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Prostitutionandclientsresponsibility Finvers Rev
Prostitutionandclientsresponsibility Finvers Rev
Prostitutionandclientsresponsibility Finvers Rev
Prostitute, whore, call girl, escort, courtesan, fallen woman, harlot, hooker, hustler, slut,
streetwalker, strumpet, tramp or sex worker; the latter with a less negative connotation. An
abundance of words surrounds prostitution, usually defined as the art or practice to engage in sexual
intercourse for money. Although this definition admits only one agent, the action is relational and
involves at least another subject: the one offering money for sex. Here the language is poorer and
reduced to little more than a word: the client (john or punter in English speaking countries). This
scientific, philosophical, political or drawn from the media – starting with industrial modernity:
while the condition of women who become sex workers had been growingly investigated as a
psychological, social and political issue, the motivations and attitudes of men who buy sex had been
ignored for centuries. As the issue of prostitution was targeted mainly at women either as deviants
or as victims, the sexuality of male clients was understood mostly through a hydraulic model –
which is based on pressure and the need to immediately get relief of a natural drive – confirming the
normality and naturalness of a moral “double standard” where prostitution served as an outlet for
Against this background, what happened in the last decades of the twentieth century in the public
understanding of prostitution in many countries across the globe marks a major change and
overthrows the discursive order, with the focus shifting from the sex worker to the client. The
modern-industrial discourse on prostitution has been challenged by the emergence of the demand
for sexual services out of the shadows which ensured its legitimacy for centuries, and its entrance
into the public debate as a moral, political and social issue. The process has involved on the one
hand social sciences, on the other hand the political, cultural and juridical construction of sex
workers, the empirical and theoretical production of studies on clients has greatly increased,
shedding light on the irreducibly complex and diverse panorama of the demand for prostitution and
outlining sociodemographic profiles and behavioral types as well (Wilcox et al. 2009). On the
juridical-political side, between the late 80s and the new millennium a trend towards the
criminalization of clients has emerged in the public discourse of many countries around the world.
"There has been a repositioning of men who buy sex as 'the problem'" (Sanders, 2008a: 135), that
is: the client - primarily intended as a male person - has growingly been depicted as responsible for
the perpetuation and proliferation of the sex market and for its oppressive and victimizing effects on
Clients' responsibility is intended in this paper both in a philosophical and in a juridical sense. On
the one hand, it is conceived as the moral capability (and duty) to respond to another or to oneself
(from the Latin word responsus, pp. of respondere) accounting for one's actions and their
consequences (the sexual exploitation of vulnerable people, the perpetuation of unequal and
oppressive gender relations, the existence itself of a sex market, etc.); on the other hand, in several
national contexts it has been framed as the condition of committing crime, violation or offence
against somebody (the sex worker) who figures as the victim of systemic as well as individual
oppression. The assumption behind both conceptions is a radically negative representation of the
sex market, as a place where the intimate act of sex is merged with the world of commercial
monetary exchange. Thus, the social stigma surrounding clients (as morally deviant) and the
statement of their penal responsibility tend to influence and reinforce each other.
In this paper, I wish to show how the discourse on male responsibility in prostitution involves the
risk of a unilateral interpretation of the sex market, which fails to capture - as in the past - its
relationality and its extensive connections to the transformations of sexuality and economy. What I
argue is that the turning point of view from the sex worker to the client should be taken instead as a
chance to develop new gender-sensitive thinking on prostitution, fully recognizing the agency of
Today prostitution is an evergrowing market involving men, women and transgender people both as
purchasers and providers of sexual services. If this market raises an issue concerning male
responsibility, it is due to not only to the definite predominance of men who pay for sex over
women, but primarily to the historically conditioned nature of the practice, its rootedness into
specific modalities of gender relations branded by material and symbolic inequality between men
and women and by the oppression of the "second sex" (Beauvoir 1949). The traditional distinction
between two modalities for men to express their sexuality- the conjugal mode and the mercenary
mode external to marriage - defines two types of women, the good ones and the loose ones. In the
social, political and cultural organization of the “separate and unequal” society of the past (Giddens
1992) – where public sphere and private sphere, male and female, are quite distinct – men enjoy the
privilege to move from one sphere to another while women should not cross the boundary of the
public space, otherwise they will be singled out as transgressive bodies, public women, prostitutes
(Wolff 1985).
