
pertains to an excavated piece of evidence consisting natural remains, as opposed to an
objects of human workmanship. To make it simple then, an ecofact is the direct opposite of
an artifact.
Primary Source
Secondary Source
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Unwritten Sources.
Unwritten sources include the following: (1) archaeological evidence; (2) oral
evidence; and (3) material evidence.
Oral Evidence. Oral evidence pertains to folk tales, myths, legends, folk songs and popular
rituals. These sources might contain information pertaining to the culture of the people who
created them. These pieces of evidence can also give a glimpse of the people economic
activities at a given time, especially their socio-political organization and social condition.
Material Evidence. Material evidence includes photographs, art works, videos, and sound
recordings.
Activity
Propose a title for a possible research and come up with at least three (3) statements of
the problem or arguments. Prepare an outline which would determine the flow of your
research. Using digital archives, prepare a bibliography of the sources which you can use
in your research. Classify your sources according to type.
References
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Howell, M., & Prevenier, W. (2001) From reliable sources: An introduction to historical
methods. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
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Lesson 2
Introduction
Sources are said to be worthless if they are not used by historians. The accounts of
historians are insignificant likewise if they are not read by readers, especially the students of
history. This is the reason why every information to be used must be accurate, hence the
importance of internal and external criticisms. These criticisms are parts and parcels of the
so-called methods of history.
Learning Outcomes
Method pertains to the process of thoroughly examining and critically analyzing the
records and survivals of the past. Likewise, it means the accumulation of data about the
past to be thoroughly examined and critically analyzed by a set of scientific rules so that a
certain past that is attempted to reconstruct can be determined whether it actually happened
or not.
On the other hand, Historiography refers the process of reconstructing historical data
that have already been tested by the method. Also, it means the synthesizing of historical
data into a narrative or discourse. The writing of history books, researches such as theses
and dissertations or articles for publications or for lectures in conferences and seminars
undergo historiography.
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Sources are likewise fabricated in order to justify the supposed occurrence of events.
A classic case on this matter is Negative Revisionism which, in anyway, attempts to alter
history or its course by means of trying to moderate or restrain the impact of history to a
person, institution or groups.
Another reason in performing the Test of Authenticity is for the historian to detect
misleading sources. Sources that mislead purposively can misinform and, therefore,
miseducate people because they divert the value or real meaning of events. Moreover,
identifying the authorship of a source, the time of an event, including the time when the
source was written, and the space of an event are equally important. The authorship of the
source provides strong authenticity and credibility to it while time and space, together with
the prevailing practices of that period, become the bases of the context of an event, the
building blocks of a historical process. It must be noted that an event being studied must
be situated in its proper context in order to adequately comprehend, analyze and interpret its
historical value.
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Here are some assumptions which can guide historians or researchers in examining
primary sources:
1. Sources like relics, artifacts, remains, documents, and witnesses are accurate when
proven to be authentic and credible. Relics, artifacts, and remains, though, are more
reliable while documents (or narratives) and witnesses are more detailed and specific.
5. Sources would tend to be bias, especially to its provenance or to the one who made it
or held its custody.
6. If sources like witnesses or their testimonies do not have immediate interest or direct
involvement to the event, they become more credible than those who have interest or
direct involvement.
7. If all independent sources agree to a certain event, then the event becomes usually
acceptable or factual.
8. Testimonies of witnesses are credible if the witnesses are mentally and emotionally fit
at the time of the interview or declaration.
9. The source that does not conform to its milieu is considered a fabricated source.
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Disagreeing or hostile sources are difficult to deal with, particularly when there is no
enough evidence that deal with the event being studied. Here are some tips that a historian
needs to consider when dealing with them:
1. If two sources disagree with each other and there is no way wherein one could be
examined over the other and vice-versa, the source with more logical reasoning and
which accords common sense would be considered.
2. If sources or witnesses do not agree on certain points, the source that gives more
proofs to its authenticity and credibility becomes more reliable.
4. A source or witness that holds orientation from one school of thought or philosophy—
e.g., Marxism—is usually argumentative or hostile with other sources. Thus, the
milieu of the source or the events tackled must be examined by looking at other
sources that convey the same theme and that do not hold orientation from any school
of thought.
There are certain values that must be observed in doing historical writing or
research. It is expected that a historian should exude the following:
Impartial and rational in interpreting his data and in synthesizing his work.
Open to the use of all available and relevant sources, including those that contradict
his arguments.
Free from the influence and subjection of others; he must subject himself only to the
truth.
Thankful to those who helped him in pursuing his research in one way or another.
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Establish a serious and rational familiarity with sources and a critical dialogue with
other historians and the reading public.
Secure all forms of sources and allow them to be used by other historians.
Abstain from unreasonable interpretation of his data in order to achieve his intended
purpose.
It must always be borne in mind that History is a relevant and moralizing discipline
that is why it must always be objective and accurate.
Activity
Get the original copy of your birth certificate issued by the Philippine Statistics Authority
(formerly National Statistics Office) and discuss its (1) competence and impartiality in
telling the truth, (2) willingness in telling the truth and (3) adequacy of data that it conveys.
What other sources do you have at home do you think you can corroborate with your birth
certificate? What corroboration did you establish?
References
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Gripaldo, E. M., Boquiren, R. R., Miranda, E. A., Jose, R. T., Ignacio, V. S., Ambrosio, D. L.
… Mata, R. C. (2009). Kasaysayan ng Filipinas at mga institusyong Filipino. Sentro
ng Wikang Filipino. Unibersidad ng Pilipinas.
Howell, M., & Prevenier, W. (2001). From reliable sources: An introduction to historical
methods. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Scott, W. H. (1984). Prehispanic source materials for the study of Philippine history. New
Day Publishers.
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Lesson 3
Introduction
A rift began between the two factions when differences between Andres Bonifacio
and Emilio Aguinaldo regarding the strategy of confronting Spain became obvious.
Bonifacio, the Supremo, based his decisions on the consensus of prominent katipuneros
while Aguinaldo believed on a centralized institution in effectively carrying out plans (May,
2017). This, and the series of defeats he suffered against the Spaniards, caused his
reputation as leader of the Katipunan to dwindle in favor of Aguinaldo, apart from the
continuing suspicion and jealousy that would characterize the members of the Magdiwang
and Magdalo. His engagements with the Spaniards, no matter how extraordinary and
perilous the battles were, considering the armaments they had, spawned the gradual loss of
esteem and confidence as evidenced by the disrespect of certain members of the Magdalo
Council in his attempt to solve their predicament. Though the conflict was limited in Cavite
and certain parts of Batangas, it affected the solidarity of the Katipunan until the demise of
Bonifacio and his brother in May 1897.
Learning Outcomes
The sources to be used in discussing the Tejeros Convention are the books
Katipunan and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General by Santiago V. Alvarrez (1992) and
The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan by the late historian
Teodoro Agoncillo (2005).
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Born in Cavite in 1872, Santiago Alvarez was a member of the Magdiwan Council by
serving as Captain-General of its forces. Because of his unfaltering courage and tenacity,
he valiantly fought the Spaniards in the Battle of Noveleta in 1896 with his father, General
Mariano Alvarez, and cousin, General Pascual Alvarez. This led to the death of two
Spanish officers and the capture of the civil guards and their weapons. He likewise
participated in various assaults in Maragondon, Magallanes, Alfonso, Silang, Imus, San
Francisco de Malabon and the coastal towns of Naic and Tanza. He earned the nom de
guerre Kidlat ng Apoy or Kapitan Apoy among the revolutionary forces due to his
extraordinary bravery in the Battle of Dalahican where he decisively defeated the Spaniards.
Although discriminated by Emilio Aguinaldo, Alvarez continued to support the revolutionary
cause until his retirement from the battlefield when the Americans finally defeated the
Filipino insurgents.
Alvarez enrolled at the University of Santo Tomas yet he later transferred to San
Juan de Letran where he obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree. Subsequently, he took up
law at the Liceo de Manila. He took part in the reorganization of the Nacionalista Party
which aimed at securing independence from the United States of America in its appropriate
time (Filipinos in History, 1995).
In the Preface of his book, he said the following about his participation in the
Katipunan and the Revolution.
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The late Teodoro Agoncillo was an eminent Filipino historian who authored
numerous books and articles on Philippine history and literature. He is known for his History
of the Filipino People (8 editions, 1960, 1967, 1970, 1973, 1977, 1984, 1986, 1990),
Malolos: The Crisis of the Republic, The Fateful Years: Japan‘s Adventures in the
Philippines (2 Vols., 1965), The Burden of Proof: The Vargas-Laurel Collaboration
Case (1984) and more. His Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan
which is regarded as a classic work in Philippine historiography gained him prominence.
The book initially espoused the idea of a nationalist historiography by contending that
the writing of Philippine must be in the Filipino point-of-view (Quibuyen, 2008). He regarded
that the masses made the revolution successful while the Ilustrados were forced to join it
upon seeing its imminence to success. As such, the book has made an impact among
scholars when it comes to studying the revolution as a product of the collective struggle of
the masses (Aguilar, 2020).
The book Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan was
initially published by the College of Liberal Arts of the University of the Philippines in 1956.
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Activity
Read the Katipunan and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General by Santiago Alvarez
and The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan by
Teodoro Agoncillo and examine their respective claims about the Tejeros
Convention. Your answers should be written comprehensively in the matrix below.
A. Test of Authenticity
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B. Test of Credibility
Similarities and
Objectives of the Persons involved in Difference with
SOURCE Biases of the Author
Event the Event Other Independent
Testimonies
Katipunan and the
Revolution:
Memoirs of a
General
C. Finding/Conclusion
References
Agoncillo, T. A. (2005). Revolt of the masses: The story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan.
Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
Alvarez, S. V. (1996). Katipunan and the revolution: Memoirs of a general (P.C. Malay,
Trans.). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
May, G. A. (2007). Warfare by "pulong" Bonifacio, Aguinaldo, and the Philippine revolution
against Spain. In Philippine studies (Vol. 55, No. 4, pp. 449-477). Quezon City:
Ateneo de Manila University. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/42633930.
Richardson, J. (2013) Light of Liberty: Documents and Studies on the Katipunan, 1892-
1897. Manila: Ateneo de Manila.
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UNIT 2
SPANISH COLONIZATION
TO THE PRESENT
Figure 4. The Main Academic Building of PUP and its environs. (PUP Memorabilia).
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Lesson 1
Introduction
The so-called Age of Exploration and Discovery which commenced between the 15 th
th
and 16 centuries is considered by most historians as the turning point in the development
of Philippine history. In 1521, Magellan accidentally reached the Philippines which marked
the succeeding expeditions by subsequent explorers and by the conquest of the Philippines
by Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. The arrival of Legaspi in 1564 and his effective
occupation of Cebu in 1565 started the 333-year rule of the Spaniards in the Philippines.
This lesson hopes to give the students an overview on the various events and turning points
which helped in shaping the course of the history the country.
This unit and its lessons include certain discussions on the expeditions commenced
by Spanish navigators, initial impressions made by the Spaniards towards the natives, the
resistance of the Filipinos against colonial rule, and the eventual foundation of the present-
day Republic of the Philippines. The flow of discussion is somewhat peculiar. Unlike the
usual method of teaching history which is based solely on chronology of events, the
sequencing of the topics is thematic and shall challenge the critical thinking ability of the
students. This lesson which is focused on the Magellan Expedition and the Customs of the
Tagalogs will look into the state of the Philippines through the narratives made by the
chroniclers in the 16th century.
Learning Outcomes
1. Determine the importance of the Philippines for the economic gains of Spain.
2. Develop concepts on the state of the Philippines during the initial East-West
encounter in the first quarter of the 16th century.
3. Evaluate the authenticity and credibility of sources based on provenance and
critical evaluation of content.
The author of the account for this topic is Antonio Pigafetta who lived sometime
between 1491 and 1531. Hailed from Vicenza, he was an Italian scholar and explorer who
belonged to a rich family. This allowed him to have the means to study astronomy,
geography and cartography. Being a member of a rich and influential family, Pigafetta was
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able to make his way and become the chronicler of the Magellan Expedition. He was
among the 18 crew members who were able to return to Spain out of the approximately 270
crew members of the ill-fated expedition.
How was the account written? There are four known manuscripts or versions of
Pigafetta‘s account. One version which is located at the Ambrosiana Library in Milan is
written in Italian. Three other versions were written in French. The first French version titled
Le Voyage et Navigation was found in Paris sometime in 1525. This version was translated
into Italian in 1536 with the title Il Viaggio fatto dagli Spagnivoli. Subsequently, it was
included in the first volume of Navigationi et Viaggi published in 1550 by Giovanni Battista
Ramusio. This French version had been the basis of subsequent translations to different
languages.
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Ferdinand Magellan‘s expedition left Seville, Spain on August 10, 1519, although
their actual voyage started on September 20, 1519. There were five ships that comprised
his fleet. These were the Victoria, Concepcion, San Antonio, Santiago, and Trinidad along
with some 270 crew members. The expedition was able to reach the West African coast
prior to the crossing of the Atlantic. They then reached Brazil and other parts of the South
America in the Atlantic. While exploring the southern portion of the South American
continent, the Spanish captains who had resentment towards their Portuguese leader made
a mutiny. The mutiny, though, was quickly crushed later.
On October 21, 1520, after more than a year of naval voyage, Magellan was able to
discover a passage which connects two great bodies of water, the Atlantic and the newly-
discovered Pacific Ocean. This passage was named as the Strait of Magellan. During this
time, however, only three out of the five original ships were able to cross the passage
because the ship San Antonio deserted the voyage by reversing its course while the ship
Santiago was wrecked by a strong squall in the Brazilian coast. The crew members of the
expedition experienced horrible conditions while crossing the Pacific Ocean. It was even
described that some of the men were forced to eat the leathers of their gears and garments
and ropes, mice and saw dusts just to keep them alive. Their agony ended when they were
able to replenish their stocks in Guam on March 6, 1521. They initially called the island as
the Island of Sails but later changed it to Isla de Ladrones when natives stole a boat from
the ship Trinindad. Ladrones, a Spanish term, means thief in English.
On March 16, 1521 they were able to land in the island of Zamal (Samar). Their
arrival coincided with the day of the Feast of St. Lazarus that is why Magellan named the
islands that he and his men saw as the Archipelago of St. Lazarus. They then went to
Humunu (Homonhon) where they met the rulers of Butuan and Caraga, Rajah Siagu and
Rajah Colambu. On March 27, 1521, they left Homonhon and reached Masao (Mazaua?) in
Butuan on the following day. Magellan and Rajah Colambu made a blood compact as a sign
of their friendship. On March 31, 1521, Fr. Pedro de Valderrama offered a mass. The crew
later installed a cross on the mountains, signifying the conquest of the land.
From Homonhon, the expedition through the assistance of Colambu sailed to Cebu
where they met Rajah Humabon on April 7, 1521. Although reluctant at first, Humabon
welcomed Magellan and their friendship was cemented through a blood compact. On April
14, 1521, a mass was officiated in Cebu and a cross was once again erected as a sign of
conquest of the land. Magellan invited the natives to be baptized, an invitation they gladly
accepted. Along with Humabon and his wife were the more than 800 natives who were
baptized. Humabon was christened Fernando while his wife was christened Juana. As a
gesture of friendship, an image of the child Jesus (Santo Nino) was given as a gift by
Magellan to Juana. This image is revered in Cebu by multitudes of devotees until the
present time.
Not all of the chieftains in Cebu wanted to establish friendship with Magellan. Lapu-
lapu, the chief of Mactan refused to accept the Spaniards. Apart from Lapu-lapu, another
chief in Mactan named Zula wanted to defeat the former. Zula sought the assistance of
Magellan, who without hesitation agreed to fight Lapu-lapu. Magellan was too confident that
they could defeat Lapu-lapu to the point that he refused the offer of Humabon for help. A
group of sixty men arrived in Mactan on April 27, 1521. Out of this number, eleven were left
behind to man the ships while fourty-nine waded towards the shore. Magellan and his men
were overwhelmed by Lapu-lapu‘s warriors. The Mactan warriors totaling to more than
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1,050 formed three divisions to repel the Spaniards. The foreigners where shot with arrows,
bamboo lances and stones. A poisoned arrow hit Magellan on his leg. It was only then
when he ordered a retreat. A bamboo lance then hit his arms while a javelin struck his back,
causing him to fall facing downwards. Upon seeing the death of their leader, the Spaniards
soon retreated to their ships. The surviving crew of the voyage requested that the body of
Magellan be handed to them which, unfortunately, the natives denied. For them, the body
was an accolade and a symbol of their valor and victory.
The horrors experienced by the Spaniards did not end there. Humabon was quite
disenchanted with the defeat of the Spaniards that he connived with Enrique, the slave of
Magellan who was abused by Duarte Barbossa, the successor of Magellan as the leader of
the expedition, to kill the remaining Spaniards. He invited the remaining Spaniards to have
a dinner with him in his palace. Twenty-six Spaniards went to feast, and while they were
eating, they were treacherously killed by the natives. Out of this number, twenty-four were
killed, including Duarte Barbossa, Juan Serrano, and Pedro de Valderrama, the priest who
baptized them.
The remaining crew members quickly left Cebu and started their voyage to return
home. On their way southwards, they were able to reach Palawan, Brunei, Mindanao, and
Moluccas. They then decided that the two remaining ships–Trinidad and Victoria would take
two different routes. The Trinidad which was commanded by Gomez de Espirera would
cross again the Pacific in the hope of reaching Mexico while the Victoria which was
commanded by Sebastian de Elcano would sail to Spain by crossing the Indian Ocean and
the African coast. The Trinidad was not able to complete its goal for it was captured by the
Portuguese in Moluccas. The Victoria, on the other hand, was able to return to Spain on
September 6 1522, after 2 years, 11 months and 16 days. Out of the 270 original crew
members of the expedition, only eighteen, along with four Indians survived the journey.
The author of the Customs of the Tagalogs is Juan de Plasencia, a Franciscan friar
who came from Extremadura, Spain. As a religious missionary, he adopted the life of
poverty and the life offered for the purpose of preaching and helping the poor. He is among
the first batch of missionaries who came to the Philippines in 1578. He was assigned to
different mission areas in Luzon, particularly in Laguna and the present-day provinces of
Quezon, Bulacan and Rizal. He became the custos or superior of the Franciscans in the
Philippines from May 23, 1584 until 1588. He later died in Laguna in 1590.
Written in Nagcarlan, Laguna and finished on October 21, 1589, the Costumbres de
los Tagalos (Customs of the Tagalogs) was among the series of accounts written by various
friar-missionaries and colonial officials during the early years of Spanish occupation in the
Philippines. These accounts were attempts to know and describe their new subjects more.
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Plasencia was ordered by the king of Spain to write an account that described the
natives in the areas assigned to his Order. As Plasencia was not able to primarily witness
all of the events he would describe, he collected information from old men and individuals
whom he thought as most able—all of whom were known to him. Thereafter, he weeded out
much foolishness in order to obtain the simple truth regarding native practices on
government, administration of justice, inheritances, slaves and dowries. It became clear
that Plasencia was tasked to account his observations of the natives so that the colonizers
would have a basis in effectively dealing with the former.
On Government and Social Organization. The Tagalogs were ruled by their chiefs called
by them as datos (spelling in the account). They governed and served them as their
captains in times of war. They were obeyed and revered to a point that any offense
committed against their person or word spoken against their wives and children were
severely punished. Plasencia likened the datos to the knights of the Spaniards. Their
communities were referred to as barangay, a term which was drawn from the boat they used
to reach these islands. Barangays were small communities composed of thirty up to one
hundred families.