Since the 60s, the Second Wave feminist critique has turned against this dichotomous view of
women - wife and whore - and their political and social segregation in the domestic domain. Sex
work is now interpreted moving from factors that lead to the more general oppression of women
and are likely to be identified in the “sexual politics” of “patriarchy” (Millett 1969; 1976), exercised
through social, political, economic and linguistic institutions. Moreover, the feminist approach
reverses the discursive order and investigates prostitution – usually addressed as a women’s issue –
by bringing it back to why men demand women's bodies to be sold in the capitalist market as if they
were commodities (Pateman 1988). Male demand for an unconditioned access to women's bodies in
Social sciences, especially from the 80s, have broken down the question “why do men buy sexual
services?” into research programs, marking the transition from the recognition of a moral and
political responsibility of clients to the production of theoretical and empirical studies, with an
effective extension of the field of inquire in the sex market. No wonder those are the same years in
which the interest on the male gender started to grow in the academia. Masculinity studies -
frequently renamed with the plural Studies on masculinities – have raised primarily as a response to
an intellectual and political challenge, the gradual disintegration of a traditional power construct
affirming an unquestionable male dominance in the three Hegelian spheres of family, civil society
and State. Pushed and branded since the beginning by the same transversality as women's studies,
they have widespread among several disciplines of the humanities and the social sciences, from
history to anthropology, from literary analysis to sociology (Kimmel 2008). Thus, the masculine
symbolic order was pulled out of the closet under various inputs and eventually exited a paradox of
invisibility, ceasing to be unnamable and untellable, hidden behind the presumption of universality.
Since the new effort to investigate men's issues, driven by fundamental optimism about the ability
to imagine change in masculinity towards new models released from sexism and patriarchy
(Kimmel 1994), the interest in the world of prostitution was extended to male participants: male sex
workers, pimps and most of all clients. Studies by Holzman and Pines (1982), Månsson and Linders
(1984), McKeganey and Barnard (1996), Campbell (1998), Sullivan and Simon (1998), O'Connell
Davidson (1998), Prasad (1999), Weizer (2000), Monto (2000), Månsson (2001; 2005; 2006), Sharp
and Earle (2002), Bernstein (2007), Sanders (2008a; 2008b), Di Nicola et al. (2009), along with
other important contributions, prove the growth of a specific interest among scholars for those
whom Rosie Campbell (1998) address as the “invisible men” and Elroy Sullivan and William
Who are the invisible men emerging from the studies on the demand for prostitution? And why do
they pay for sexual services? Since the 80s, studies on clients have abandoned both the paradigm of
the early twentieth-century sexology – based on natural male sexual drive – and the
psychopathological model proposed in the 60s by Charles Winick (1962) who interpreted the
propensity to purchase sexual services as a sign of a mental disorder. The picture of clients drawn
by empirical studies is rather that of men of any marital and socioeconomic status, ethnicity and
age.
Besides that, clients can significantly differ from one another. Teela Sanders illustrates the wide
range of features belonging to men who pay for sex suggesting five typologies based on patterns
and lenghts of involvement in the sex market, as well as on the trajectories of being a client:
“Explorers” (starting at any age according to the desire for sexual experimentation, curiosity,
fantasy); “Yo-yoers” (30s+, who stop patronazing sex workers when in a relationship and start again
when the relationship becomes dissatisfactory); “Compulsives” (of any age, who enact compulsive
behavior towards the planning and arrangement of a sexual encounter with a sex worker, until they
find a satisfying relationship or therapeutic help); “Bookends” (who have initial sexual experiences
with sex workers and go back to buy sex in later life as the ultimate chance to satisfy their
emotional and sexual desires); “Permanent purchasers” (who buy sex sporadically throughout their
practice which does not involve only people with specific characteristics, easy to identify and
recognize, but is rather widespread across various social groups. Numerical estimates on the
population of men who pay for sex in different countries around the world support this
interpretation. The first dates back to the 1948 Kinsey report, which showed that 2/3 of the surveyed
men (68%) had paid for sex at least once in their lifetime, and that between 15% and 20% were
regular clients (Kinsey, Pomeroy and Martin 1948). More than half a century later, researches
indicate a decrease in the use of prostitution, but still register a consisting percentage between 7%
and 40% of the male population taking part to it (Månsson 2005). Impressive figures that, combined
with socio-personal data on johns, define the use of prostitution not as exception, deviance, disease
of male sexuality, but as a normal practice or at least one of the possible forms through which
The same applies to the motivations of clients. According to Alfred Kinsey and his associates in the
post-war United States, the main reason to visit prostitutes apparently resided within the desire to
satisfy those practices considered to be perversions by all purposes, even punishable by law, i.e.
fellatio, oral sex. The years of the so-called sexual liberation, however, have muddied the waters
and led scholars since the early 80s to dig deeper into the experiences and self-representations of
clients. Answers to the question "why do you do it?" were therefore multiple, highly variable or
even different for each individual. However, the classification of information resulting from
empirical research led to the formulation of categories of motivations behind the use of prostitution.
Swedish sociologist Sven Axel Månsson proposed to distinguish five types of discourse (2005),
which are widely recurrent in the extant literature: “The dirty whore fantasy” (expressions of
contradictory feelings of curiosity, excitement and contempt), “Another kind of sex” (beliefs that
certain kind of sex cannot be experienced with a non-prostitute women), “No other women” (self-
representations of unability to find another woman, due to shyness, fear, advanced age, physical and
mental disabilities), “Shopping for sex” (Images of sex as a consumer product), “Another kind of
woman” (anti-feminist images of a true and natural femininity).
Given the plurality of individual characteristics trajectories and motivations, one must assume that
«clients are male, trivially male» (Colombo 1999a: 39). In political and cultural terms this means
scholars have to deal with the resistance of models based on patriarchal domination or, more often,
achievements – within not fully isolable groups of the male population (Giddens 1992; O'Connell
Davidson 1998; Kimmel 2000; Månsson 2001). Here’s why today scholars and activists feel the
urge to suggest directions for a possible transformation of male desire, in keeping with much of the
studies on masculinities and male pro-feminist movements (Holmgren and Hearn 2009).
The need to recognize the responsibility of clients and to intervene on the demand for prostitution is
embraced at the end of the twentieth century by what Elizabeth Bernstein (2007) defines the
"Feminist State", replacing the multifaceted representation proposed by the social sciences with the
juridical-discursive construction according to which the purchase of sex is a pathology of desire and
a deviant behavior. Over the past twenty years – with reference to the sex industry in many
countries around the world, from the United States to some states of Australia, from Northern to
heterosexual male desire" (Ibidem: 114) is profiled, interrupting - at least in appearance - the
collusion between clients, law enforcement and politicians, as denounced by many feminist
scholars.
In 1993 Gail Pheterson pointed out as the effective approach to prostitutes and clients, even where
states put in place prohibitionist policies, remained highly discriminating, especially in the matter of
police interventions to enforce the ban on prostitution. The author explains this is “partly because
law officials are either customers themselves or they identify with customers” (1993: 44). Also
Italian feminist Roberta Tatafiore denounced in the same year the coincidence of the interests of the
clients "with those of the State in all its joints" (1997: 126). As noted by Elisabeth Bernstein,
“Pheterson and other critics would never have predicted that, by the mid-90s, municipal and
national governments might actually intervene to challenge and reconfigure patterns of male
heterosexual consumption, and even mobilize feminist arguments in the service of such
During 1998, Sweden was the first country to propose and approve a measure to counter
prostitution focused on differential treatment for clients and prostitutes, overthrowing the traditional
model that punished those who sold sexual services rather than those who purchased them. The
reason to punish only one agent lies in the interpretation of prostitution as physical abuse and an
expression of gender inequality: according to the Act (Ministry of Labor, Sweden 1998: 55), “it is
not reasonable to punish the person who sells a sexual service. In the majority of cases at least, this
person is a weaker partner who is exploited by those who want only to satisfy their only drives”.