Next to the datos were the Maharlicas (nobles) who were required to accompany the
dato especially in times of war. This was their main duty, especially because they were not
required to pay taxes or tributes. Apart from accompanying the dato in his exploits, the
maharlicas had to pay their own expenses such as food, clothing, armor and their boat to be
used in war. Next were the commoners which Plasencia referred to as the Aliping
Namamahay. Although they lived in their own houses while serving their masters, one
privilege they could enjoy was their immunity from being sold to anyone. Moreover, they
could also be inherited by their master‘s son although they could not be brought with him
should the son wish to transfer to another barangay.
The last level belonged to the slaves. Plasencia identified them as Aliping Sa
Guiguilir/Guiguilid who were usually the captives in war and enslaved together with their
children. They lived with their master and served as farmers in their master‘s field. Since
they were slaves, they could be sold, including their children. If any of the Sa Guiguilir
happened to possess gold beyond the sum of his value as slave and could pay it to his
master, then he could ransom himself and become a Namamahay or a commoner. The
price for ransom could not go below five taels. If the agreement with his master went
beyond the minimum ransom price or ten taels for that matter, then he could be totally free.
The difference between the Aliping Namamahay and the Aliping Sa Guiguilir should
be noted because in page 168 of the book, a confusion between the two terms was
encountered. Many were classed as slaves even when they were really not. The Indians,
seeing that the alcalde mayor did not understand this, adopted the custom of taking away
the children of the Aliping Namamahay, making use of them as Aliping Sa Guiguilir, as
servants in their households which was considered illegal. If the Aliping Namamahay would
appeal to justice, it would be proven that he was an alipin like his father and mother before
him. And whether or not he was indeed an Aliping Namamahay, his status would be taken
in the context of Aliping Sa Guiguilir. Without further declaration, he would be considered as
an alipin at once, thus becoming a Sa Guiguilir who could also be sold elsewhere. The
Aliping Sa Guiguilir, together with their master, could be transferred to another barangay by
virtue of inheritance, provided that he and his master would remain in the same village.
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On Marriage. These are the different situations concerning marriage among the
Maharlicas, Aliping Namamahay and Aliping Sa Guiguilir.
Situation 1: Those who were considered Maharlicas both on their paternal and maternal
sides could continue to enjoy their status forever. If, for instance they became
slaves, it happened because of marriage.
Situation 2: If the Maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their
mothers would be considered freemen.
Situation 3: If the Maharlicas had children with the female slaves of another Maharlica, the
female slave would be compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a
gold tael because of her risk of death, and for her inability to work during
pregnancy. In this case, the child would be considered half-free due to his
father. If his father would not supply him with food and hence would not
recognize him, the child would be considered totally as slave.
Situation 4: If a free woman had children by a slave, the children would be regarded as
freemen, provided that he was not the free woman‘s husband.
The classification of the children was irrespective of their sex. What was evident was
those who inherited the status of the mother would work as slaves. If, in case, the last child
were an odd birth, the child would consider as half free and half slave.
After marriage, the Maharlicas could not move from one barangay to another without
paying a certain amount of fine in gold. The fine ranged from one to three taels and also a
banquet sponsored for the entire barangay. This fine was larger or smaller according to the
inclination of the different villages. Failure to pay the fine might result to a war between the
barangays, the one where he left and the other where he would live anew. This tradition
was equally applied to men and women, except that when a man from a certain barangay
would marry a woman from another, their children would later on be divided equally between
the two barangays.
On Loans. The debtors were condemned to a life of toil because of the excessive interest
added to their debts. As a result, debtors were plunged into difficulty until they became
slaves, together with their children. In order to earn a living, sometimes their debt was sold
to other people, so the debtor had to pay more debt and had to experience an increasingly
pitiful state.
On Inheritance. Though legitimate children could inherit equally, there were some
situations wherein the mother or father showed favoritism by bestowing more gold or gifts to
a child. The dowry they gave to a son in order to marry the dato‘s daughter was not
included in the partition of the inheritance. In like manner, the property that was provided by
the parents to their child could not be considered inheritance, unless it was declared a
necessity and not for accumulating a wealth. If a man had a child by one of his slaves, their
children would not inherit anything. Instead, his legitimate child would be bound to free the
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slave and must give her a tael or a slave. A man‘s child from another woman would inherit
everything when there was no legitimate child with the wife. However, if it happened that
the man died without an heir—legitimate or natural, the inheritance could be acquired by his
parents, grandparents or the closest relative in their absence.
On Inheritance of Adopted Children. The adopted child could inherit twice of the amount
paid in his adoption. For example, if one tael of gold was paid upon a child‘s adoption, he
should be given two taels of inheritance by the adopting parents thereafter. Children whose
fathers died before their adoption could not inherit anything from the adopting parents. The
rule was simple: the arrangement on inheritance stopped at the death of their biological
fathers.
The account of Plasencia proved the adherence of the Filipinos to moral standards.
They had laws by which they could condemn a man of low birth to death if he insulted the
daughter or wife of a chief. They condemned no one to slavery, unless the person merited
the penalty of death. They also killed witches after they had made some recompense to the
injured persons. The children of the witches and their accomplices would become the
slaves of the chief. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold which, if not paid with
promptness, the offender would be compelled to serve the aggrieved until payment would
be made.
The payment of fine had to be done on the following day, so the offender had to
surrender half of his cultivated lands and that of his produce to his master in exchange for
money. The master, in turn, would provide him and his children with food and clothing, thus
remaining him and the children to servitude until such time that he could compensate the
debt. If he could pay his debt, his master would claim that he fed and clothed his children
and should also be paid thereof. In this way, he would keep possession of the children if the
additional payment could not be met promptly.
The last scenario became an unsettled problem usually on the part of the debtor, the
reason why he and his children would remain as slaves. If the debtor had some relatives or
friends who could pay for him, he would be obliged to render half of his services to them
until he could settle his payment. The services to be rendered would not be in the context of
being an Aliping Sa Guiguilir but within that of Aliping Namamahay. If the creditor could not
or refused to serve his creditor then he would have to pay twice the amount of what was
previously lent to him. In this way, slaves were made by debt by being a Sa Guiguilir if they
served the master who was favored by the judgment or by being an Aliping Namamahay
when they served the person who lent them money to pay the value of their offense.
On Marriage Dowries. Dowries were given by the men to the women's parents. If the
parents were still alive, they could enjoy the dowry given to them. If the dowry was not
consumed by the parents because of death of the parents, the wife and her siblings would
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equally inherit it in addition to the rest of the estate. If the wife, at the time of her marriage,
did not have a living father, mother or grandparents, she would enjoy the dowry by herself.
As regards to unmarried women, their customs would not allow them to own a property—be
it an estate or a dowry. This is because their labors were usually considered as devotion to
their parents.
When the sons were about to get married, their fathers would bestow instantly upon
them the half of the dowries that they should give to the parents of their brides. Failure to
provide dowries would require a certain sum which varied according to the practice of the
barangays or the individual‘s affluence. The fine was at its heaviest when the groom or the
bride would withdraw from the marriage because the nuptial was a pre-arranged affair by
their parents who previously died. In this scenario, the dowry had to be returned by the
family of the bride. If the parents of the bride were alive, the fine was heavier because it
was thought that her parents wanted her to marry for the sake of financial gains alone.
On Divorce. The pre-colonial Filipinos practiced divorce, contrary to what the present
Filipinos have. Until the coming of the Spaniards, divorce was practiced due to certain
grounds. For instance, when the wife left the husband before giving birth to a child for the
purpose of marrying another, the entire dowry would go to the husband. But when the wife
left him and would not marry another man, the dowry would be returned. When the husband
left his wife, he would lose his half of the dowry.
When the husband and wife had a child, the entire dowry and fine would go to the
child. The dowry for the children would be taken cared by the grandparents or close
relatives. If they were childless and the wife died, the parents would return half of the dowry
to the husband. If the husband was the one who died, half of the dowry would be returned
to his relatives.
The Worship of the Tagalogs, their Gods, their Burials and Superstitions
On the Worship Practices of the Tagalogs. Plasencia noted the absence of temples
consecrated for the performance of sacrifices, the adoration of native idols and the general
practice of idolatry in all the villages or in other parts of the archipelago. Although the
Tagalogs used the term Simbahan which meant a temple or place of adoration, in reality
festivals referred to as pandot or worship were celebrated not in the Simbahan but in the
large house of the chief. There, they constructed a temporary shed on each side of the
house, with a roof called sibi for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, and to
protect them from the rain.
They also constructed the house in a manner that could accommodate many people,
dividing it into three compartments following the fashion of ships. On the posts of the house,
they set small lamps called sorihile. At the center of the house was placed a large lamp
which was adorned with leaves of the white palm wrought into many designs. They also
brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast
lasted for four days. During this time, the whole barangay or family would unite and join in
the worship which they called nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of
time, was called a temple.
On the Tagalog Deities. Among their many idols, there was one called Badhala (Bathala)
whom they especially worshiped. The title seems to signify ―all powerful‖ or ―maker of all
things‖. They also worshiped the sun which, on account of its beauty, was almost
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universally respected and honored by infidels. They worshiped also the moon, especially
when it was a new moon. At which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it
welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their
names with the exception of the morning star which they called Tala. They knew, too, the
seven little goats (the Pleiades) and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they
called Mapolon and Balatic. They possessed many idols called lic-ha which were images
with different shapes. At times they worshiped some particular dead men who were brave in
war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for
protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian Masalanta, who was the
patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons
of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water lizards called by
them as buaya or crocodiles due to fear of being harmed by them. They were even in the
habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into
the water or placing it upon the bank.
On their superstitious beliefs. If they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat,
or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing on a tree, or if they chanced upon
anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their houses. This is because they
considered the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should
continue their journey, especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two
different forms: one was considered as an evil omen while the other one was a good omen.
They also practiced divination to see whether weapons such as a dagger or knife would be
useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasions would offer.
Young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded for four
days and four nights. In the meantime, their friends and relatives were all invited to share
food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water,
bathed her and washed her head and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men
claimed that they did this in order that the girls would bear children and have fortune in
finding husbands whom they liked and who would not leave them widows in their youth.
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit and phantoms which they called
tigbalaang. They had another superstition. If there were any woman died in childbirth, it
was believed that she and the child suffered punishment. At night, she could be heard
lamenting. This was called patianac.
On their Knowledge of Time. The natives had no established division of years, months,
and days. These were determined by the cultivation of the soil, their counting by the moons,
and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves.
All this helped them in making up the year. The dry and wet seasons were distinguished as
sun-time and water-time.
Plasencia noted that since the Tagalogs became Christians, the seasons were not
really the same all throughout the year for he observed that at ―Christmas‖ would be colder.
The Spaniards, since their advent in the country, had determined the seasons, introduced
the months which were divided into weeks.
On their Sacrifices and Other Forms of Idolatries. Their manner of offering a sacrifice
was to proclaim a feast and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of
the idol which they anointed with fragrant perfumes such as musk and civet or gum of the
storax-tree and other odoriferous woods. They praise their idol with poetic songs sung by
the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made
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responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they
were in need, and generally, by offering repeated health, they all became intoxicated. In
some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over
the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without
having a sight of him.
The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and,
assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance. The devil, being
the cause of it, would seem to influence the catalonan that she seemed to shoot flames from
her eyes. Her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding and she uttered words of
arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those
idolatries that the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had
to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from
destroying him.
The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed,
decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of
rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as
an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few
buyos—which was a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in
these regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All of the above-mentioned articles were
eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being offered, as they
expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever
personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of
those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars,
a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place
among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.
On the Priests of the Devil. The first was called catolonan who was either a man or a
woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives and was held ordinarily by
people of rank. This rule was general in all the islands.
The second was called mangagauay or witches who deceived by pretending to heal
the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the
strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, were capable of causing death. In this way, if they
wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist
a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was
general throughout the land.
The third was called manyisalat, which was the same as the magagauay. These
priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and
despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the
latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness
upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This
office was also general throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty was to emit fire from himself at night,
once or often each month. This fire could not be extinguished except as the priest wallowed
in the ordure and filth which fell from the houses. And he who lived in the house where the
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priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself fell ill and died. This office was
general in the islands.
The fifth was called hocloban which was another kind of witch, of greater efficacy
than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the
hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made
ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy
the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This
was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan who was clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it,
thus causing the victim‘s death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes.
Let no one consider this a fable because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the
anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan
de Mérida.
The seventh was called magtatangal whose purpose was to show himself at night to
many persons without his head or entrails. In such wise, the devil walked about and carried,
or pretended to carry his head to different places. In the morning, he would return to his
body and remained alive as before. This seemed to me to be a fable, although the natives
affirmed that they saw it because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This
occurred also in Catanduanes.
The eighth they called osuang which was the equivalent of a sorcerer. They said
that they saw him flew and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the
Visayas Islands and not from the Tagalogs.
The ninth was another class of witch called mangagayoma. This witch could make
charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood which would infuse the heart with love.
The tenth was known as sonat which was the equivalent of a preacher. It was his
task to help a person to die. Likewise, he could predict the salvation or condemnation of the
soul. It was not lawful for the functions of this priest to be fulfilled by others than people of
high standing, on account of the esteem in which he was held. This priest was general
throughout the islands.
The eleventh was the pangatahojan who was a soothsayer and a predictor of the
future. This type of priest was also general in all the islands.
The twelfth was the bayoguin who was signified a cotquean. A cotquean was a man
whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as was stated: catolonan,
sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for
they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through
him) mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuang,
mangagayoma and pangatahojan.
On the Belief on Death and Other Associated Rituals. Their manner of burying the dead
was as follows: the deceased was buried beside his house. If he were a chief, he was
placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before
interring him, they mourned him for four days and afterwards laid him on a boat which
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served as a coffin or bier. He would be placed beneath the porch where a guard was kept
over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each
one being assigned a place at the oar by twos. These animals, for example two goats, two
deer or two fouls, were male and female of each species. It was the slave's care to see that
they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body
until in this wretched way he died. In the course of time, all would suffer decay and for many
days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges and praises of his good
qualities until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and
drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalogs.
The Aetas, or Negrillos (Negritos) who were inhabitants of the island had also a form
of burial but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole and placed the deceased within
it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied. On top of the deceased, they would put
half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some
Indian whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end they
conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until one of them procured the
death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they
called maca, just as if we should say ―paradise,‖ or, in other words, ―village of rest.‖ They
say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without
doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and
mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called casamaan, which was
―a place of anguish;‖ they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there
dwelt only Bathala, ―the maker of all things,‖ who governed from above. There were also
other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said,
casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons,
whom they called sitan.
Plasencia ended his account with this statement: ―May the honor and glory be God
our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos [sic] not a trace of this is left; and that those who are
now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which
has banished it.‖
Activity
1. Using a world and Philippine map, trace the route of the Magellan expedition.
2. Discuss what makes Pigafetta‘s account on Magellan‘s expedition essential in
understanding pre-16th century Filipinos.
3. Analyze the content of Fray de Plasencia‘s account. Focusing on the relation on
the worship and beliefs of the Tagalogs, does the language or description used
in the account suggest bias of any sort? In terms of biases, what makes
Morga‘s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas different from that of Fray Plasencia?
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References:
de Navarrete, M. F.. (1837). Coleccion de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por
mar los espanoles desde fines del siglo XV. Madrid: Imprenta Nacional.
de Plasencia, J. (1903). Customs of the Tagalogs. In The Philippine islands (Vol. 7, pp.
173–98). Cleveland: A.H. Clark Company.
Howell, M., & Prevenier, W. (2001). From reliable sources: An introduction to historical
methods. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Stearns, P. (1998). Why study history? In American historical association. Retrieved from
https://www.historians.org/about-aha-and-membership/aha-history-and-
archives/historical-archives/why-study-history-(1998).
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Lesson 2
KARTILYA NG KATIPUNAN
Introduction
The Colonial Period was a harsh phenomenon that compelled an opportunity for the
Filipinos to act in solidarity towards sovereignty. It was the regime which caused Andres
Bonifacio to organize the Katipunan on July 7, 1892. Obliged by the defunct of Rizal‘s La
Liga Filipina and the absence of hope on the Reform Movement, Bonifacio had to make
options in order to achieve the freedom dreamed by the whole nation.
With the hope of instilling order and respect among its members, the Katipunan
introduced a set of guiding principles and teachings. To its author, Emilio Jacinto, what was
important for its members was the cognizance of katwiran and kaliwanagan. The existence
of the Kartilya proved the correctitude and adherence of the Filipinos to established
principles and their merit for the regard of humanity.
Learning Outcomes
3. Explain the need of the Kartilya for the members of the Katipunan.
4. Recognize the relevance of the Kartilya as an ethical-moral guide to the Filipinos
then and now.
Ever since, the authorship of the Kartilya has been ascribed to Emilio Jacinto, the
young adviser of Andres Bonifacio and the so-called Brain of the Katipunan. Due to his
brilliance, he rose from the position of fiscal to the rank of a general in the underground
movement. Under the leadership of the Supremo, he served as intelligence director in the
assault made in San Juan del Monte on August 30, 1896 in order to seize a Spanish
garrison in the area. His friendship with Bonifacio allowed him to naturally provide the latter
with weapons and ammunitions, money, printing materials and artistic creations (Filipinos in
History, 1995).
In spite of his failure to finish a university degree, Emilio Jacinto was a man of
intellect, refinement and literary indulgence. He wrote Liwanag at Dilim which contained
some essays about his political and social philosophies. Included in this collection were the
essays Sa Anak ng Bayan, Ang Ningning at ang Liwanag, Kalayaan, Ang Tao‘y
Magkakapantay, Ang Bayan at ang mga Pinuno and Ang Maling Pagsampalataya (―Liwanag
at Dilim‖, n.d.). In the hills of Majayjay, Laguna where he set up his secret headquarters, he
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contracted malaria which became the cause of his death on April 6, 1899 at the age of 24
(Filipinos in History, 1995).
The Kartilya is a primary source which contains the oaths and orders that the
katipuneros had to follow. According to the British scholar Jim Richardson (2013), the
Kartilya was sold at four kualta per copy although it was not clear whether the members
were responsible for the payment or their respective chapters. Richardson suspects that the
Kartilya was still used at the time of the revolution against the United States as evidenced by
its version in the Philippine Insurgent Records, bearing the seal used by General Artemio
Ricarte in 1899. Richardson also relates the story that Emilio Jacinto‘s Kartilya was seen as
superior by Andres Bonifacio who had intended of his Decalogue to be published and
distributed to the new members. The two documents, he posits however, are different from
one another because Jacinto‘s Kartilya expounded aspirations and moral values while that
of Bonifacio enumerated the duties of the katipuneros.
Richardson also claims that the Kartilya took influence from the declaration used by
the masonic lodges in Manila. Following a declaration which is believed to have been
written in Spain, it resembled certain parts or aspects. The statement of purpose of the
Kartilya, for instance, can be identified as an imitation from the other, including the ideal on
the equality of men and women.
The Kartilya resonated the teaching of discipline, virtue and morals to individuals
who wished to join the secret society. It established a foundation that would govern the
affairs of the Katipunan and its members. Anyone who violated the teachings would be
punished in accordance with the gradation of the offense.
Below is the copy of the Kartilya (pp. 131-134) taken from Jim Richardson‘s The
Light of Liberty: Documents and Studies on the Katipunan, 1892-1897 published by the
Ateneo de Manila University Press in 2013.
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Activity
1. Write a reflection paper on the relevance of the Kartilya ng Katipunan towards the
realization of the nation‘s independence. Your answer should be stated in three
paragraphs of not less than three but not more than five sentences per
paragraph.
2. Choose two of the teachings of the .Katipunan and expound each in one
paragraph by relating personal experiences in life.
References
Andres Bonifacio‘s decalogue and the kartilya ng Katipunan. (n.d.). Malacañan Palace
Presidential Museum and Library. Retrieved from http://malacanang.gov.ph/
7013-andres-bonifacios-decalogue-and-the-kartilya-ng-katipunan.
Liwanang at dilim. (n.d.). National Commission for Culture and the Arts. Retrieved from
https://www.flickr.com/photos/nccaofficial/18260917309.
Only the creepiest photos from Philippine history. (2019). FilipiKnow. Retrieved from
https://filipiknow.net/ philippine-history-creepiest-photos/
Richardson, J. (2013). The light of liberty: Documents and studies on the Katipunan, 1892-
1897. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
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Lesson 3
Introduction
After the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, the American naval squadron in
Hongkong was instructed by the secretary of the navy to come to the Philippines in order to
challenge and destroy the Spanish fleet. Commodore George Dewey, later to become a
Rear Admiral, was faced by the Spanish fleet coming from the direction of Sangley Point in
Cavite. Though outnumbered by the Spanish fleet, the American squadron was able to
defeat the poorly armed Spanish ships and by mid-day, the Spanish fleet would be brought
to a complete destruction. Eventually, the Spaniards in Cavite hoisted a white flag as a sign
of surrender in the face of humiliating defeat.
Subsequently, Emilio Aguinaldo and his party returned to the Philippines with the
belief that the Americans would help him secure independence from the Spaniards. With
this belief, Aguinaldo and his men were highly spirited. His forces were able to capture not
only places like Imus, Parañaque, Bacood, Las Piñas, Laguna, Batangas, Tayabas up to as
far as Camarines in the South and San Fernando, Macabebe, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija and
Bataan in the North but also seized thousands of prisoners (Agoncillo, 1990). With these
triumphs against their former colonizers, Aguinaldo established a dictatorial form of
government. The government would direct the course of the revolution and that governance
should be based on decrees he would issue. With a government that could enforce
obedience from the people, Aguinaldo thought of declaring the country‘s independence.
Objectives
1. Analyze and interpret sources by means of critically reading the Act of the
Proclamation of Philippine Independence.
2. Understand the key issues concerning the Declaration of Philippine
Independence.
Emilio Aguinaldo, who had become the president of the newly established dictatorial
government, planned to proclaim independence in order to inspire his forces to fight the
Spaniards and to lay down the basis through which other countries would recognize the
independence of the country (Agoncillo, 1990). The proclamation was made on June 12,
1898 in Cavite el Viejo now known as Kawit. On that day, the prominent leaders of the
revolution who gathered in the house of Aguinaldo, proclaimed independence and conferred
upon him numerous powers in order the direct thoroughly the affairs of the government.
The powers granted on him included the right to issue pardon and amnesty proclamations
and the adoption of an official flag (Cortes, Boncan and Jose, 2005).
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Commodore George Dewey, the commander of the American naval squadron that
crippled the Spanish fleet commanded by Admiral Montojo, was invited but due to a certain
alibi, he failed to grace the inauguration. Of the ninety-eight people who signed the
declaration document was an American military officer named Colonel L. M. Johnson.
(Molina, 1960) Surprisingly, President Aguinaldo‘s signature was nowhere to be found in
the document (Ocampo, 2020). Apolinario Mabini, who arrived right before the start of the
inauguration rites and met Aguinaldo for the first time, was not in favor of the proclamation
which he considered ―reckless and premature‖ (para. 6). To Mabini, it would have been
better if the Filipinos gathered more weapons and ammunitions rather than flaunting their
aspiration for independence.
According to the book Filipinos in History (1995) by the then National Historical
Institute, Ambrocio Rianzares Bautista, or Don Bosyong as he was popularly known to
many, was born on December 7, 1830 in Biñan, Laguna. He finished a Bachelor of Laws
degree from the University of Santo Tomas. Among the legal luminaries who became his
contemporaries were Chief Justice Cayetano Arellano, Chief Justice Florentino Torres and
well-known lawyer Rafael del Pan.
A distant relative of the Rizal family, he served as their first lawyer concerning the
Calamba Hacienda Case. However, he backed out from the case for fear of being
denounced by the Dominican friars, the administrators of the Hacienda. Later on, the case
was taken over by Felipe Buencamino who also eventually gave it up because Jose Rizal
had come up with a different agenda against the Spaniards (Quibuyen, 2008).
When Aguinaldo had returned from his exile in HongKong in May 1898, Bautista
became one of the first individuals who offered his service. He became Aguinaldo‘s political
adviser. As principal adviser, he convinced Aguinaldo to constitute a dictatorial regime
instead of a constitutional government, arguing among others that the latter best suited the
exigencies of the times. However, after the proclamation of independence, Apolinario
Mabini became the principal adviser of Aguinaldo (Filipinos in History, 1995).
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Activity
Questions Responses
B. COMPREHENSION
5. Give an example of
historical fact (absolutely
indisputable) that we
learn from this
document.
6. What do you think are
some pieces of
information that should
have not been included
in the document? Why
do you think so?
C. INTERPRETATION
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References
Agoncillo, T. A. (1990). The history of the Filipino people (8th ed.). Garotech Publishing.
Cortes, R. M., Boncan, C. P., & Jose, R. T. (2000). The Filipino saga: History as social
change. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
Guevara, S. (1972). The laws of the Philippine republic (The laws of Malolos) 1898-1899.
Manila: National Historical Institute.
Molina, A. M. (1960). The Philippines through the centuries (Vols. 1 & 2). UST Cooperative.
Ocampo, A. R. (2020, June 19). Where‘s Aguinaldo‘s signature. Retrieved from https://
opinion.inquirer.net/130929.
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Lesson 4
Introduction
Learning Outcomes
The Malolos Constitution and the First Philippine Republic can be traced back from
the 1896 Philippine Revolution. It started after the establishment of Katipunan, a secret
society, which aimed to attain independence for the Philippines. It was led by the president
of the Supreme Council; the most well-known of whom was Andres Bonifacio.
Since political and other differences arose between the two factions of the
organization, the Magdalo, and the Magdiwang, the Tejeros Convention was held on March
22, 1897. The purpose of the convention was to reconcile their differences. Among the
decision was to dissolve the Katipunan while establishing a revolutionary government.
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Elections were held for its officers: Emilio Aguinaldo was elected President and Bonifacio
was elected Director of the Interior. Initially, Bonifacio accepted his position, but was
insulted when Daniel Tirona objected. As a result, Bonifacio declared the proceedings of
the Tejeros Convention null and void and established a new government. This was seen as
an act of treason and Bonifacio was charged with refusing to recognize the newly
established revolutionary government. He was arrested and sentenced to death in
Maragondon, Cavite.
As the new leader, Aguinaldo continued the revolution against the Spaniards. By the
latter part of 1897, Aguinaldo was forced by the advancing Spanish forces to retreat to the
mountains of Biak-na-Bato in Bulacan.
With the intention of ending the Philippine Revolution, Aguinaldo and the Spanish
government entered into an agreement known as the Pact of Biak-na-Bato on December 15,
1897. The agreement provided that the Filipino revolutionaries would go into exile in Hong
Kong and surrender their weapons in exchange for financial indemnities and pardons. In
Hong Kong, Aguinaldo and his companions established a junta which worked towards the
continuation of the revolution and the gaining of freedom from the Spaniards.
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Activity
References
1899 constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. (n.d.). The LawPhil Project. Retrieved
from https://lawphil.net/consti/consmalo.html
Araw ng republikang Pilipino, 1899. (n.d.). Official Gazette. Retrieved from https://www.
officialgazette.gov.ph/araw-ng-republikang-filipino-1899/
Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. (2003). Manila: National Historical Institute.
The first Philippine republic. (n.d.). National Historical Commission of the Philippines.
Retrieved from https://nhcp.gov.ph/the-first-philippine-republic/
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Lesson 5
Introduction
In this lesson, visual sources to be tackled are photographs, paintings, cartoons and
video documentaries. These materials are dependable sources of historical information. In
the past, visual sources were usually credible. Even if editing applications are rampant
nowadays, visual sources with established credibility are still very blatant in revealing
episodes of history.
Objectives
Visual sources can tell a lot of ideas regarding the people and the environment that
surround them. This occurs even if the persons who view them really know the meaning
they exude or not. However, the historian is not just a person who simply looks at visual
materials as mementos of past experiences or decorations in walls. Rather, he is a scholar
who sees them as valuable sources of historical information. To him, a picture or a painting
dwells upon a historical context from which it was created. And whether or not the creator
was conscious of his material as a source of historical information in the future is essentially
immaterial. What is more important is that the material becomes a potent tool through which
events and ideas in the past could be conveyed to the next generation and beyond.
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Reading and understanding visual sources in history, though, is not only purveyed
upon what a historian wants to understand and interpret based on mere speculations and
unwarranted ideas. For instance, it is precarious to imagine that a picture entails power
relationship or colonial differences between culture groups which are perceived to be of
unequal bearing, unless there is a hard evidence that guarantees the claim. By hard
evidence, it is meant that there is a tangible proof that provides facts. These facts should
elicit connection between the visual sources and the interpretation as they guide the course
towards such an interpretation. Hence, the historian should be properly equipped with the
know-how on the examination of visual sources—i.e., photographs, paintings, cartoons and
video documentaries.
On the Question of Subject. It is important to know the subject of the visual source. The
subject pertains to what the visual source is all about. What is equally important is if the
source shows its subject literally or through a subtext or a concealed meaning. To situate it
in its proper historical standpoint, the period or date when the source was created must be
determined. It must be remembered that the period or date serves as the initial determinant
of the material as a primary source or not. After identifying the subject, the historian has to
ponder if, indeed, the source contributes to a better understanding of its period.
On the Question of Facts. When a historian invokes the word fact, what he means is a
piece of information which cannot be disputed by available sources. A factual piece of
information therefore leaves no room for doubt; it leaves no room for uncertainty. When a
black-and-white photograph which was taken in the late 19 th century or in the early years of
the American regime shows young men in the arrabales of Manila who usually wore straw
hats, white shirts that buttoned below the lower neckline and white loose pants—and usually
barefooted, the historian cannot just set aside that the information seen are factual,
especially when they are corroborated by other photos taken likewise in that period which
depict the same kind of clothing or by written testimonies that describe such a clothing.
After establishing the factuality of the details and, hence, credibility of the source, the
historian has to ascertain if the facts can strengthen perception or knowledge of that time.
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On the Question of Intended Observers or Audience. Asking the question, ―Who are the
supposed observers of the photograph?‖ can give an impression of the kind of perspective it
illustrates. Perspective pertains to the position from which the subject of the material is
expressed. By means of distinguishing its perspective, certain biases can be observed
thereafter.
If the source is intended solely for an observer or a group of observers, the historian
can have a better impression of its perspective and certain biases. In looking at a visual
material, however, what is most important usually to the historian is not the perception of the
observer or audience, rather it is the reason why the creator made the material,
notwithstanding if he intended it as a reference for posterity. The reason of the creator is of
most value to the historian because it can lead the latter to the discovery of ideas and past
realities that the material intends to convey.
On the Question of Purpose. Who is the photographer? Where did he come from? What
was his career or educational background? These questions would properly settle the
perspective from which a visual source should be seen, especially after distinguishing its
emphasis. In distinguishing the intent of the source, the historian has to inquire succinctly
on its provenance or what the lawyers aptly call custody. In written sources, for example,
the provenance of Rizal‘s retraction document can be questioned relative to why it was not
revealed publicly right after his death. Even if the intent of the creator of the visual material
is difficult to determine, the historian should try his best to discover a surmise of it. By
determining the purpose through which the material was made, the historian would be able
to spot the biases in it.
On the Question of Context. Just like any other written source, every visual material
belongs to a particular context. As discussed in Unit 1, Lesson 2, context involves the time,
space and the prevailing practices of the people who made the object. If a certain visual
material is analyzed and interpreted separately from its milieu, period and existing traditions,
the material is detached from its value or meaning. This is because the object is made in
relation to the kind of environment it had, the period which is characterized by the kind of
existing creativity and technology, and the prevailing practices that largely influenced the
people. The value and meaning of a material are good wellsprings of analysis and
interpretation.
Other Factors Involved. The historian should be smart enough to see and consider the
relevance of other elements which might lead to the thorough understanding of the visual
source. Elements as images, colors, lines, etc., might be of some help in understanding the
whole piece. How do these elements help the historian in understanding the object and
whether they conform to a certain milieu is yet another task which he needs to undertake.
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A video documentary is the most interesting among the forms of visual sources being
discussed here. This is because a video documentary is a moving picture that actually
shows or at least immortalizes what happened at a certain past. Unless it has been altered,
it is the most reliable source because a material of this type combines moving images, audio
and effects which make its depiction of reality more effective.
In the Spanish Period, there was a censorship of the press in spite of the sneaking
desire of the propagandists to widen the public scope of their mouthpiece, La Solidaridad.
The friars primarily prohibited the import of reading materials from Europe in order to protect
their welfare in the country. In the American Period, however, newspapers and magazines
gained prominence, especially when almost all of the country was totally placed under
American control. Although the Filipinos were initially restricted by certain measures as the
Sedition Law of 1901 and the Brigandage Act of 1902, political views were gradually
expressed through the local dailies. Bit by bit, the dailies became unashamed in conversing
events about Philippine societies, more particularly the authorities and institutions.
Evidence to this was the many political cartoons that obvious criticized and condemned the
practices in Greater Manila and the provinces.
Authored by Alfred McCoy and Alfredo Roces, the book Political Cartoons: Political
Caricature of the American Era, 1901-1941 (1985) tackles the political cartoons published in
local newspapers and magazines at the time of the occupation of the United States in the
Philippines. ―The political cartoons in this book cover the era when the American colonizers
first introduced a ‗free press‘, when a new-found style of press freedom developed. The
American era was also the time when artists went through financially lean years, and
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fortunately, graphic artwork in the press put a bit more rice on their plates. The cartoons
were the artist‘s response to the times‖ (p. 7).
Dr. McCoy has written extensively on the Philippines and Southeast Asia. He got
interested on the theme of the book when he was doing his dissertation. In a span of ten
years, he collected copies of these cartoons from original copies stored in the Library of
Congress of the United States, the Australian National Library, the National Library of the
Philippines and other institutions (McCoy and Roces, 1985).
Alfredo Roces was the editor-in-chief of the ten-volume Filipino Heritage. He also
authored some books which include Amorsolo, 1892-1972 (1975), Looking for Liling: A
Family History of World War II Martyr (2000), Medals and Shoes (co-authored with Irene
Roces, 1992), Culture Shock! (co-authored with Grace Roces, 1992) and Drawings (1975).
His interest on Philippine graphic started in his childhood. He introduced co-author Alfred
McCoy to his personal collections of Lipag Kalabaw. He earned his Bachelor in Fine Arts
degree from Notre Dame University in Indiana, USA. He also wrote numerous articles on
Philippine arts and letters and designed the logo of the Cultural Center of the Philippines
(CCP).
Alfredo Roces was the recipient of the prestigious Ten Outstanding Young Men
(TOYM) Award in 1961, Journalist of the Year Award in 1971 from the Citizens Council for
Mass Media and Artist of the Year Award from the Art Association of the Philippines in 1975
(McCoy and Roces, 1985).
The book contains cartoons from various dailies that toughly ridiculed the
transformation of the country, especially its capital city, on certain respects. It conveys how
the Filipino politicians had become arrogant and abusive to the powers vested in them. The
City of Manila, for example, was depicted by political cartoons as a classic example of haven
for political dynasty, abuse and corruption. While the social practices in Manila were
changing as the results of retrofitting to conform it to the ways of the new colonizers, the
provinces were the object of satirical representations. Newspaper cartoons depicted the
appalling situation of the peasants, their battle cries from their landlords, the prevalence of
illegal activities and the snobbish and condescending attitude of returning students from
Manila.
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Since the United States introduced its cultural colonialism at the same time, the
Filipinos were educated on American system of governance and on the rudiments of the
English Language. Even if the English Language was considered socially democratizing
among Filipinos, there was a wide array of distinctions with respect to their American
counterparts while they were heavily burdened with responsibilities. For instance, The
Independent and Bag-ong Kusog depicted the distinctions in their respective October 23,
1915 and November 9, 1928 issues. The cartoons opined that while the American
employees in the Philippines were paid adequately, their Filipino counterparts were
struggling with low incomes, to think that they did most of the blue-collar routines.
Figure 7. Equal Work, Unequal Salary, Why? (left) from The Independent which was published in its November
29, 1915 issue and American Worker/Filipino Worker (right) from Bag-ong Kusog published in its
November 9, 1928 issue. (McCoy and Roces, 1985).
A classic rendering on this was the cartoon published by Lipag Kalabaw, a satirical
Tagalog Magazine published weekly, on November 14, 1908. The cartoon interpreted the
rumor pertaining to the suppression of freedom of speech by illustrating an unequal
relationship between the Filipino who interrogates Uncle Sam. The Filipino who is
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represented by Juan dela Cruz appears to be serious in a standing and enduring manner
while Uncle Sam is comfortably seated in a gesture that does not seem to value the former‘s
concern. Power relationship in the cartoon is seen in the sizes of the images and their
respective appearances. The cartoonist expressed subtly his contempt and yearning for
retribution by elongating the nose of Uncle Sam.
Figure 8. Tanong na Makahulugan from Lipag Kalabaw which was published in its November 14, 1908 issue.
(McCoy and Roces, 1985).
At the onset of the American Period, the friars who were put into hot seats by the
furious pen of the cartoonists because of the political authority they still held. In the later
years, public opinion shifted to the Chinese. They became the subject of public wit and
anger due to their beguiling scheme of increasing profit out of the agony of the consumers.
In just five years, the price per cavan of rice increased more than three times—i.e, from
P4.70 to to P5.90 (McCoy and Roces, 1985). The anti-Chinese sentiments were sustained
for several years primarily due to the rice crisis in 1919 and its impact thereafter. Public
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opinion against the Chinese waned when anti-Japanese sentiments grew because of the
alarming threat posed by the Japanese in Northeast Asia and their subsequent annexation
of Manchuria.
The dynamics of Philippine politics was tackled in the book. The Jones Law of 1916
added turbulence in the political scene by establishing the Philippine Senate that would
entail more competition and bickering to the already controversy-infested Philippine
Assembly. Apart from the hullabaloos of local politics, the principal figures of national
politics were highly involved in key issues. Manuel Luis M. Quezon and Sergio S. Osmeña,
Sr. became the subject of lampoons because of their insatiable involvement in
independence missions. The Partido Nacionalista was split into two factions and, later on,
Osmeña was cunningly defeated by Quezon through the latter‘s Tydings-McDuffie Act.
During the turbulent and the apparent stable times of the American Period, cartoons
became effective avenues in expressing public opinions. The cartoonists‘ sardonic
representations of key issues were critical commentaries on the phenomena wrought by
American occupation, exploitative or worthless gestures of Filipino officials and the
challenges brought about by other foreigners as the Chinese and the Japanese. The harsh
judgments of the cartoonists evoked a fully developed sense of nationalism which aimed at
a better country for the Filipinos.