Sweden has thus established a model of State intervention on prostitution – which can be defined
“neo-prohibitionist” (Danna 2006) - based on the reversal of the roles traditionally ascribed to the
two actors: “the vision that has been emerging recognizes the client as the only responsible for the
existence of prostitution: the demand is the trigger for the supply and the trafficking in women”
(Ibidem: 36). Measures inspired by the Swedish model were introduced in Norway (2009), Iceland
(2009), England (2009) and in Northern Ireland (2008). The last attempt (which remains a proposal)
to reform the law on prostitution (Merlin Law) in Italy has introduced severe penalties for sex
workers who solicit in public (the traditional target of right-wing policies) as well as for clients
caught in the act. As for the United States, in big cities like New York and San Francisco (where
prostitution is illegal) police operations to arrest clients in the streets have intensified since the late
90s. The purchase of commercial sex is therefore problematized across the globe, revealing the
How could the common perception of men paying for sex shift from irresponsibility towards
responsibility, from the naturalness of this practice to its being anti-modern and opposite to the
advancement of gender equality? According to Teela Sanders (2008a) three separate processes may
have contributed to the determination of this transformation in the public discourse. The first is the
radical feminist agenda for abolishing prostitution as a form of violence against women, where men
are blamed for the demand for sexual services perpetuating oppression and abuse. The second is the
growth of urban activism against prostitution animated by upset community residents and fuelled by
media stereotypes of clients as “sexual predators and perverts warring increased police attention and
official policy response” (Ibidem: 136). The third is the shift of conservative attitudes towards sex
and sexuality, away from “deviances” related to sexual orientation (homosexual) towards other
“deviances” related to heterosexual behavior “that continue to be cast as abnormal, unpleasant and
The tendency to criminalize the use of prostitution is therefore very close to its pathologization
(Kulick 2005; Bernstein 2007; Sanders 2008a), implying the possibility of treatment and
rehabilitation. In Swedish cities such as Stockholm, Gothenburg, Malmo, so-called KAST groups –
that is groups of social workers who assist clients through the provision of counseling aimed at
Sweden, the purchase of sexual services is always problematic. Therapists believe men to be wrong
because they sexualize other feelings like mourning, sadness or anger. The alternative would be to
deal with such feelings for what they really are" (Danna 2006: 51). In sum, the psychotherapist is
willing to replace the prostitute and to begin a process where the patient recovers from alleged
pathologies driving him towards the search for satisfaction in paid sex (e.g., sex addiction).
Other strategies of correction and normalization of heterosexual desire can be found among John
Schools in the U.S, that is schools for clients (john in American slang) who were arrested for the
first time in flagrante delicto (in the negotiation or consumption of sexual service) and may barter a
fine or imprisonment by enrolling in paid courses. These classes provide complex information on
prostitution and its negative impact on the people who engage in it. The same ratio foresaw the
establishment of the Kerb-Crawler Rehabilitation Programmes (KCRP) in the United Kingdom. The
purpose of such an intervention is to prevent recidivism and to reduce customer demand, increasing
awareness around the more negative aspects of sex work but also claiming what Bernstein defines a
Both the idea of therapeutic help (counseling) and that of rehabilitation through cognitive processes
(school) imply that the men's demand for paid sex always reveals a troubled personality, the
inability to express one's sexual desire in other relational contexts, particularly in situations of
emotional and sentimental investment. Punitive and rehabilitative actions on the demand for
prostitution transform the split between love and sex – which is a foundational element in the
addresses, albeit implicitly and with little effect, a culture of masculinity that collides with the
values of gender equality. The man who visits sex workers embodies eventually “the sociocultural
excess that the discourse of gender parity produces in order to eliminate” (Kulick 2005: 225).
evaluate (Monto and Garcia 2001; Campbell and Storr 2001); it is quite sure though that countries
in which the visible face of prostitution is opposed (especially on the street), may experience the
emergence of alternative anonymous and invisible spaces for paid sex across clubs, apartments and
the Web. That is, neither the prosecution nor the corrections produce the much desired effect of
eliminating the demand for paid sexual services. How should one evaluate this failure in respect of
the construction and transformation of models of masculinity, the discourse of men responsibility in
the sex trade, the relationship between gender, sexuality and the market?