Juan Luna is remembered because of his Parisian Life and his monumental
masterpiece Spoliarium. He was born in Badoc, Ilocos Norte in 1857. He took up Bachelor
of Arts in Ateneo Municipal. His initial training in arts took place under the supervision of the
Spanish painter Agustin Saez. Later on, he became a seafarer after studying navigation of
the high seas at the Academia Nautica de Manila which he eventually gave up in order to
pursue a career in arts. (Filipinos in History, 1990) He became an apprentice to the Filipino
painter Lorenzo Guerrero at the Academia de Dibujo y Pintura. In 1877, he traveled to
Spain and continued his studies at the Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando
(―Museo‖, n.d.). To continue his studies in fine arts, the City Government of Manila agreed
to fund his studies abroad with the condition that he will send one historical painting every
year so that the Ayuntamiento would be able to increase its collection of masterpieces
(Filipinos in History, 1990).
Back in Spain, he traveled in many European cities in order to gain insights from the
paintings displayed in their museums. Indeed, he would become ultimately a master of the
brush that he would produce such masterpieces as La Muerte de Cleopatra (The Death of
Cleopatra), España y Filipinas (Spain and the Philippines), La Batalla de Lepanto (The
Battle of Lepanto), Peuple et Roi (People and King) and El Pacto de Sangre (The Blood
Compact) among others. His La Batalla de Lepanto which won the gold medal in the
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The Spoliarium
The term spoliarium means an obscured chamber in the Roman Coliseum where the
fallen bodies of gladiators were taken and stripped of their armors and weapons before
disposal. At a size of 4.22 x 7.675 meters, it is the largest painting in the Philippines
(―National Museum Collection‖, n.d.). It tells of the horrible doom of the gladiators after their
attempt to save their lives from being mercilessly killed by wild animals or warriors in the
arena of the Coliseum.
With a beaming amount of light towards the center of the painting, Luna was able to
give emphasis to a shocking scenario in the spoliarium. The light highlighted the mangled
cadavers in the middle ground which epitomized the absence of equality and value of
human life in Rome, contrary to the ideas offered by the greatest social thinkers and
philosophers of the ancient world. Sensing the allegorical meaning evoked by the painting,
Rizal described Luna‘s painting, including Felix R. Hidalgo‘s Las Virgenes Cristianas
Expuestas al Populacho, as ―the essence of our social , moral and political life: humanity in
severe ordeal, humanity unredeemed, reason and idealism in open struggle with prejudice,
fanaticism and injustice….‖ (Guerrero, 2007, p. 121) To honor to Luna and Hidalgo, he said
in his speech that ―Genius knows no country, genius sprouts everywhere...‖ (Zaide, 2018, p.
102).
The exquisite combination of light and darkness called chiaroscuro aroused a more
dramatic effect in the painting. The painting is characterized by a dark atmosphere in the
background which exudes a gloomy sensation amidst the horrendous scene. Taking it from
Rizal, the Spoliarium, indeed, represented the atrocious condition of the Philippines.
Fernando Amorosolo is one of the Filipino painters known for landscape and
historical masterpieces, including paintings about women in the rural areas and portraits of
influential individuals. He was named National Artist in Painting in 1972 for the countless
masterpieces he created.
He was born in Manila in 1892 and studied at an art school named Liceo de Manila
in 1909. He also enrolled at the School of Fine Arts of the University of the Philippines
which he finished with honors in 1914. While a student at the university, Amorsolo did
sketches for publications just to earn money. After his graduation, he joined the Bureau of
Public Works as draftsman and, later, at the Pacific Commercial Company where he served
as its chief artist. Because of his unusual brilliance, he became a part-time instructor in his
alma-mater in the succeeding three years before he would go to Spain and study at the
Academia de San Fernando in Madrid. Through the study grant, he was able to go to New
York. There he learned cubism and impressionism which would become the movements
that would influence his paintings later on.
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During the Second World War, Fernando Amorsolo shifted from painting landscapes
to the horrific outcomes of the war. The Bombing of the Intendencia, the customs building
during the Spanish Period, was done at his house while observing the annihilation which
caused the deaths of thousands of people. And just like the Bombing of the Intendencia, the
painting, The Burning of Manila, was made at the height of the Japanese conquest. The
masterpiece shows the destruction of Manila as evidenced by the incessant burning of the
capital city.
Another notable painting of Amorso is Planting Rice. This painting would become the
icon that would serve as a model to a generation of painters later on. The book A Portfolio
of 60 Philippine Masterpieces claims that the site chosen for the painting were the ricefields
situated east of the San Juan River (DECS, 1989). Though somewhat intriguing, the
presence of a man plucking a guitar in the middle ground explains that the hardworking
farmers become unmindful of fatigue. It must be remembered that the certain folksongs
were collectively composed by farmers while working in the field for such a reason likewise.
What is remarkable in the painting is the dominance of women over the men. This
simply means that women in the rural areas can get along with men at work without
prejudice. Moreover, their very presence affirms the essence of rice as provider of life to
people. Women, by giving birth to children, serve also as the source of human life.
Altogether, the painting shows the serene and pastoral atmosphere of the landscape and
the simple yet hardworking character of the farmers.
Figure 9. The
painting Planting
Rice (1951) by
Fernando
Amorsolo.
(Retrieved from
https://pensievemi
ndniche.wordpress
.com/2014/11/01/p
lanting-rice-1951-
by-fernando-
amorsolo/).
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Activity
Read articles published by reputable online sources regarding the Japanese Occupation
of the Philippines and make an editorial cartoon that conveys the popular opinion of the
people at that time.
References
McCoy, A., & Roces, A. (1985). Philippine cartoons: Political caricature of the American
era, 1901-1941. Vera-Reyes, Inc.
Planting rice (1951) by Fernando Amorsolo. (2014). Ms. Pensive. Retrieved from
https://pensievemindniche.wordpress.com/2014/11/01/planting-rice-1951-by-
fernando-amorsolo/
Museo nina Juan at Antonio Luna. (n.d.). National Historical Commission of the Philippines.
Retrieved from https://nhcp.gov. ph/ museums/juan-luna-shrine/
White, H. (1988). Historiography and Historiophoty. In American historical review (Vol. 93,
No. 5, pp. 1193-1199). Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/1873534?seq=1
Zaide, G. F., & Zaide, S. M. (2018). Jose Rizal: Life, works and writings (3 rd Ed.). New Day
Publishers.
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Lesson 6
Introduction:
As described by the Spaniards, piracy in the area surrounding the Sulu Sea was
rampant until the 19th century as a result the colonial government‘s attempt to subdue
Mindanao. It was in the middle of that century when the Spaniards continually engaged the
Muslims whom they called Moros in order to stop the latter‘s illegal acts. One striking battle
took place in 1848 when the Spaniards sent an expedition to Balanguingui through a fleet of
small warships commanded by General Jose Ruiz. The Spaniards, though, failed to repeal
the Moro piracy which existed until the beginning of the 20 th century.
Learning Outcomes:
The Raiders of the Sulu Sea is a documentary film produced by Lim Suat Yen,
Zuzanita Zakaria and Yeon-Hwa Kim. Other producers include the Oakfilms3 based in
Singapore for Q Channel, as well as the Discovery Channel and National Geographic
Channel for international releases. It was directed by Idzwan Othman and was originally
released in 2008. It was subsequently produced by Looking Glass International based in
Victoria, Australia in 2013.
In coming up with the film, the production team sought the assistance of the following
contributors:
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Dr. Samuel K. Tan who is regarded as foremost authority on Filipino Muslim history.
He served as chairperson of the National Historical Institute and focused most of his
studies in understanding the history and culture of the Muslims in the Philippines
Dr. Barbara Watson Andaya who is a professor of Asian Studies at the University
of Hawai‘i and director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies. Her career has
involved teaching and researching in Malaysia, Australia, New Zealand, Indonesia,
the Netherlands and, since 1994, Hawai‘i. She maintains an active teaching and
research interest across all Southeast Asia. But her specific area of expertise is the
western Malay-Indonesia archipelago.
Dr. Julius Bautista Bautista who is an associate professor at Kyoto University. His
research interests include the anthropology of religion, pedagogy, and Southeast
Asian culture and history, especially the Philippines and Timor Leste.
Dr. Margarita Cojuangco who is known for her work in helping Muslim communities.
She did a research on the history of Sama in the Sulu archipelago.
Mr. Halman Abubakar who served as a municipal councilor in Jolo at the time of the
filming of the documentary. A Tausug descendant from Sulu, he is an expert on the
martial arts of Silat which uses significant and historic Tausug bladed weapons.
The documentary film can be divided into four main points: (1) the presence of a
flourishing commercial activities in Southeast Asia which prospered in the Sulu Sea; (2) the
so-called Moro Piracy and the warships used by the native ‗pirates; (3) the slave-raiding
activities; and, (4) the defense of Zamboanga.
The main setting of the documentary is the Spanish fort of Zamboanga. Strategically
located in the southernmost tip of the Zamboanga Peninsula, the Spaniards hoped that
Zamboanga would serve as an outpost to check the Muslim attacks in the Visayas and
Luzon. History would prove that in most part, Zamboanga was inefficient in defending the
other parts of the Philippines simply because the Muslims easily bypassed it and went
directly to their target areas. However this did not mean that the lone outpost was exempted
from Muslim raids. It is worth noting that there was no single Muslim in Mindanao, contrary
to the popular belief of other Filipinos, who knew only a little about the ethnic composition of
the area.
There were three primary ethnic groups which led the raids: the Samal Balangingi,
the Ilanuns and the Tausugs. Most of the colonial historical accounts consider these groups
as brutal pirates and bandits. However from their ethnic point-of-view, they were freedom
fighters who wanted to halt the Spaniards from expanding towards their domains. Since
their communities were situated along the coasts of the Sulu Archipelago, it was no wonder
that these groups were excellent mariners and sailors. They were feared by almost all of
the coastal inhabitants of the Philippine archipelago because of their strength and fierceness
in combat and the weapons, as well as the fast and efficient ships, they used. However,
apart from the goal of defending their lands against Spanish colonial rule, these groups were
also notorious for their slave-raiding activities.
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The documentary narrates the brutality of these Moro pirates. One recorded brutality
was their act of making a hole through the palms of their captives and putting a string into it
to prevent them from escaping. These captives would then be ransomed or sold as slaves
in other trading outposts in Southeast Asia. They could also be made as boat rowers in
raiding the Sulu Sea. Slave raids were considered as economic activities and were
sanctioned by the Sultan of Sulu under the premise of defending the territorial reach of Islam
and the elimination of the presence of the Catholic Spaniards in the archipelago.
Spanish accounts of the era narrated the ships utilized by the Muslims in their raiding
activities, to wit:
Garay. As compared to the Juangas, these vessels were smaller but known for their
fastness and maneuverability. These were principally used by the Samals and were
built from bamboo, wood, and nipa palm.
Salipsipan. These were considered as support vessels and were designed primarily
to access littoral or shallow water conditions. The raiders would usually hide their
bigger vessels by using these ships. They pretended as fishermen so that they
could not draw the attention of their target captives and could convince them that
they are harmless.
On the other hand, the weapons that the Muslims used in their raiding activities
included the following:
Barong. These were single-bladed weapons made of thick-tempered steel and
measures at approximately one meter long. The Muslims would prefer this during a
close hand-to-hand battle.
Kris or Calais. These weapons were used either for warfare or as a ceremonial
symbol. It was unique because it was a double-edged sword that was either smooth
or wavy. It was a dreadful and savage weapon since it did not only stab the
opponent, rather it slashed the flesh and penetrated it, leaving most of the time a
fatal result. The nobles and other high ranking Muslim officials would usually use this
weapon.
Kampilan. These weapons were primarily used by the Ilanuns and were much
longer and heavier than the previous two swords.
Body Armor. Wealthy Muslims used bodily armors that were made from carabao
horn and/or steel plates which, in turn, were molded to fit the body of its user. A
chain link was used to hold it to the warrior‘s body.
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Activity
Watch the documentary film Raiders of the Sulu Sea in Youtube through the
link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CEtJ1mZdX10
. Read likewise Dr. Cesar
Adib Majul‘s book titled Muslims in the Philippines:
Past, Present and Future
Prospects make a timeline of the Moro Wars.
References:
Majul, C. A. (1971). Muslims in the Philippines: Past, present and future prospects. Manila:
Converts of Islam Society of the Philippines.
Yen, L. S., Zakaria, Z., & Kim, Y. (Producers). (2013). Raiders of the Sulu sea. Retrieved
from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CEtJ1mZdX10.
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UNIT 3
HISTORIC CONTROVERSIES
Figure 10. Ambeth Ocampo‘s picture of Jose Rizal‘s alleged retraction document. (Chua, 2016).
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Lesson 1
Overview:
Philippine History is full of controversial issues. In fact some of them are still
unresolved up to the present time. Dealing with controversies takes extra care because
historians who have raised their arguments on them have their respective points. Moreover,
dealing with them would take great effort in reviewing historiographic approaches employed
in the gathering, analyzing and interpreting sources. The existence of discourses
concerning these controversies makes history alive and very much interesting to study.
The site of the First Mass had been the subject of heated debates for the past few
decades. There were two leading contenders on this controversy–Limasawa and Butuan.
Although the then National Historical Institute through the Gancayco Commission officially
recognized Limasawa as the site of the First Mass and although its finding was affirmed by a
committee headed by Dr. Benito J. Legarda in 2008 and recently by the Mojares Panel in
2018, the controversy still continued up to the present time due to the pieces of evidence
presented by the pro-Butuan camp.
Leaning Outcomes:
1. Apply the ability of evaluating sources by using the methods of History discussed
in Unit 1 of this module.
2. Show competence in formulating arguments in favor of or against a particular
issue through the use of primary sources.
The National Historical Institute, (NHI; now a Commission) through the Gancayco
Commission, declared that the first Catholic mass in the country was celebrated by Fr.
Pedro de Valderrama in Limasawa, in the present-day province of Southern Leyte on March
31, 1521. The Commission which was headed by retired Supreme Court Justice Emilio
Gancayco, along with Atty. Bartolome Fernandez and Dr. Maria Luisa Camagay, was tasked
to resolve a very sensitive historical issue concerning the Philippines and its people.
Through a 24-page decision, the Commission concluded that the First Mass was celebrated
in Limasawa due to the following circumstances:
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Pigafetta's Mazaua, the site of the First Catholic Mass held on Philippine soil, is an
island lying off the southwestern tip of Leyte while Masao in Butuan is not an island
but a barangay of Butuan City located in a delta of the Agusan River along the coast
of Northern Mindanao. The position of Mazaua, as plotted by Pigafetta, matched that
of Limasawa.
Magellan's fleet took a route from Homonhon to Mazaua and from Mazaua to Cebu
that did not at any time touch Butuan or any other part of Mindanao. The docking
facilities at Limasawa did not pose any problem for Magellan's fleet which anchored
near or at some safe distance from the island of the eastern shore.
Although the Commission submitted its findings to Dr. Samuel Tan of the National
Historical Institute on March 20, 1998, the finding was formally turned over to Limasawa
officials on March 31 of the same year on the occasion of the 478 th anniversary of the First
Mass.
On June 15, 2009, the National Historical Institute adopted the recommendation of
this Commission on the site of the First Mass on Philippine soil. The Commission reiterated
the conclusion of the previous Gancayco Commission which declared Limasawa as the site
of the First Mass. The Commission which was headed by Dr. Benito J. Legarda with
members Fr. Jose Cruz and Mr. Pedro Picornell aimed at re-examining the matter by
conducting a hearing on August 29, 2008 at the National Museum (NM) in order to hear the
respective positions of the Butuan and Limasawa sides. Subsequent meetings were held on
January 30 and March 21, 2009 with Dr. Celestina Boncan of UP Manila and Dr. Ricardo
Jose of UP Diliman. ―The committee used as bases for re-examination the timeline,
direction, and duration of the sailing routes, the presence or absence of land forms (islands
and river deltas), and geographical location by latitude as contained in the primary sources,
the Gancayco Report, and the study of the late Fr. Miguel Bernad.‖
In line with the 500 years of the coming of Christianity to the Philippines, the National
Historical Commission of the Philippines and the National Quincentennial Committee
created a new panel with the view of reexamining the Butuan claim. The panel which was
headed by Dr. Resil Mojares, with Dr. Danilo Gerona from the Partido State University, Dr.
Carlos Madrid Alvarez-Piñer from the Instituto Cervantes de Manila, Fr. Antonio Francisco
B. De Castro, SJ, who represented the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines
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(CBCP), Dr. Francis Navarro from the Ateneo de Manila University and Dr. Jose Victor
Torres from the De La Salle University—Manila as members, conducted evaluation
proceedings on December 12 and 13, 2018 in Cebu City. Through this panel, new
perspectives emerged.
According to the article published at the Manila times by the historian Xiao Chua
(2019), two respondents gave their arguments: Gabriel Atega and Dr. Potenciano Malvar.
Atega argued that ―the measurements as recorded in a French manuscript of the Magellan
Expedition chronicle by Antonio Pigafetta… provided accurate measurements and thus the
9 degrees 2/3 N latitude referred therein passes through Mindanao, the island of which
Magallanes, Agusan del Norte (Old Butuan) was part‖ (para. 10).
On the other hand, Dr. Malvar suggested that ―based on the agreement of Magellan
with King Charles V, profits from trade from discovered lands will benefit Magellan‘s
descendants, Pigafetta will not let other travelers accurately know the exact location of
‗Mazaua‘ because the area was rich in resources‖ (para. 11).
In that same article, Chua mentioned that both Atega and Malvar agreed ―that the
site of the Mass was a different place from Mazaua and that the clue is in an 1872
monument for the aforementioned mass in Magallanes, Agusan del Norte. They also
pointed out to [sic] Francisco Albo‘s testimony that when they planted the cross on the
highest hill then, they saw three islands west-southwest. Both of them claimed ‗that climbing
the two nearest mountains to the 1872 monument, one would see Camiguin Island west-
southwest, but only its three mountains were visible (which made them look like islands)‖
(para. 12).
Activity
1. Create a Venn Diagram comparing the points of argument used by the
Masao
side and Limasawa side in claiming that the First Easter Mass in the
Philippine occurred in their respective localities.
2. Out of the arguments presented by the two sides, write a short essay stating
your view on the issue.
3. Are you in favor with the conclusions made by the various committees tasked
to discuss the controversy? Explain your answer.
References:
Arnaiz, Jani. (1999). 1st mass controversy: It's Limasawa. Retrieved from https://www.
coursehero.com/file/35785173/1st-Mass-controversydocx/
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Bernad, M. (2002). Butuan or Limasawa: The site of the First Mass in the Philippines - a
reexamination of the evidence. In Budhi: A journal of ideas and culture. Retrieved
from https://journals.ateneo.edu/ojs/index.php/budhi/article/view/582/579
Mascariñas, E. (2012, April 4). Butuan historians ask CBCP to resolve first mass
controversy in city‘s favor. In MindaNews. Retrieved from https://www.mindanews.
com/top-stories/2012/04/butuan-historians-ask-cbcp-to-resolve-first-mass-
controversy-in-citys-favor/.
Chua, X. (2016). Retraction ni Jose Rizal: Mga bagong dokumento at pananaw. GMA News
Online. Retrieved from https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/lifestyle/artandculture/
594027/retraction-ni-jose-rizal-mga-bagong-dokumento-at-pananaw/story/
Schreurs, P. (1981). The first mass site revisited. In Philippine quarterly of culture and
society (9, No. 3, pp. 192-216). University of San Carlos Publications.
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Lesson 2
Overview
The Cavite Mutiny or what was more popularly known among the Spaniards as La
Algarada Caviteña was a brief uprising of some Filipino soldiers and laborers who served
the Spanish armed forces in Fort San Felipe in the Province of Cavite. The soldiers and
laborers had the nerve to instigate a mutiny due to their belief that it could be escalated into
a nationwide uprising. However, it was easily crushed by the Spanish military and thus
repressed the burgeoning of the initial nationalist movement in the country.
The uprising, though not that sprawling, was magnified into an issue of national
interest by Governor-General Rafael de Izquierdo and was made as an excuse in order to
crack down the Filipinos who enjoyed the atmosphere of liberalism during the time of Carlos
Maria de la Torre y Navacerrada. A number of secularists who campaigned for reforms
were arrested because of the alleged support they provided among the mutineers. Several
priests and intellectuals were arrested including Fr. Jose Burgos, Fr. Jacinto Zamora and Fr.
Mariano Gomez. While the others were banished in the deserted Marianas and the
Carolines, the three priests would be executed in Bagumbayan.
Leaning Outcomes:
1. Apply the ability of evaluating sources by using the methods of History discussed
in Unit 1 of this module.
2. Show competence in formulating arguments in favor of or against a particular
issue through the use of primary sources.
There are three versions of the report: (1) the Spanish Version made by Jose
Montero y Vidal, (2) the Filipino Version written by T.H. Pardo de Tavera and (3) the Official
Report of Governor General Rafael de Izquirdo. The versions used in this module are the
English translations included in the Volume 7 of the Documentary Sources of Philippine
History which was compiled by the late historian Greogio Zaide and published by the
National Bookstore, Inc. in 1990. For the students reading convenience, the brief copies of
the reports have been included here.
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Figure 11:
Photo of the
Spanish arsenal
in Cavite taken
during the
American
Period.
(Retrieved from
http://www.wata
wat.net/the-
cavite-
mutiny.html).
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According to the historian Gregorio Zaide (1990), Jose Montero y Vidal‘s report on
the Cavite Mutiny was bias against the Filipinos and the Jesuits and it supports the official
report of Governor-General Rafael de Izquierdo. In spite of that, however, his account
remains as one of the surviving accounts about the uprising.
Zaide also related the observation of the American historian James LeRoy who
noticed the bias version of Montero y Vidal. Zaide quotes LeRoy with the following words:
―The usually sober and colorless Montero y Vidal becomes very rabid in his recital of the
Cavite episode in the Philippine History and is very positive not only in denouncing the
priests who were executed and the deportees as guilty, but in proclaiming their movement
as actually separatist in character. He ridicules at length the account of the Frenchman
Plauchut. But Plauchut, as well as Montery y Vidal, was a resident in or near Manila at the
time of the occurrences.‖ Indeed, no matter how objectively a person is when his personal
interest and that of his country is put at risk, that person might become unreasonable and
defend his concerns at whatever means.
Considered historian during his time, Montero y Vidal was a government official who
resided in Manila. Among his works are: El Archipelago Filipino y las islas Marianas,
Carolinas y Palaos: Su historia, geografica y estadistica; Historia general de Filipinas desde
el descubrimiento de dichas islas hasta nuestras dias (3 volumes); and, Historia de la
pirateria Malayo-mahometina de Mindanao, Jolo y Borneo (2 volumes). All of his works
were published in Madrid respectively in 1886, from 1887 to 1895 and in 1888 (Zaide,
1990).
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Figure 13. Sergeant Fernando La Madrid, a Figure 14. An Indian carpenter of the Cavite
mestizo who served as one of the leaders in the Arsenal. (Retrieved from http://www.watawat.
Cavite Mutiny. (Retrieved from http://www. net/the-cavite-mutiny.html).
watawat.net/the-cavite-mutiny.html).
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Activity
Given the full texts of the versions of their accounts on the Cavite Mutiny, make a
matrix on their differences [and similarities, if any] following the matrix below.
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References
Coates, A. (1992). Rizal: Filipino nationalist and patriot. Solidaridad Publishing House.
Izquierdo, R. (1990). Official report of Governor Izquierdo on the Cavite mutiny. In Gregorio
Zaide (Ed.), Documentary sources of Philippine history (Vol. 7, pp. 281-286).
Navotas: National Bookstore, Inc.
Pardo de Tavera, T. H. (1990). Filipino version of the Cavity mutiny. In Gregorio Zaide
(Ed.), Documentary sources of Philippine history (Vol. 7, pp. 274-280). Navotas:
National Bookstore, Inc.
Montero y Vidal, J. (1990). Spanish version of the Cavity mutiny. In Gregorio Zaide (Ed.),
Documentary sources of Philippine history (Vol. 7, pp. 269-273). Navotas: National
Bookstore, Inc.
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UNIT 4-A
SOCIAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC
and CULTURAL ISSUES
A General Discussion
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Lesson 1
Introduction
In essence, a constitution is a codified law that determines the powers and duties of
a government and it embodies certain rights of the people.
The Constitution is the supreme law of the land. When the legislative department
passed a law and found by the judicial department in conflict with the Constitution, such law
has no force and effect and has to be declared unconstitutional.
However, a constitution is not just about codified laws but a trace of the development
of national ideals. As historical record revealed, Filipino people revolted against Spain and
the United States practically to demonstrate their desire for self-governance. Evidence to
which are Kartilya ng Katipunan by Emilio Jacinto and various provisional constitutions.
Learning Outcomes
For three short periods, Spanish Constitution was effective in the Philippines,
namely, for the years 1810-1813, 1820-1823, and 1834-1837. During this period, the
Philippines had representation in the Cortes, the legislative body of the Spanish
government. After the year 1837, repeated efforts were made to revive the campaign for
rights, foremost of which was the petition made by the Propaganda Movement. Filipino
people at that time stated that they should have the same political and civil rights as the
Spanish people. Such failure to extend the right was one of the protests of the Ilustrados
which in turn created an impact in the struggle for independence in the 1896 Revolution.
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With the success of the Philippine Revolution, the Filipino people declared
independence against Spain led by Emilio F. Aguinaldo. He established a revolutionary
government and was named its president. He then issued a proclamation creating a
Revolutionary Congress to draft a constitution for the government.
Meantime, right after the signing of the 1898 Treaty of Paris which ceded the
Philippines to the United States, American influence on the constitutional history of the
Philippines began. American laws were bodily or partially transplanted; American methods
of governance and education were introduced; and American thoughts became
predominant. The President of the United States issued orders and the Congress of the
United States passed laws that had binding effect in the Philippine Islands. Three of these
measures were (1) the Instructions of the President to the Philippine Commission of April 7,
1900, (2) the Philippine Bill of 1902 or the Philippine Organic Act which was sponsored by
Henry Allen Cooper and was enacted into law on July 1, 1902 and (3) the Philippine
Autonomy Act of 1916 or the Cooper Act. These laws served as the constitutions of the
Philippines from 1902 to 1935.
The Hare-Hawes Cutting Law brought to the Philippines by Osmeña and Roxas set a
controversy in the Philippine Legislature. Quezon himself showed dissatisfaction by
rejecting the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Law. One striking, objectionable provision in the law
which Quezon strongly precluded was on the establishment of permanent military and naval
bases by the United States in the Philippines for ninety-nine years. To him, that provision
was a deliberate intrusion to the sovereignty of the country. Accordingly, he went to the
United States in order to secure another independence mission which was known as the
Tydings-McDuffie Act. Looking at the two laws, the Tydings-McDuffie Law was a bit
different from the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Law because the former was the result of the
amendment on the latter by the U.S. Congress.
In 1934, the United States Congress passed the Philippine Independence Act, which
set the parameters for the creation of a constitution for the Philippines. The election of
delegates to a Constitutional Convention was held. The 1934 Constitutional Convention
finished its work on February 8, 1935. The 1935 Constitution was ratified by the Filipino
people through a national plebiscite held on May 14, 1935. The constitution was held into
full force and effect on November 15, 1935 with the inauguration of the Commonwealth of
the Philippines. One of its governing principles was on the provision stating that it would
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The results and ratification of the constitution were challenged at the Supreme Court
by a group of opposition, invoking among others that PD 86 ―has no force and effect as law
because the calling... of such plebiscite, the setting of guidelines for the conduct of the
same, the prescription of the ballots to be used and the question to be answered by the
voters, and the appropriation of public funds for the purpose, are, by the Constitution, lodged
exclusively in Congress...‖ (La Viña, 2016, para. 2).
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Unlike in the 1935 and 1973 Constitutions, one of the unique features of the 1987
Constitution is the concept of social justice which treated as a separate subject. The
President of the Constitutional Commission, Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, said that social
justice is the heart of the 1987 Constitution. According to Justice Jose P. Laurel, in the
case of Calalang vs. Williams, social justice is neither communism, nor despotism nor
atomism nor anarchy, but the humanization of laws and the equalization of social and
economic forces by the state so that justice in its rational and objectively secular conception
may at least be approximated. Social justice means the promotion of the welfare of all the
people, the adoption by the government of measures calculated to insure the economic
stability of all the component elements of society through the maintenance of proper
economic and social equilibrium in the interrelations of the members of the community,
constitutionally, through the adoption of measures legally justifiable, or extra-constitutionally,
through the exercise of powers underlying the existence of all governments, on the time-
honored principle of salus populi est suprema lex.
Aside from the mother provision in Article XIII, other articles of the 1987 Constitution
contain social justice provisions. It can be said that social justice provision is found all over
the Constitution and not just in Article XIII—it can also be found in Articles XII and XIV. The
deliberations of the Constitutional Commission were enlightening as to the historical and
social context of these social justice provisions. The history of social injustice during
Spanish and American occupations encouraged the members to do this action.
Activity
1935 Constitution
1943 Constitution
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1973 Constitution
1987 Constitution
References
Evolution of the Philippine constitution. (n.d.). Official Gazette. Retrieved from https://www.
officialgazette.gov.ph/constitutions/constitution-day
Katz, Phillip P. (2004). World War II in the Philippines: A pictorial review. Eugene J.
Adams.
La Viña, Tony. (2016). The travesty of the 1973 constitution. Retrieved from
https://manilastandard.net/mobile/article/216640.
Record of the constitutional commission: Proceedings and debates (Vol. 1). (1986).
Constitutional Commission of 1986. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/
record-of-constitutional-commission-volume-1/mode/2up.
Validity of Marcos's '73 constitution is challenged. (1981). The New York Times. Retrieved
from https://www.nytimes.com/1981/04/01/world/validity-of-marcos-s-73-
constitution-is-challenged.html.
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Lesson 2
Introduction
Tracing back the history of the Philippines, the implication of colonization includes
cultural influences. Around three hundred thirty-three years under the Spaniards, almost
forty-eight years under the Americans and three more years under the Japanese, there have
been communities all over the Philippines that were able to manage and keep their cultural
identity. These groups were able to retain their distinct and unique cultural, economic and
political characteristics which, as had been clearly observed, diverse from the dominant
societies at the present time. These societies where known to be the Indigenous People of
the Philippines.
Learning Outcomes
The term Indigenous People (IP) has its common perception of uncolonized people.
The most cited definition of ―Indigenous‖ comes from Cobo‘s study ("State of the World's",
2009). In his definition, he explained that Indigenous people, communities or nations have
their historical continuity with regards to the pre-colonization of their countries (Cobo, 1983).
According to the United Nations (―State of the World's‖, 2009), the following are the
concept of historical continuity:
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Aside from historical continuity, Indigenous People is the contrary of the prevailing or
dominant societies in terms of cultural and social identity ("Indigenous Peoples", 2002). The
IP‘s considerably was able to preserve and protect their culture amongst the presence of
threat from the ―outside‖ community.
During the Spanish colonization, communities who resisted colonial rule and
conversion to Christianity were categorized as infieles (infidels), salvajes (savages) or tribus
salvajes (savage tribes). As the colonial rule transferred to the American regime these
communities were called non-Christian tribes ("The Indigenous Peoples Right Act", 2007).
On October 1901, the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was created and led by David
Barrows. He was an anthropologist and he supervised the 1903 Philippine Census for the
ethnic classification in the country. As a result, and in the context of religion, two major
categories were created to classify the Filipinos. The first one was called the Christian and
Civilized Tribe which composed of the major population while the second one was called the
Non-Christian and Wild Tribes or the minorities ("The Indigenous Peoples Right Act", 2007).
Figure 18. History of Government Agencies on Indigenous People (World Bank, 2007, Illustration by
Sherrenne De Amboy)
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The Philippines became one of the first countries in Asia who used the term
Indigenous People (Asian Development Bank, 2002; World Bank, 2007). The country is
composed of 110 ethno-linguistics groups, raptly 14-17 million of its population (Indigenous
people of the Philippines, 2009). Majority of the IPs are located in Mindanao which consists
of 61 % of the population while 33 % from the Northern Luzon which are mostly situated in
the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR) and the remaining group are from Visayas
(Carino, 2012).
In Mindanao there are two main IP groups, the Lumads and the Moro Peoples. The
term Lumad is used to refer the 18 non-Muslim IP groups in the region. According to the
Visayans, Lumad means ―of the land‖. The seven listed Islamized group are known to be
the Moro Peoples or the Muslims (Thompson, 2014).
The Igorot is the collective and most common term used for the IPs in the Cordillera
Administrative Region. Their inclination to highland habitat became one of the reasons why
the Spanish conquistadores were not able to convert them into Christianity. Some of them
live near the rivers and foothills. Other ethno-linguistic groups in the region are identified as
Ifugao, Ibaloy, Bontoc Isneg, Tinguia and Kankanaey. According to Carino (2012) and
Thompson (2014), the term Igorot means people from (i-) the mountain. And lastly, the
Mangyan, the collective name for eight sub-groups, are found in the Island of Mindoro.
The IPs, regardless of their unique and distinct culture, belong to the most
disadvantaged group and subjected to racial discrimination (De Vera, 2007; Sanders, 1989).
The timeline (see Figure 18) shows the history of government agencies in the country which
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created to protect the welfare of the IPs in the Philippines. The 1987 Constitution therefore
recognize the rights of the IPs the country, to wit:
Following the mandate of the 1987 Constitution, the Indigenous Peoples‘ Rights Act
or IPRA was enacted in 1997 during the term of President Fidel Ramos. That Republic Act
became responsible in the ratification of the creation of the Four Bundle of Rights for the IPs
in the country (see figure 19).
Figure 20. Four Bundles of Rights from Republic Act No. 8371.
(Illustration by Sherrenne De Amboy).
The year after IPRA was enacted the National Commission on Indigenous People
was created. The agency‘s mandate is to protect and promote the interest and welfare of the
IPs in connection to their beliefs, traditions, institutions and customs.
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Activity
Write a reflection essay regarding the information that you will gather on the following
tasks:
Option A. Interview. Make an interview to at least three persons whom you know
and ask their perception of the Indigenous Peoples by asking the
following questions:
1. What comes into your mind when you read or hear the term indigenous? How
about the term indigenous people? What words or terms do you usually
associated with them?
2. Do you think that the indigenous peoples of the Philippines are fairly treated in
terms of equal opportunities like education, livelihood and health care? Why?
Option B. Film Viewing. Watch the full episode of Kara David‘s award-winning
Ambulansiyang de Paa at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JI-Qgl1A-g0
and make your personal assessment on the conditions of many indigenous
peoples in the country at present.
References:
Carino, J. K. (2012). Country technical notes on IP‘s isues Republic of the Philippines (Vol.
12, No. 17, pp. 167–168). Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1525/as.1943.12.
17.01p1254s.
De Vera, D. (2007). Indigenous peoples‘ rights in the Philippines: A country case study. In
OECD journal on development (Vol. 9, Issue 2, pp. 73–82). Retrieved from
https://doi.org/10.1787/journal_dev-v9-art13-en
GMA Public Affairs (Producer) & David, Kara (Host/Writer). (2009). Ambulansiyang de paa.
In I-witness. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JI-Qgl1A-g0.
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IPRA and NCIP. (2019). National Commission for Indigenous Peoples. https://www.sec.
gov.ph/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/2018_
State of the world ‘s indigenous (2009). United Nations Department of Economic and Social
Affairs. https://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/SOWIP/en/
SOWIP_web.pdf.
The indigenous peoples right act: Legal and institutional framework, implementation and
challenges. (2007).. World Bank. Retrieved from https://serp-p.pids.gov.ph/serp-
p//details.php?pid=4326¶m=World+Bank.
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Lesson 3
Introduction
In the Colonial Period, the Filipinos had been working with so many struggles in their
agricultural lands. Many challenges—both natural and man-made phenomena—prevented
them from enjoying the fruits of their toils. It is for this reason that they also remained poor
and miserable amidst the supposed richness of their country‘s natural resources.
It is said that the farmers serve as the backbone of the local economy and that they
have been feeding the nation since time immemorial until the present. But why is it that
many of them remain to be poor and obscure despite the richness of their land that they
cultivate? Across the many years, it has been their ardent desire to at least break their
bondage from their landlords and cultivate the land which, in turn, shall give them the benefit
to determine economically for themselves and their social disposition.
Since the establishment of the First Philippine Republic, each Philippine president
has significant legislations on agrarian reform. Notably, every Philippine Constitution
undertakes the promotion of social justice and agrarian reform program. However, it was
only Republic Act No. 6657 or the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of 1998 which
attempted to fully distribute lands to farmers. Despite the promise of the provisions of laws
and policies of the state, however, agrarian reform has remained elusive to the farmers and
farmworkers. Many are still struggling in the countryside, un-nourished with food and
without their own land to cultivate.
Learning Outcomes
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distribution of shares of stock, which will allow beneficiaries to receive a just share of the
fruits of the lands they work.
The Spanish government, through the Laws of the Indies, declared all lands in the
Philippines as exclusive territory of the Spanish Crown. The Spaniards destroyed the
traditional system of land ownership–that is, common ownership of land by village clusters
known as barangays which was similar to the existing systems among several indigenous
communities–and distributed the lands (haciendas) to Spanish military officials and the
clergy or to established encomiendas (administrative districts). This system granted that the
encomenderos must defend their encomiendas from external attack, maintain peace and
order within their jurisdiction, and support the activities of the missionaries. In turn, the
encomenderos acquired the right to collect tributes from the indios (natives).
The system, however, degenerated into the abuse of power by the encomenderos.
Soon, the tribute became land rents to a few powerful landlords. And the natives who once
cultivated the lands with ease and freedom were transformed into mere share tenants.
The coming of the United States as the news colonizer did not address this problem
even when it bragged of its banner of democracy, championing equal rights and
opportunities for all. By contrast, the new conquerors only established a new class,
although certain changes were introduced namely, (1) The Land Registration Act of 1902
which paved the way to land titling; (2) the Public Land Act of 1903 or The Homestead Act;
and, (3) The Tenancy Act of 1933 which set certain limitations on the size of land
ownership.
Meanwhile, the 1935 Constitution addressed the issue of foreign access to land, i.e.,
corporations must have at least 60 percent Filipino ownership and use-rights were limited in
time. Other reforms included limitations on interest rates on loans and an increase in the
sharecropping‘s share from 50 percent to 70 percent. Very little of these laws were really
followed in practice and the Huk rebellion was born.
Post-war Measures
After the decolonization of the United States, Manuel A. Roxas enacted Republic Act
No. 55 which provided for a more effective safeguard against arbitrary ejectment of tenants.