Abundant criticism has been raised against neo-prohibitionism in countries where it came into
force, arguing that such policies are based on a prejudicial understanding of the sex market with
reference both to the supply and the demand for sexual services. This causes the anti-clients
approach to be not only limited in effectiviness, but also to produce contradictory effects in respect
Referring to the KCRP in the UK, Teela Sanders affirms that rehabilitation programs tend to be
uneffective because they don’t examine the sexual behavior, sexual desires and sexual and
emotional needs of the clients, therefore essentially ignoring “the root cause of why men visit sex
workers” (2008a: 156). In particular, clients' desire for a (commercially bounded) relationship with
sex workers finds no recognition in the legal and moral construction of the sex buyer performed by
neo-prohibitionism. Not only that, but according to Sanders the enrollment itself in a rehabilitation
program – given its negative bias – aggravates the emotional and relational problems which are at
the origin of clients' demand for paid sex. The programs, in short, turn out to be criminogenic: while
not affecting clients' behavior and its causes, they rather discursively produce criminal and sexual
deviance.
Although the empirical and theoretical interest about the clients and the political-legal approach
targeted at them have grown in parallel in recent decades, within neo-prohibitionist interventions
there’s an apparent disconnect between research and policy, a lack of attention by decision makers
to the composite panorama of studies on the demand for prostitution. The "fear of the 'user'" that has
strongly influenced social and criminal justice policies in many parts of the world is the result of a
cultural construction based on "distorted information" (Sanders 2008a: 175). Misinformation is, in
turn, the secondary effect of a representation of the sex market increasingly compressed on the
phenomenon of trafficking and sexual exploitation. Part of the depiction of males as violent and
dangerous clients steams from their association with the most degrading and coercive expressions
of the sex market. In the case of Sweden, prevention campaigns targeted at clients was often
explicitly associated with disseminating information on international trafficking: the buzz around
the film Lilja Forever by Lucas Moddysson – the true story of a young Lithuanian forced into
prostitution in the Scandinavian country (Danna 2006) – is a clear example of such strategy.
Male responsibility then becomes a rhetorical instrument in a public discourse that feeds moral
panic towards sex work (Sanders 2008a; Hubbard and Sanders 2003). The stigmatization of the
purchase of sexual services as a behavior heavily biased by gender inequality and the representation
of clients as responsible for the most oppressive, coercive, violent forms in the exercise of
prostitution, are nothing but the new version of an old habit: the exclusion of prostitution as a
legitimate profession from the public sphere and from the access to rights.
The criminalization of the client – despite and perhaps because of the stated goal to protect sex
workers and to reverse the secular direction of action on prostitution – holds unilateral positions and
partial views on the sex market: sex workers described only through the passive and helpless victim
role, with no consideration on the relative size of choice and will – that is to say agency (Hubbard,
Matthew and Scoular 2008); counter-actions limited solely on visible prostitution on the streets
(Bernstein 2007); persistence of a “hard core stigmatization of prostitutes” (Danna 2006); hidden
concern for the protection of national borders from the “invasion” of foreign sex workers (Kulick
2003); clients represented as the direct perpetrators of violence against women forced to lose their
Thus, it can be argued that the shift of focus from sex workers to clients retains the same
stigmatizing lens (pathologization / criminalization) of the past, and the same tendency to focus
only on one agent within the construction of prostitution as a social, political and moral problem. In
the end, there is no room for a different interpretation of prostitution moving far away from the
traditional one and rather consisting of the relationship between different actors displaying their
own needs, desires and rational behavior, resulting in complex geometries among gender, sexuality
and power. Moreover, the neo-prohibitionist description of sex trade tends to isolate the purchase of
sexual services from the social economic and cultural institutions in which this practice is
historically laced, struggling to account for the gap between theory and practice when it comes to
the relationship between progress in gender equality and development of prostitution demand.