During the administrations of Ramon Magsaysay (regarding the Mindanao resettlement
program) and Diosdado Macapagal, land reform was again tackled but no significant results
were achieved in terms of scope and magnitude of land transfer. When Ferdinand Marcos
became president and declared Martial Law, the whole of the Philippines was declared a
land reform area under Presidential Decree (P.D.) No. 27. Significant progress was made
but the continued practice of the share tenancy system, the exemptions allowed by the
government and the shortcomings in the support system did much to limit the efficacy of the
reforms on addressing poverty by 50 percent of the rural population).
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Then, the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL) years was enacted in 1988.
Land distribution increased substantially but lack of support system was still prevalent while
many big landed estates have not yet been included in the program. When President Fidel
V. Ramos formally took over in 1992, his administration came face to face with publics who
have lost confidence in the agrarian reform program. His administration committed to the
vision, ―Fairer, faster and more meaningful implementation of the Agrarian Reform
Program‖.
President Benigno Aquino III vowed during his 2012 State of the Nation Address that
he would complete the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program
(CARP) by the end of his term. The model of his reform was the implementation of the
program during the time of his mother, the late President Corazon Aquino. President
Rodrigo Duterte, on the other hand, wants to pursue an ―aggressive‖ land reform program
that would help alleviate the life of poor Filipino farmers by prioritizing the provision of
support services alongside land distribution‖.
Activity
Read some notes on agrarian reform in the Philippines and prepare a comparative
matrix showing a) the evolution of agrarian policies over the years, b) the content of the
policies, and c) the implication of the law on agrarian issues.
References
Republic Act No. 6657. (n.d.). Official Gazette. Retrieved from https://www.
officialgazette.gov.ph/1988/06/10/republic-act-no-6657/
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UNIT 4-B
SOCIAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC
and CULTURAL ISSUES
With Adaptations to the Disciplines of the Students
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Lesson 1
Introduction
You might be curious of the kind of transportation system that our forebears in the
Pre-colonial Period had when there were no concrete bridges and roads that crossed rivers
and adjoined the various communities of the archipelago. It must have been an
overwhelming character of patience and perseverance exuded by our ancestors before they
could reach their destinations which could be trekked by a carriage in an hour or more at the
height of the Spanish regime or by a jeepney in about 20 minutes during the American
Period. Certainly, the Filipino of today cannot just do what the Filipinos of the colonial era
could, especially that there are now modern modes of transportation in our time.
When the Spaniards reached these islands in 1565, they observed the presence of
many rivers. On these rivers, especially in the deltas, the Pre-colonial Filipinos dwelt on
because of the benefits that these narrow bodies of water provided. First, the rivers
provided navigable channels of transportation and communication. Second, the rivers
served as a source of life due of the resources that it yielded them. Third, the rivers served
as irrigation systems to the agricultural fields in the low-lying areas. Fourth, the rivers were
the Great Bath of all the people within the community and they served as the places where
everything could be washed or cleaned. Certainly those who lived in the downstream
became highly dependent on the rivers.
Before the construction of bridges, canoes called bangkas were used in either
bridging one side of the river to the other; hence the forebears were able to perfect the use
of rivers as channels of transportation and communication. At the time of the Spaniards,
places became more accessible due to the construction of infrastructures which lessened
the challenges that travelers experienced.
In this lesson, certain photographs have not been included due to the limited number
of pages allowed for this module.
Learning Outcomes
1. Understand the state of the Philippines in the Spanish Period by studying certain
infrastructures like bridges.
2. Examine the significance of the bridges in the Philippines and how these
infrastructures affected the lives and relationships of the Filipinos and the
Spaniards in the colonial era.
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In 1839, the daguerreotype camera was invented in Europe. Two years thereafter, it
was introduced to the Philippines by the traveler Sinebaldo de Mas who was considered as
spy of the King of Spain by many Spaniards living in the country. Since, many colonial
officials did not like either the Residencia or the Visita, the old Spanish institutions
established in Castile, many colonial officials avoided and turned a cold feeling towards him
(Pascual, 2013). The Residencia which was initially exercised in Spain was first resorted to
the Indies (or the Spanish territories in Meso and Latin America, including the Philippines
and other adjacent territories) in 1501 (Agoncillo, 1990). The idea that Sinebaldo de Mas
was sent secretly by the king of Spain in order to investigate on the affairs of the state
caused fear among the Spaniards in Manila (Pascual, 2013). One could not blame the
Spanish officials because a residenciado or the colonial official who was found guilty of
public misconduct would suffer heavy fines, sequestration of assets or imprisonment or a
combination of the three penalties (Zaide, 2010). It must be noted that there were avenues
of corruption in Obras Publicas which facilitated the construction of certain infrastructures in
the country.
Unlike other Spaniards who just arrived from Spain and were helped by their
countrymen, Sinebaldo de Mas was not welcome in the circle of the residenciados in Manila
and elsewhere. Because of this, he experienced financial shortage. He used his camera to
earn a living among the members of the alta sociedad in the country (Pascual, 2013).
Hence, he became the first photographer seen and occasionally employed by the prominent
families of Manila. Whether Sinebaldo de Mas was feared because of his camera, which
was thought to be recording the condition of the Philippines at that time, a conclusion cannot
be made about it because his photos were never used as pieces of evidence in order to
prove whether the Philippines was going backward, indeed, and hence the corrupt could be
persecuted. Photos during his time in the country were merely used to portrait the images
of the capricious elite.
Sensing the difficulty of transportation due to the presence of many rivers in the
country, the Spaniards constructed bridges in the Philippines. The construction of the first
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bridges could be attributed to the first colonial officials who attempted to put the distant
areas of the country under Spanish colonial rule as effectively possible and the religious
missionaries who exerted great efforts in spreading Catholicism all throughout the
archipelago (Villalon, 2011). This motive was in accordance with the system of governance
and the planning of pueblos known as Leyes de las Indias (The Laws of the Indies) (del
Castillo-Noche, 2016). This law prescribed that the communities should be established
permanently and must be safe from being raided; that it must also be accessible by land or
sea to other pueblos. With the inherent desire for accessibility, there came a pressing need
to establish road networks and bridges whether the colonial officials were forced by the law
or not. Thus, the country‘s first
bridges like the Puente de
Malagonlong in Tayabas, the
Puente de Britanico in Iloilo and
the Puente de Isabel in Imus
Cavite were constructed in
order to connect local roads,
facilitate the missionary works
of the religious congregations
effectively and better
supervision of the localities and
smoother transfer of goods
(Matias, 2014).
The building of bridges or puentes, including roads or caminos in the country was
initially made by the religious congregations assigned to a particular jurisdiction. These
friars were neither trained engineers nor builders; that was why there was uncertainty if his
hand-sketched design would be translated into a formidable structure. But because of
practical skills and knowledge learned in Europe and because of their basic understanding
of Renaissance building techniques, as well as a pattern book brought in from Mexico or
Europe, the construction of lasting bridges still commenced (del Castillo-Noche, 2016). The
friars took the risk of being the first engineers and architects because of the necessity of
spreading Catholicism through the construction of churches, roads and bridges.
Due to the increasing demands of political and economic activities as well in the
Philippines, specialized engineers from Spain were soon necessary. This led to the
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establishment of
Inspección General de
Obras Publicas (the
General Board of
Public Works) by a
Royal Decree in 1866
(del Castillo-Noche,
2016). The decree
allowed the more
scientific and effective
construction of
structures to last a
lifetime. Building these
structures however
required the Filipinos‘
participation. They Figure 23. The Puente de España. (Gopal, 2013)
were conscripted by
their local officials—
either by their gobernadorcillos or cabezas de barangay or, in some instances, competent
principales. Working on these structures, bridges and roads especially, was very difficult. In
the case of bridges, the polistas had to employ the classical designs of Europe of which
most basic is the Roman arch, taught upon them by the friar-engineer-architects (Villalon,
2011).
Working conditions in the designated places were severe. The polistas had to quarry
huge stones and shape them into cubic forms. Since these stones were durable, they had a
high demand in the construction of buildings. These stones were quarried in mountains and
were brought to the work place with the use of local carts by numerous able-bodied men.
These stones would then be cut precisely into cubic shapes of different sizes in order to
form arches that would serve as the support system of the bridges‘ surface. The Roman
arch had a better benefit, likewise, because it allowed the use of its spandrel by small
canoes used by the Filipinos in travelling elsewhere or in fishing along the river.
How the stones put together as if they were cemented in order to prevent the
structure from further collapse is puzzling. After cutting, the stones were put one after the
other and cemented together using argamasa (mortar), a mixture of powdered lime and
water. Lime was obtained from limestone quarries, coral reefs, and seashells (―The Spanish
Colonial Tradition from 1565 to 1898‖, 2013). Depending upon what was available in the
locality, ingredients as plant sap, molasses, and even eggs (egg white) were used to make
the mortar more binding and durable.
Significance of Bridges
Since the designs of bridges were originally European and most of the materials
used in their construction were local, the type of construction employed was Arquitectura
Mestiza or mixed architecture, a term used by the Jesuit Ignacio Alcina as early as 1668,
because it is the espousal of Western and Philippine elements (Villalon, 2014; ―The Spanish
Colonial Tradition from 1565 to 1898‖, 2013). It can be observed that the areas where
bridges were usually constructed were the areas characterized by a rugged terrain and the
presence of rivers. With the desire to hasten missionary activities, bridges were constructed
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and, inevitably, the old bumpy roads were connected which facilitated better supervision by
the military and civil authorities.
Since the construction of bridges employed polistas from the pueblo itself or the
alcaldia where it was a part, the bridge was a melting pot of both local and Western. Not
only because of the designs and materials used but also the entirety of the bridge itself.
While it is true that it would bear the name of the builder through a marker placed elsewhere
in it, it also bore the identity of the unsung workers through the markings underneath the
structure. The markings indicate freemasonic symbols which meant that the Filipinos were
the stone cutters or carvers and the builder of the Philippines by means of working hard in
the construction of bridges that connected the pueblos and alcaldias (GMA 7 News and
Public Affairs, 2013).
The linking of these local government units in the colonial era would eventually lead
to increased economic activities and, to a certain extent, progress in the localities. While it
is true that the bridges connected roads and towns and provinces, they also meant
demarcation lines. The bridges defined the boundaries of these local government units from
one another.
Activity
References
del Castillo-Noche, Manuel Maximo Lopez. (2009). Philippine history of the bridges.
Retrieved from https://www.scribd.com/document/316619637/PH-History-of-Bridges
GMA 7 News and Public Affairs (Producer), & David, Kara (Host). (2013). Ang Lihim ng
lumang tulay [Video file]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
8Q2WU_gvSaU&list=LLlDDbKS7jlWUijmNp2LJEkg&index=510.
Gopal, Lou. (2013). Jones bridge. In Manila nostalgia. Retrieved from http://www.
lougopal.com/manila/?p=472.
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Matias, Jonathan R. (2014). Puentes de España: A tale of two bridges. Retrieved from
http://www.sulugarden.com/wp-content/Sulu_Blog_Puentes_de_Espa%C3%B1a-
A_tale_of_two_bridges.pdf
Mundigo, A., & Crouch, D. (Trans.). (1973). The laws of the Indies. Ministerio de la
Vivienda, Madrid. Retrieved from http://codesproject.asu.edu/sites/default/files/
THE%20LAWS%20OF%20THE%20INDIEStranslated.pdf
Paterno, Tina. (2018). The making of the all-steel gothic revival San Sebastian Basilica.
Retrieved from https://bluprint.onemega.com/making-san-sebastian-basilica/
The Spanish colonial tradition from 1565 to 1898. (2013). Retrieved from https://studylib.
net.doc/8250485/the-spanish-colonial-tradition-from-1565-to-1898-the
U.S. Army Corps of Engineer. (1915). Professional memoirs (Vol. 7). Engineer School
Washington Barracks, D.C.
Villalon, Augusto. (2011). Spanish colonial bridges in the Philippines. Retrieved from
https://lifestyle.inquirer.net/28865/spanish-colonial-bridges-in-the-philippines/
Villalon, Augusto. (2014). Why wooden houses survived the earthquake. Retrieved from
https://lifestyle.inquirer.net/152381/why-wooden-houses-survived-the-earthquake/
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Lesson 2
Introduction
One of the misunderstood groups of people—if not the most misunderstood indeed—
in the country is the group of the Muslims. Before the coming of the Spaniards, they used to
be identified as the most dominant group in the country practicing a monotheistic belief. The
Spaniards found out that Muslims were not only dominant in Mindanao, in the areas of
Cotabato, Zamboanga and the Sulu Archipelago, but also in Southern Palawan, the
Tagalog-speaking provinces like Mindoro and Batangas, Manila and the Kapampangan
areas in the north. Being their traditional enemy during the crusades and way back in Spain
when the Muslims invaded the Iberian Peninsula, they called the Muslims in the Philippines
as Moros. The Muslim Filipinos then became their natural enemies in their 333-year
occupation of the country.
The Muslim Filipinos were described by the Spaniards as brute, arrogant, ungrateful
and deceitful. Seen as warlike without the rudiments of civilization, they were regarded as
marauders, plunderers and abductors. The military harassments made by the Spaniards
against them, especially during the Moro Wars, caused the Muslims to develop suspicion
and intrinsic hatred among the colonizers and the subjects of their dominions, who in one
way or another, were used in military expeditions against them. This suspicion and hatred
became persistent as the Muslims continued their acts of piracy, contending the Spanish
fleet that was sent to subdue them in 1848. The persistence of their ill-feeling transcended
up to these days as shown by the problems of separatism and violence in Mindanao.
Learning Outcomes
1. Understand the origin of the problems between the Christian and Muslim
Filipinos that persisted until these days through the use of primary sources.
2. Propose recommendations or possible solutions that can mitigate present-day
problems based on their own understanding of the causes and their anticipation
of future scenarios.
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by the Spaniards when they conquered the Philippines, when they painted a negative image
of the Muslims to the minds of their newly-conquered subjects. This negative perspective
can be traced to the Conquista-Reconquista Period in Spain. That period was characterized
by the Muslims conquest of the Iberian Peninsula (Conquista) and the attempt of the
Christian Kingdoms of Spain to regain the territory occupied by the Muslims (Reconquista).
When the Spaniards started to subdue the various communities in the Philippines in
1565, they encountered various Muslim communities in Manila, Mindoro, Batangas,
Maguindanao, and Sulu. From then on, the Muslims were referred to as the Moros in
Spanish historical annals, although they did not have any relationship whatsoever with their
invaders from Northern Africa where the term Moor was derived. The vilification of the
Moros in colonial accounts was justified by the depredations and piratical incursions which
they launched against the Christianized colonial settlements most especially in the Visayas
area. If for the Spaniards, the Moros were sheer evil because of their attacks against the
Christian communities, for the Muslims, it was their way of preserving their ancient liberties
which was threatened by the Spanish presence in the area. Thus they were able to justify
their attacks as their way of defending themselves from Spanish subjugation.
The problem, however, continued to escalate when the Spaniards left the Philippines
and the sovereignty was transferred to the Americans. Through the Bates Treaty (later
reduced to Bates Agreement), the Sultan of Sulu relinquished his sovereignty to the
Americans and reduced his power to ceremonial matters only. At first, although the Moros
were hesitant to accept American domination, they soon respected the new colonizers to the
extent of petitioning them to continue colonizing Muslim Mindanao should the Philippines be
granted with independence. They would rather remain as an American colony than to be
incorporated to the proposed Republic. The wish of the Muslims was not granted and they
were eventually incorporated to the newly-born Philippine Republic.
One of the challenges which befallen the Republic of the Philippines was the
integration of the cultural minorities to the national body-politic. As a solution, the House of
Representatives created a special committee in 1954 which would cater the demands and
desires of the cultural minorities. In its report, the committee recommended the
establishment of a commission which would tackle the problem of Muslim integration.
Through Republic Act 1888, the Commission on National Integration was formed which
aimed at advancing and developing all of the cultural minorities besides the Muslims. The
works of the Commission, however, did not please all the Muslims. As a matter of fact,
Congressman Ombra Amilbangsa even criticized the bad practices and inefficient services
of the Commission. By the 1960s, the Moro Problem continued to thrive to the point that the
Senate Committee on National Minorities issued a report in 1963, highlighting the discontent
in Mindanao. The Committee traced the root causes of the discontent to (1) land problems,
(2) disparity in education, (3) lack of livelihood opportunities and (4) issues on health and
transportation.
The Consequence
The issue on the Moro Problem shook the very foundation of Philippine society and
the dream of unifying all the Filipinos into a single body-politic became problematic. One of
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the main reasons for this is the mutual distrust between the Muslims and the Christians. In a
study made by the Filipinas Foundation in 1971, sixty-five percent of the Muslims in the
Philippines at the time when the study was conducted viewed their Muslim identity with
higher regards as compared to Filipino identity. To them, Filipino identity was based on
Christian identity or being a Bisaya which meant being a slave, an idea which was far from
being espoused to the ideals of Islam.
On the other hand, the related study conducted by Lacar and Hunt (1972) between
1970 and 1971 revealed that the negative perspective on the Muslims continued to thrive in
some universities in Manila, Dumaguete and Cotabato. They even remarked that based on
the answers given by their respondents in the University of the Philippines, the premier
academic institution in the country imbued with high regard to intellectualism, negative
perception still thrived. Distrust was also pointed out by Bulatao in his study in 1973 where
he claimed that Christians accused the Muslims on being unmindful in the development of
the country.
Activity
1. Interview all of the member of your household and ask the following questions:
a. What is your perception of the Muslims?
b. Is your perception the Muslims based on what you studied in school or based
on what was introduced to you by the media or other people?
2. Based on the interview your conducted, write a short narrative and state whether
the negative perception on the Muslims continue to thrive in your community.
References
Filipinas Foundation, Inc. (1971). An anatomy of Philippine Muslim affairs: A study in depth
on Muslim affairs in the Philippines conducted under the auspices of Filipinas
Foundation Inc. Makati: Author.
Bulatao, Rodolfo. (1973) Ethnic attitudes in five Philippine Cities. Quezon City: UP Social
Research Laboratory.
Gowing, Peter. (1977) Of different minds: Muslims and Christian perceptions of the
Mindanao problem. In Philippine quarterly of culture and society (Issue. 5, pp.
243–252). University of San Carlos Publications.
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Lacar, Luis and Chester Hunt. (1972). Attitudes of Filipino Christian college students toward
Filipino Muslims and their implications for national integration. In Solidarity (Issue
8, No. 7, pp.: 3–9). Solidaridad Publishing House.
McAmis, Robert D. (1973). Muslim Filipinos in the 1970s. In Solidarity (Issue 8, No. 6, pp.
3–15). Solidaridad Publishing House.
Pidal, Ramon Menendez. (1950). The Spaniards in their history (W. Starkie, Trans.). New
York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.
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Lesson 3
Introduction
Have you ever wondered why there are Filipinos known by the surnames Reyes,
delos Santos, Estrella, Mendoza and Salvatierra as there are Filipinos known by the
surnames Dimagiba, Polotan, Poqui, Poquita and Kahabagan? Does it mean that the
Spanish sounding surnames denote the presence of Spanish blood—or at least mestizo
blood—on the part of those who possess them? If one were to think of that predicament,
only a fragment of the confusion brought by the surnames would be threshed out. How
about the initiation of public order and the process through which this initiation was carried
out in the country by merely distributing surnames among the local inhabitants? That by
merely prompting the Filipinos to adopt surnames, Spain would leave not only a long-lasting
legacy among the Filipinos until the present time but also public order from which it
benefited politically, economically and culturally.
Learning Outcomes
1. Explain the reasons why the Filipinos had to adopt surnames in the 19 th century.
2. Evaluate the circumstances through which the decree was implemented among
the Filipinos.
3. Deconstruct the idea that the Filipinos bearing Spanish-sounding surnames have
Spanish descent.
The 19th century can be considered as the golden age of Spanish colonial regime in
the country. This is because their attention was no longer limited to pacification or the
conquest of the far-flung areas of the archipelago; rather they gave attention to other
matters or issues that troubled the society. It was at this time that they gave attention to
public health and thus the introduction of measures and the building of hospitals in order to
mitigate the spread of contagious diseases like STDs, bubonic plague and cholera, among
others. It was at this point when reforms were introduced in the education sector and the
building of more schools such as the Escuela Normal de Maestros besides those that were
established before.
The Claveria Decree of 1849 or the November 21, 1849 Decree was not different
from those that have already been mentioned as part of the reforms introduced by Spain in
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the country. It was a superior decree issued by Governor-General Narciso Claveria in order
that the native populace of the country would take possession of surnames from a catalogue
called Catalogo Alfabetico de Apellidos (Alphabetical List of Surnames) which was compiled
by the reverend father provincials of the various religious congregations in the country. The
principal purpose of the decree was to provide exact identity on every citizen as he
observed the lack of surnames that would distinguish individuals belonging to the same
family (Cojuangco, 2006).
In the localities, many problems were encountered by the Spanish authorities. Some
of them were insufficient collection of taxes, difficulty of enforcing laws and administering
justice, inadvertent incestuous affair between relatives and legitimacy of births and
inheritances. Governor Claveria (1849) was alarmed of the consequences that these
problems yielded, primarily ―because family names are not transmitted from parents to their
children, so that it is sometimes impossible to prove the degrees of consanguinity for [the]
purpose of marriage, rendering useless the parochial books which in Catholic countries are
used for all kinds of transactions‖ (para. 1).
Insufficient collection of taxes in the pueblos was usually the result of (1) the
clandestine corrupt practices of some cabezas de barangay who were at the forefront of
collecting taxes among the people and (2) tax evasion by means of hiding into places due to
the exorbitant amount of tax being collected. To get out of this predicament and possibly of
incarceration, the gobernadorcillo had to sell his property in order to compensate the
amount of uncollected or unremitted taxes—all of which were expected from him. Thus,
many gobernadorcillos, in the Bicol Region for instance, became bankrupt due to that covert
yet usual practice.
When it comes to law enforcement, the authorities had the difficulty of distinguishing
and running after criminals and scoundrels due to the absence of exact identities—that is
the absence of surnames. It must be remembered that many Filipinos bore the same
names during that period. Conversely, how the Filipinos knew each other was surprising
even if there were, for instance, five or seven individuals who possessed the same name,
say Juan or Jose, and even those individuals did not have surnames to distinguish them
from one another. Interestingly each Filipino knew all of the residents in his barangay
because he barely had the opportunity of getting out of his immediate environment in order
to go to the kabisera and undergo checkup through the services of a medico titular.
Due to the absence of strict implementation on the use of surnames prior to 1849,
there were middle classes who resorted to changing their surnames. This tolerance did not
only create a problem on ascertaining inheritance and legitimacy but also created fear
among the church ministers. According to Governor Claveria himself, the church ministers
were alarmed of the presence of married couples who would be inadvertently discovered of
being cousins. Accordingly, after hearing the testimonies of the Most Reverend Bishops,
the Reverend Provincials of the religious congregations and the Honorable Assessor
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General of the government, he ordered the strict observance of the provisions of his
superior decree.
Due to the apparent inadequacy of the surnames, the list had to comprise local terms
for geographic features, minerals and names of vegetables, animals, insects and fishes.
Conjuangco (2012) further explains that geographic features written in the Catalogo
included bukid (spelled as buquid), bundok (bondoc) and gubat while bulawan, ginto
(guinto), pilak (pilac; silver) and tumbaga (copper) were taken from the mineral kingdom.
Names of vegetables like kamote (camote), kalabasa (calabasa), balatong, hebechuelas,
pichay and malunggay were appropriated. Animals and insects, on the other hand,
comprised pabo, pato, pajaro and bukbok (bocboc; powder beetle) while fishes included
bulik (bulic), lapu-lapu and hito (para. 5).
Bodily descriptions and parts as balbon (hairy), balbas (beard), bayag (testicles),
pantog (bladder), puso (heart) and puki (poqui; vagina) were added. Funny or vulgar words
like bangkay (spelled as bangcay), tanga, gago, kupal (spelled as cupal; smegma), maitim
(dark), malibog (horny), ungas, tae, unggoy (onggoy) were likewise counted. There were even
local words like bagkat (bagcat; to lift), dakkel (dacquel; big), kupag (cupag; coconut pulp),
salaknib (salacnib; shield) taken from the Iloko language. Even languages such as Tagalog
and Iloko (Yloco) and names of provinces like Tarlac and Zambales were allocated. And yes,
the term Pilipino was also in it (Catalogo de Alfabetico, n.d.).
Though it was not fast enough, the compilation of surnames was easily facilitated
because the Church ministers were assigned to the different areas of the archipelago. The
Jesuits were in charge of Surigao, Zamboanga, Davao and Cotabato. The Franciscans
were in charge of Quezon, Aurora, Samar, Leyte and portions of Bulacan. The Agustinians
took charge of the provinces of Batangas, Pampanga, Iloilo, Cebu, Capiz, Antique, Aklan
and the Ilocos provinces. The Dominicans were assigned in Batanes, Cagayan,
Pangasinan, Tarlac, Bataan and Zambales, while the Recollects were delegated in Bohol,
Cavite, Siquijor and Dumaguete (Cojuangco, 2006). These ministers listed local words and
terms which could be sent to the colonial capital for inclusion in the Catalogo.
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In the province of Albay, surnames beginning with letters B and C were allocated to
the residents in the coastal towns facing the Pacific while surnames starting with letter M
were issued in the Iraya Valley at Daraga. Surnames beginning with letter S were given to
the northern towns of Polangui and Libon while the letter R was provided in the town of Oas
(para. 6). Well known public historian Ambeth Ocampo wrote that most of the surnames
beginning with the letter R were distributed to the residents in the town of Oas in Albay.
Sometimes, surnames began with the first letter of the names of the towns. For instance,
the surnames distributed in Tigabauan, Guimbal and Miag-ao in the province of Iloilo began
with the letters T, G and M respectively (2013). The explanation is simple: Governor
Claverial instructed his alcade mayores to allocate surnames starting with the same letter to
each town (Claveria, 1849).
The printed Catalogue was given to the alcalde mayores of the provinces. In turn,
these heads of provinces assigned to each town under their jurisdiction a number of
surnames that corresponded to the number of families therein (provision 1). After
apportioning a certain number of surnames for each town, the alcade mayor had to send the
surnames to the parishes for eventual distribution to the barangays. The distribution in the
barangays had to be carried on with the help of the gobernadorcillo¸ another municipal
official and two trustworthy principales. During the distribution of surnames, the cabeza de
barangay (literally, head of the barangay) had to accompany his subjects. The head of the
family was the only member allowed to receive or choose a surname. In case that he had
died before the enactment of the decree, the oldest member was required to take his behalf.
The surname received or chosen would be adopted by the whole family, their close relatives
and their future descendants (provisions 2 and 10).
Surnames that have been widely used by those who had adopted them like Dela
Cruz, Santos, Delos Santos and Delos Reyes were not included in the Catalogo anymore.
Surprisingly, Cruz and Reyes were still listed. This attempt was made in order to refrain
from having hundreds of individuals bearing the same surnames.
Indeed, the Claveria Decree was implemented all throughout the dominions of Spain
in the country. One striking effect was the instruction given among school teachers to
―register all the children attending school, with their names and surnames, and shall see to it
that they shall not address or know each other except by the surname listed in the register
which should be that of the parents. In case of lack of enthusiasm in compliance with this
order, the teachers shall be punished in proportion to the offense at the discretion of the
head of the province‖ (provision 11). Moreover, school teachers were used for registrations
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like what the government is doing in times of census and election until an automated
election process was implemented recently.
What became the impact of the Claveria decree? Eventually, the decree established
a registry en masse for the Filipinos. The surnames they adopted could not be changed
with malice any longer or the culprits had to suffer eight days in prison with a fianza worth
three pesos (provision 21). The registry, in turn, provided the colonial government with a
list from which tributes could be determined from the populace. Moreover, the decree
allowed the government to regulate the migration of people and the better enforcement of
laws and justice. On the part of the Church, the unexpected incestuous affairs between
unknown relatives were prevented. By and large, the decree became an effective regulatory
mechanism on the part of the colonial government to enforce obedience among the ruled
while it attempted to give them exact identities through the adoption of surnames.
The Claveria decree produced both understanding and confusion regarding the
nature of Filipino surnames. First, there are some Filipinos who entertain the idea that the
non-Spanish-sounding surnames were the surnames distributed to the lowly individuals
during the Spanish regime. Allegedly, these individuals had no choice but to adopt
whatever surname that was given to them by the Spaniards. On the contrary, the surnames
compiled in the Catalogo comprised of Spanish-sounding surnames, local appellations,
names of vegetables, animals, minerals and fishes, including geographic features and
artistic performances. Governor Clavera had no intention in mind other than addressing the
problems experienced by the government and the Church concerning the lack of exact
identities that each individual had in the 19 th century. The distribution of the surnames had
no prejudice on whoever would adopt them as their family cognomina for posterity.
Another confusion that the story of surnames has brought upon many Filipinos is the
idea about the Spanish-sounding surnames as the result of the existence of Spanish
ancestry. To some people, it is thought as the product of intermarriage between a Spaniard
and a Filipino woman. It must be considered that in the alcadias where Spanish-sounding
surnames were also distributed, there were very few Spaniards living there: the alcalde
mayor and his wife, the cura parroco, the medico titular, a few more government officials
and guardia civiles. Paul Morrow (2010) relates the 2000 census of the Philippine
government and the 2001 study made by Stanford University on the supposed European
genetic composition of the Filipinos. The 2000 census determined that the Malay heritage
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of the Filipinos remained unmixed to a high percentage of 95% while the 2001 study yielded
a very minimal rate of 3.6% European heredity. It must be borne in mind that the Filipinos
who adopted surnames in 1849 had the privilege to choose from the list allotted to them by
the alcade mayor.
On the issue of blood relationship, when two Filipinos bear the same surnames—
especially the Spanish-sounding surnames, it does not automatically mean that they are
relatives. This is because many Filipinos—the well-to-do in particular—had adopted the
names of saints and other popular cognomens like Cruz (Cross), de la Cruz (of the Cross),
de los Reyes (of the Kings) prior to the enactment of the decree. Some of these Filipinos, in
fact, used the surnames indiscriminately that they could change them at their desire. The
imposition of the decree by Governor Claveria, himself, made the surnames of every family
permanent.
Activity
Make an interview to your paternal or maternal grandfather. Ask him of what he knows
about the origin of your surname or middle name by allowing him to recall the place of
origin of his paternal grandfather. Write the gist of your interview in three paragraphs of
not more than five sentences each.
References
Alas, Pepe. (2019). Today in Filipino history: Catalogo alfabetico de Apellido. Retrieved
from https://pepealas.wordpress.com/2019/11/21/today-in-filipino-history-catalogo-
alfabetico-de-apellidos/
Claveria, Narciso. (1849). Decree of Don Narciso Claveria, governor of the Philippines, 21
November 1849. Retrieved from http://www.zahlerweb.info/pm/claveria.htm.
Cojuangco, Margarita. (2006, May 7). What‘s in a name? The Philippine Star, p. I1.
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Lesson 4
Introduction
It is imperative that future educators and teachers should not only be familiar with
classroom management and teaching but also the historical development of education
system in the Philippines, more particularly the curriculum.
The term curriculum refers to the set of disciplines or courses being taken or studied
by an individual or a group of individuals called learners at a given period in a given setting.
In the country, and even in other countries, curriculum is varied depending upon a
given time and setting. For instance, the curriculum during the Spanish period is very
different from that of the American period because it was tailored to direct students to three
major degrees only. Besides, the former was regarded as a part of an older epoch. Similarly,
curriculum is varied between levels, say between high school and college levels because
the latter prepares the students to their future careers.
Objectives
Prior to the eventual colonization of the Philippines by the Spaniards in 1565, the
Filipinos had already achieved and possessed high degree of cultural practices. Such
culture practices were evident in their beliefs, traditions, customs, mores, habits, languages
and folklores.
Compared to the Spanish Period, the education system was not as complicated as
during Pre-colonial era. Children learned the basic knowledge, patterns of behavior and
skills through unsystematic and un-deliberate. Knowledge and practices were acquired
through paying attention to examples, listening to pieces of advice and observation and
imitation. Education was identified as informal and conducted along with the day-to-day life.
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During Spanish regime, schools were established for the children of the Spaniards,
mestizos and the affluent Filipinos. The first colegio was established in 1589 and this was
the Colegio de San Ignacio that was later elevated into the rank of a university in 1621. This
first university established in the Philippines was directed by the Jesuit fathers. But when the
Jesuits were expelled in 1768, the Universidad de San Ignacio, along with Colegio de San
Ildefonso and Colegio de San Jose which were established in Cebu in 1595 and in Manila in
1601 respectively, closed.
The Dominican fathers, on the other hand, founded the Colegio de Santisimo
Rosario (now the University of Santo Tomas) in Manila in 1611 and the Colegio de San
Juan de Letran in 1630. The Santisimo Rosario was elevated into the rank of a university by
Pope Innocent X upon the request of King Phillip IV in 1645.
When the Jesuits were allowed to return to the archipelago, the Escuela Pia (Charity
School) was given to them to manage. They renamed the school Ateneo de Municipal and
improved its education standard. It must be noted that the Spanish-time colegios were only
equivalent to the present-time high schools. Thus, it was necessary for the students to
finish studies in colegios before taking up courses in universidades.
The girls were also given rudiments of education. Two kinds of school were founded
for them, namely: the beaterio, a combined school and nunnery, and the colegio, a regular
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school. The schools mainly taught the girls with home nursing, embroidery, Spanish
language and literature and catechism. Some of the schools for girls founded during the
Spanish era were the Colegio de Sta. Isabel in 1632 and the Beaterio de la Compania de
Jesus (now St. Mary‘s College of Quezon City) in 1694. In the later years, the Colegio de
Sta, Isabel absorbed the Colegio de Sta. Potenciana.
Figure 25. The transcript of records of Rizal at the Ateneo Municipal. (Bonoan, 1979).
Philippine universities offered only three degrees namely: medicine, law and
theology. At the University of Santo Tomas, the following subjects were taken by Rizal.
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The Filipinos during the Spanish period were Christianized and some of them
received formal education. A curriculum was introduced though it had little opportunities to
offer.
When Treaty of Paris was signed signaling the formal take-over of the United States,
the Americans, among others, popularized education with the American soldiers acting as
the first teachers. Unlike in the Spanish period, education during the time of the Americans
became a matter of right among the populace. Many poor children took the opportunity,
realizing that it was what they waited for a long time. While a democratized system of
education was introduced though, it would also serve as a mechanism by the new
colonizers in order to effectively subdue the country.
With the establishment of the Philippine Assembly in 1907, the Filipinos tasted the
advantage to govern their country. The first bill that the assembly passed was the Gabaldon
Law which appropriated one million pesos for the establishment of barrio schools in the
provinces. Most of the barrio schools which were called as Gabaldon schools became
central elementary schools of provincial municipalities eventually.
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Because of the objective of replacing American teachers with Filipino ones, normal
schools were opened. The devised curriculum centered on the training of future elementary
teachers. In this level, the teachers were observed to be so strict to their students.
Many Filipinos were allowed by the colonial administration to go to the United States
and study governance, education, business, agriculture and science. These Filipinos were
called pensionados. This new group of intellectuals who constituted the Philippine
bureaucracy, government and education institutions introduced several reforms. The new
school administrators expanded the scope of the curriculum to meet the standards of their
American alma maters and the demands of the country at that time.
The Second World War (1941-1945) aggravated the sufferings that had already
inflicted by the Americans. Just like the Americans and their predecessors, the Japanese-
sponsored education system only served as propaganda apparatus in order to gain the
sympathy of the Filipinos. By and large, it aimed at serving their interest of effectively putting
the Filipinos under the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. They introduced Niponggo
(also known as Nihongo) and Japanese history and culture in the new curriculum. Subjects
reflecting foreign culture and traditions other than theirs were abrogated in accordance with
the principle of Asia for the Asians.
The use of Niponggo was not confined, however, in schools alone, especially that
most of the schools were closed because of the peoples‘ fear against the abuses committed
by the Japanese Army. Niponggo was also serialized over newspapers and radio programs.
Since there was a total proscription on American and British influences, the use of Tagalog
in correspondence and literature proliferated.
In the schools that opened, hiragana (the soft cursive styles of kana) and katakana
(the sharp cursive styles) were taught. Moreover, among the circulating newspapers were
published some Japanese words written in Roma-ji (the Romanized version). These
changes in the school curriculum did not facilitate the progress of education for the peoples‘
benefit. Instead, it only paved the way towards the conqueror‘s vested interests.
Activity
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References
Bonoan, Raul J. (1979). Rizal‘s record at the Ateneo. In Philippine Studies (Vol. 27, No. 1,
pp.53-73). Ateneo de Manila University Press. Retrieved from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/42632455.
Onofre Corpuz (1989). The roots of the Filipino nation (Vols. 1 & 2). Quezon City: Aklahi
Foundation.
Rizal, Jose. (1999). Memoirs of a student in Manila (Appendix B). In G.F. Zaide & S.M.
Zaide (Authors), Jose Rizal: Life, works and writings of a genius, writer, scientist
and hero (2nd Ed.). All Nations Publishing.
Sajid Musa and Rushnan Ziatnov. (2012). Features and historical aspect of the Philippine
educational system (Vol. 2, No. 2). European Journal of Contemporary Education.
Zaide, Gregorio F. and Sonia M. Zaide. (1999). Jose Rizal: Life, works and writings of a
genius, writer, scientist and hero (2nd Ed.). All Nations Publishing.
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UNIT 5
Appreciating Historic
and Heritage Sites
Figure 27. The world heritage icon Paoay Church in Ilocos Norte. (Photo by Narciso Cabanilla).
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Lesson 1
Introduction
The fiesta of a town shows the high spirits of the people who are happily expecting of
the spectacles that would happen in the plaza. In fact, even before the start of the
festivities, the honorable mayor, the vice mayor, the members of the town council and all of
the townspeople become so excited yet apprehensive of what might happen—excited
because of the vivacity that the programs and spectacles might yield; apprehensive because
the programs and spectacles might not work properly as expected, as according to plan.
The fiesta of a town might mean various to all of us: to the good mayor and other
town officials, it means stability and, to a certain extent, progress; to the vendors, it means
income; to the artists, it means medium of artistic expression; to the Church, it means doing
religious traditions over again and, partly likewise, thanksgiving; to the teachers, it means
additional work as far as the rehearsals and performances of their students or pupils are
concerned; to the ordinary people, it means delightful occasion commemorating the
founding of the town. But to the historian, it means all of those that have been mentioned.
But do the ordinary people regard the celebration of fiesta as part of their local
history? Does the fiesta bring the value of local history within their consciousness? Do they
know the meaning of local history and understand its role in national history and national
development in the first place? These are some of the questions that must be addressed
when stimulated to study local history.
Objectives
Local history is the ―unheard history of a community or locality which constitutes the
experiences and testimonies of the unsung individuals across periods‖. It is the area of
history that also puts recognition to these collective experiences and testimonies and
attempts to situate their value in national history. It is, in effect, a departure from the
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conventional treatment of national history which starts from the center of power, the
―hegemonizing‖ factor. It is, in other words, a decentralizing reaction to the orthodox study
of history presented by previous scholars.
How does local history differ from oral history? Oral history, on the other hand, is the
historical experience or phenomenon that transpired from generation to generation by word
of mouth. It is the verbal testimony that highlights the importance of the unsung—his words
that would be heard, his right to articulate what he witnessed, and, more importantly, his
equitable attempt to become a part of a larger context of history. It is the unwritten story or
tradition that tells of his exploits which in effect gives meaning or value to his existence.
Oral history is usually employed in the study of local history.
Does local history have anything to do with national history and national
development? How about more with nation-building?
Since the colonial times until the ‗70s and ‗80s, historians and researchers have
been largely dealing with history from the domain of power or the national hierarchy. The
unsung people—the bulk of the populace, the inarticulate masses, has not been given
enough citation and recognition in the struggle for freedom, for the birth of the country, for
development, for nation-building, etc. These unsung people and their communities have
been neglected, hence putting their contributions and achievements into oblivion.
Accordingly, the study of history became synonymous to the study of the lives and feats of
the powers-that-be.
The near failure to cite and recognize the role and contributions of the unsung people
left a wide gap in the study of history. The Cebuanos, much more the Ifugaos, for instance,
were not so much discussed in Philippine history, unlike the Tagalogs of Luzon. How could
Philippine History at that time be called as ―national history‖ in the strictest sense of the term
―national‖ if there was no equal treatment and representation of the experiences and
participation of all the culture groups in the country?
According to Dr. Samuel K. Tan (1998), the devolution of power from the national
government to its local units has marked the beginning of a new political history in the
country. The passage of two measures namely the Local Government Code and the
Autonomous Act for Muslim Mindanao paved the way to the strengthening of the local
political units. The autonomy emphasized in the measures gave rise to the tolerance of
local initiatives in developing local potentials and in enhancing sense of creative and
innovative responses to development. The autonomy of the localities allows them to plan
out for their lives and implement projects to achieve their goals. Thus, the localities are
expected to shape their destiny and crystallize their identity.
In the process of shaping and crystallizing their destiny and local identity, the
localities would learn again the richness of their historical experiences and cultural heritage.
The localities would give sense to themselves and therefore, local history, would surface as
a potent element in emphasizing the role of the localities in national development and in
looking at development as holistic and ―national‖.
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Why do people write history? The question seems so easy to understand yet it can
elicit a lot of answers. One possible answer is ―It is a requirement.‖ Another is, ―To
understand the present in order to suppose what the future is in store for humanity.‖ To
borrow the simple words of Howie Severino, one of the awardees by the PUP Samahan ng
mga Mag-aaral ng Kasaysayan (PUPSMK) in the 2012 Gawad Kalatas with the rank of
Maringal na Pantas, ―Ang lahat ng bagay ay may kuwento‖ (Severino, acceptance speech,
May 8, 2012). Those words are true, indeed, but how many have thought that with the
writing of history, people would understand their roots, they would bridge their diversity, they
would love their country more than before, they would see their defects as well as their
strengths, they would achieve political determinism and self-respect, among others.
Sometimes, the problem in writing history is when what is about to be written recaps
what has been done by other sources before. In doing local history, this problem is largely
avoided because sources used are from the people or small institutions and organizations in
the community or locality. Sources such as correspondences and diaries, including material
possessions like antique cabinets, anting-anting, and clothing, provide important information
that cannot be provided by other sources. Dealing with local history, therefore, attempts to
enrich the rather narrow concentration of historical accounts.
The writing of local history in the country has been somewhat a passive tradition in
the previous decades. Proofs to this are the short accounts contained in souvenir programs
made for town fiestas regarding the history of the town and for founding anniversaries of
institutions, organizations, and the like. These short accounts do not broaden the space of
historical knowledge; rather, they only leave curiosity among the readers.
The writing of a detailed and interesting, factual, and scientific local history is not
easy as what others might think. Writing of history in general is reconstructing the surviving
part of the recorded part of the witnessed part of the history as a whole. The theme that is
attempted to be reconstructed might come from geography, life history (biography), local
economy or livelihood, dwellings (houses), environment, traditions, established institutions
or social organizations, and many more. The aforementioned areas might also be the
source of perspective or tool of interpretation to be employed. For example, a researcher
might write the history of a town using the lens of performing arts; hence the book of Dr.
Resil Mojares (1985) of the University of San Carlos was titled Theater in Society, Society in
Theater. The work tells of the role of theater in the society and the life of the society in the
world of theater.
Since history is not a mere hearsay or hoax, the writing of local history follows certain
research cannons. The work must be (1) Authentic, (2) Accurate, (3) Objective, (4) Reliable,
(5) Relevant, and (6) Systematic or Scientific. Authenticity of the work means its
originality—it must not be a duplication of what has been done by other scholars before.
Since it is the desire of every historian to come up with a genuine work, local history
becomes the focus of many scholars nowadays because it offers numerous themes that are
waiting to be dealt with (Pascual, n.d.).
Authenticity, however, must not be the only one taken into consideration. The work
must be accurate in terms of details. It must also be logical in terms of presenting, analyzing
and interpreting data. It must be noted that a historical account would be meaningless if it
would not be read by the students or any group of publics. It remains to be a document
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which failed to impart the lessons and value of the past. A historical account becomes at
par meaningful if it educates people by giving equity and value to their collective
experiences.
Although there is no such thing as objectivity in history according the strict definition of
the term, a history scholar must attempt to become impartial as much as possible. Impartiality is
done by avoiding or lessening the use of adjectives and superlatives. When a researcher calls
his great grandfather as ―the extraordinary gobernadorcillo‖ who led a demonstration during the
Spanish Period, the credibility and reliability of his account would diminish. Largely, a work
exudes reliability when it is authentic, accurate, and objective.
The need to write local history in order to fill the gap which can be observed in the so-
called national history is itself a justification. Although scholars have their respective sets of
relevance when they do research, the absence of accounts that would tell the varied events that
took place in the different parts of the archipelago is a sufficient ground why writing of local
history must be undertaken. And just as in other disciplines, undertaking a research in local
history must be done systematically or scientifically.
In conducting a research in local history, the work must primarily consider the presence
of sources of information and time and space. By saying sources of information, what is meant
are those written and tangible sources of information, primary or secondary. Examples of written
sources are documents like diaries and birth certificates while of tangible sources are
archaeological finds like agricultural implements, potteries, old dwellings, caves, bathing places,
and ornaments, including the remains of a person who lived in the very remote past. By saying
time and space, what is referred to are the period and setting of the study.
For a source material to be acceptable, it must undergo both the rigorous rules of
External and Internal Criticisms. External Criticism means the examination of the authenticity of
a source material while Internal Criticism means the scrutiny of the credibility of a source
material. A diary which may appear authentic may not necessarily tell factual data and,
therefore, is not credible likewise.
The main purpose of External Criticism is to determine fabricated sources and hoax
stories from the real, to detect misleading sources and to identify the time, space, authorship or
affiliation of the sources. Tangible sources like archaeological materials have to be tested by
archaeologists, chemists and/or biologists before factual evidence would be concluded.
Accordingly, history and historical scholarship becomes the conglomerating endeavor of science
disciplines like Chemistry, Biology, Psychology, Archaeology, Sociology, Anthropology,
Demography, including Computer Science (Pascual, n.d.).
On the other hand, the principal purpose of establishing credibility is to determine the
accuracy of what the research or work attempts to claim as something truthful. In doing the
scrutiny of credibility, the researcher or historian has to play the role of a prosecutor, defense
counsel and judge all in one. As a judge, he rules out no evidence whatever if it is relevant. To
him, any single detail of information is credible provided it can pass the test of credibility
(Gottschalk 1950).
Formerly, sources of data have been primarily documents and, therefore, historians
like Teodoro Agoncillo would say, ―Kung walang dokumento, walang kasaysayan.‖ But if a
historian were to look at the array of materials that might yield valuable pieces of
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information, he would discover that non-documentary sources can also be used, particularly
that these sources cannot be altered. Therefore, the local sources of data are generally
classified as:
1. Documents. These are the written sources such as archival materials that would
become the initial sources to be sought by a researcher. A written source that bears the
original handwriting of its author is called a manuscript, although the word manuscript has
already become wider in scope nowadays to mean the mechanically printed documents too.
Written sources, which are either primary or secondary, directly provide the
researcher with instant pieces of information. A primary source, which is the written
recollection or testimony of the eyewitness or the person involved, bring the researcher
closer to the data or events and, hence, the researcher would have the freedom to draw
impressions, analysis and conclusions without the influence of external factor just as when,
for example, a secondary source is used wherein the ideas and prejudices of its author
would inadvertently condition him.
Although primary sources are the best documents to be used, there are certain
problems that a researcher might encounter and therefore might also discourage him from
continuing his investigation any further. First, a great bulk of the primary sources is written
in Spanish. Second, many of the documents are not in good condition because of hundreds
of years of existence. Third, doing an archival research takes a lot of time and effort.
Some institutions where a researcher can see primary sources as far as the local
history of the provinces is concerned are the National Archives of the Philippines (NAP), the
archives of the religious congregations and private archives and libraries. Some types of
primary documents that a researcher may see at the National Archives concerning the
Spanish Period are Actas (Proceedings), Decretos, Bandos (Circulars), Mapas, Planos y
Ordenes. The types of documents are classified further in bundles as Obras Publicas,
Ereccion de Pueblos, Fincas (Lands), Calamidades, Mercados, Testamentos, and
Provincias (Provinces). The National Archives has thousands of documents in hundreds of
bundles that are still to be examined by researchers and historians (Boncan, 2011).
Printed copies of primary sources that tackle about the American Period also exist.
Although a researcher still needs to go to Washington DC or elsewhere in the United States
if he wants a thorough investigation about the era just as when another wants to have an
exhaustive and comprehensive discussion about the Spanish regime would go the Seville in
Spain, there are some primary sources that are printed and are available in the Philippines
like the Historical Data Papers, 1952-1953, the Philippine Islands by Blair and Robertson,
and the Philippine Insurgent Records. In doing local history, a researcher might readily use
notarial documents, marriage, birth, and baptismal certificates, maps, diaries, and
testaments.
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information. There is, of course, a difficulty in dealing with these materials. First, they do
not reveal the same impression to different persons or scholars, rather each researcher or
historian has his own impression and hence corroboration of this piece of evidence to
manuscripts and other tangible objects would become necessary to establish a historical
fact. Second, many of these non-documentary sources are fragmentary, deteriorating,
and/or disintegrating.
Even before the presence of recorders, interviews have become a vital part in writing
history. These interviews are transcribed and corroborated with other pieces of evidence in
order to ascertain the reliability of what they claim to be true. Formerly, interviewers had a
hard time in writing interview details from their interviewees until the prevalence of the
availability of various forms of recorders like cameras, voice recorders, and mobile phones.
Since the availability of these recorders, recording, transcribing and reconstructing pieces of
information have become a lot easier.
Doing local history has always its limitations, more importantly that it is situated in a
particular time and space. What is important, however, are the gains it brings to the body of
historical scholarship. First, local history can yield changes to the interpretations of certain
aspects of national history. Sometimes, the presence of varied and contrasting
interpretations make history more alive as a discourse in the academe. Second, local
history enriches knowledge and multiplies existing accounts pertaining to national history.
In history, change becomes inevitable. Even the methods used can be accountable
to change. As an area of interest, third, local history can provide enhancements to its
methods as a discipline which may help in promoting and propagating history to a broader
public. Fourth, it can fill the gap by dealing with the history outside the domain of power.
Fifth, further interest in local history can lead to the formation of historical societies with the
purpose of advocating for the study and promotion of history. And lastly, it can open
opportunities for the establishment of repositories of history like museums, shrines, heritage
sites, monuments and libraries (Cruz, 2020).
The presence of museums, shrines, heritage sites and monuments intensify the local
economy by providing livelihood to people. These repositories of history serve as tourist
attractions to people. For example, hundreds of thousands of local and foreign tourist visit
the Ilocos Region annually because of the presence of not only panoramic beaches and
landscapes but also of numerous local museums and heritage sites.
Activity
Using available sources, write the history of your provincial hometown in three
paragraphs, with three to five sentences per paragraph. In a separate paragraph, what
pieces of information have you come to know for the first time? Why? What pieces of
information should you also countercheck with other sources? Why?
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References
Boncan, C. (2011). Oral and loal history writing: Seminar-workshop proceedings (2007-
2008). Manila: National Historical Commission of the Philippines.
Dery, L. C. (2001). A history of the inarticulate: Local history, prostitution and other views
from the bottom. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
Pascual, M. (n.d.) Examining historical sources: The processes of internal and external
criticisms [PowerPoint slides].
Severino, H. (2012, May 8). Acceptance speech in the 2012 Gawad Kalatas. Manila:
Polytechnic University of the Philippines.
Tan, S. K. (1998). Between two centuries. In D. B. Apilado [Ed.], History from the people
(Kasaysayan mula sa bayan): Proceedings of the 1998 seminar-workshop series on
local and oral history (Vol. 1, pp. 20-25). Manila: National Historical Institute and
Philippine National Historical Society.
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Lesson 2
Introduction
We learned from the earlier chapters that tangible materials like artifacts can also be
used in studying history. Learning the historical background of certain places can teach us
to appreciate its significance, thereby heritage that has been inherited from the ancestors
can be protected.
Learning Outcomes:
After successful completion of this lesson, the student should be able to:
The most common definition of heritage is ―something that has passed down or
inherited from the ancestors or previous generations‖. Heritage entails the idea of
transmission from the past to present.
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Moreover, in 1945, the United Nations created the UNESCO (United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) which principal purpose is to protect and
preserve the cultural heritage of the world. It has 195 member states that are united to
protect, preserve and conserve the world‘s heritage for the future generations. UNESCO
thereafter created different conventions, forged treaties and implemented international laws
to do this purpose.
The UN agency classified heritage into three main categories. The first one is
Cultural Heritage which has two types, namely the tangible and intangible heritage. Tangible
heritage refers to the built heritage or material culture. Under tangible heritage are three
sub-categories namely movable heritage materials like paintings, artifacts or coins;
immovable cultural heritage like monuments, historic sites or archaeological sites; and lastly
is the underwater cultural heritage which includes shipwrecks or underwater ruins. On the
other hand, intangible heritage refers to traditions in oral form, performing arts, rituals that
have handed down from generation to generation.
The second category is Natural Heritage which pertains to natural features. This
includes landscapes or geological formations. And the third category is called the Heritage
in the event of armed conflict. This category involves the protection of cultural heritage
formed because of armed conflict.
History and heritage both depict the past. History, as the common notion would
dictate, can help heritage in understanding the past and as remnants of the past. The study
of history which involves time, space and social aspects plays a significant role in providing
meaning and context to heritage. Historical context is one of history‘s contributions to
heritage (Moody, 2015).
The Ruins
The structure
(see figure 27) was built
sometime in the 1900s in
Bacolod City. It was Don
Mariano Ledesma
Lacson from a wealthy
scion in Bacolod who
built this ancestral house
for the memory of his
wife. In WWII, the
Filipino guerillas in the
city burned the house to
ashes in order to stop
the Japanese in
occupying the said
establishment as a
military garrison. At
present, the building is Figure 28. The Ruins in Bacolod City. (Photo courtesy of
Sherrenne De Amboy, 2020)
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called as the counterpart of Taj Mahal in the Philippines because of the motivation for its
construction. Without looking at its historical context, people who visit the place would not
understand its value in the local history of Bacolod. This is because it historical context also
provides the idea of comparing the house to the India‘s magnificent Taj Mahal.
History and its role to heritage would always be a contested process with the
question of Whose voice is being heard? (Thompson, 1988 cited by Moody, 2015). But
then, one cannot deny the fact that a historian‘s critical examination of data becomes an
essential process of heritage.
In order to preserve, protect and conserve, Simon Thurley from the United Kingdom
developed a model of Heritage Cycle (see figure 28). According to him, putting context
would help us understand cultural heritage and would direct us to value it. Heritage will be
protected by the people who understand the meaning and its significance. Subsequently, as
these people would appreciate heritage, they would also be eager in finding its meaning.
This approach comes with the idea of being part of the past while being at the present time
or in the future. Simply, it is about the people‘s participation in abiding policy regarding
heritage undertakings. This cycle incorporates the idea that appreciation of heritage will
lead to the desire of preservation, its protection and conservation (May, 2019).
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Republic Act 10066 provided some guidelines on how to protect Philippine heritage.
It also includes certain cultural agencies that will manage the preservation, protection and
conservation of the country‘s heritage (See figure 29). The category of tangible and
intangible heritage is stated below (see figure 30).
As stated in its Article 1, Section 2, the objectives of the law are as follows:
(a) Protect, preserve, conserve and promote the nation‘s cultural heritage, its property and
histories, and the ethnicity of local communities;
(b) Establish and strengthen cultural institutions; and,
(c) Protect cultural workers and ensure their professional development and well-being.
Figure 30. Cultural Agencies and their role in heritage management in the Philippines
(Illustration by Sherrenne De Amboy)
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Activity
Read the following items and discuss them in at least two paragraphs of not less than 3
sentences per paragraph.
References
Lowie, R. H. (1917). Edward B. Tylor. In American anthropologist (Vol. 19, No. 2, pp. 262–
268). Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/660758?seq=1#metadata_
info_tab_contents
May, S. (2019). Heritage, endangerment and participation: alternative futures in the Lake
District. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 26(1), 71–86.
https://doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2019.1620827.
Moody J. (2015) Heritage and History. In: Waterton E., Watson S. (Eds.) The Palgrave
Handbook of Contemporary Heritage Research. Palgrave Macmillan, London.
https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137293565_.
Thurley, S. (2005). Into the future. Our strategy for for 2005-2010. Conservation Bulletin
[English Heritage]. https://www.researchgate.net/figure/The-Heritage-cycle-Thurley-
2005_fig1_334024601.
Waterton, E., & Watson, S. (Eds.). (2015). The Palgrave handbook of contemporary
heritage research. Palgrave Macmillan, London. Retrieved from https://doi.org/
10.1057/9781137293565.
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MID-TERM EXAMINATION
(Appendix A)
Direction: Read the following items thoroughly and discuss their answers in at least
three (3) paragraphs. Fifty (50) points shall be allotted to each item. You
may write your answers in Filipino. Good luck!
1. Discuss the relevance of primary sources in the study of Philippine history. What are
its advantages vis-a-vis those of the secondary sources? You may cite an example
from the sources included in this module to prove your claim.
2. In your opinion, what else is another event in Philippine History which is considered
controversial? What makes the event controversial? What are its conflicting sides?
Cite specific details to prove your claim. Which side, do you think, is more reliable or
convincing? Why?
CONGRATULATIONS!
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Direction: Read the following items thoroughly and discuss their answers in at least
three (3) paragraphs. Fifty (50) points shall be allotted to each item. You
may write your answers in Filipino. Good luck!
1. After reading the lessons in Unit 4-A and a lesson (according to your field of
specialism) in Unit 4-B, what three perceptions have you formulated about the
conditions of the Philippines in the Colonial Period? What, do you think, are the
factors that took place in the Colonial Period which brought you to such perceptions?
2. After studying all the lessons included in this module, how would you value and
promote the following:
a. Philippine history
b. Filipino heritage
c. Rights and welfare of the Filipino people?
CONGRATULATIONS!
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