“For generations of social thinkers, there has been an assumption that women’s increasing
partecipation in legitimate paid employment and a decline in the gendered “double standard” would
eliminate the social reasons behind the existence of prostitution, as well as other commercial sexual
activities” (Bernstein 2007: 2). Yet at a time when women show historically higher levels of
participation in the labor market in almost every country in the world and changes in sexual
morality undermine the survival of the sexual double standard wife/prostitute, “the sex industry has
not 'whitered away' as predicted but has instead continued to flourish. Furthermore, it has
diversified along technological, spatial and social lines”(Ibidem: 2-3). Are we to believe that the
pace of gender equality goes along with more and more pervasive phenomena of reactionary
assertion of male dominance? Or should we recognize that along with male revanchism and men's
research for compensation due to economic disempowerment, the demand and supply of
prostitution is fed also by the normalization of a non relationally bound, “recreative” sexuality
(Laumann et al. 2004), by the growing compenetration of intimate life and the market (Zelizer
(Baudrillard 1970)?
weighs on men who buy sex as if this was an original sin of their gender. A non-prejudicial view of
the sex market should instead extend to people of all gender and sexual orientation engaging in it
both as clients and workers, and call for a rights-aware attitude in consumerist behavior and in
Since the feminist critique of prostitution has first raised the issue of male responsibility in sex trade
– denouncing the guilty silence of authorities that used to control women who sold rather than men
who bought, men have entered the spotlight of the moral and political discourse on prostitution.
This shift of attention is consistent with the transition of late-modern Western societies from a
reform is gradually being displaced: the prostitute is increasingly normalized as either ‘victim’ or
‘sex worker,’ while attention and social sanction – at municipal, national and transnational levels –
are directed away from labor practices and toward consumer behavior” (Bernstein 2007: 115).
Against this background, it is arguable that, in a more general re-understanding of the dynamics and
meanings of the sex market, the client can no longer play neither the role of invisible actor nor the
However, if the focus on clients aims at becoming the guiding principle of a new position to
embrace prostitution, the criminalisation of the demand – rather than offering new elements of
knowledge – raises some issues and reveals its frailty. Reversing the discursive order cannot mean
just a transfer of the stigma surrounding the sex market from the sex worker - transformed into a
passive victim - to the client as an active perpetrator of violence. The development of a new
approach must begin with the removal of the stigma itself, in order to address the demand that
drives prostitution out of the psychopathological or biologistic schemes of the past. Understanding
clients today means to question sexuality in its dense interconnections with the market, to tackle
issues related to gender culture in which the vision of sex as a commodity is produced and
reproduced, to understand the needs that shape demand beyond their reduction to subjugation and
control, often presented as a reaction to the loss of power in the private sphere.
Empirical investigations by Elisabeth Bernstein (2007), Teela Sanders (2008a; 2008b), Monica
Prasad (1999) and other scholars state how clients – or at least most of them – perceive paid sex as
no compensatory practice in regards of the oblative understanding of sex, not even a substitution for
its missing, but rather as a frequently preferable alternative. In this regard, clients interpret the
gradual disappearance of the boundary between public and private domain – particularly the one
between the market and the sphere of intimacy (Zelizer 2005) – in its more radical consequences.
Since there is no such thing as the client while we discuss the clients, in order to understand them
and understand the demand one must acknowledge “the ethical necessity of distinguishing between
markets in sexual labor, based on the social location and defining features of any given type of
Prostitution cannot be addressed as an issue that affects only women, but to interpret the
phenomenon through the criminalization of the demand without further reflection on the broader
factors that determine it, is nothing but a variant of the undifferentiated approach of the past,
tending to exclude and disqualify sex workers. What is needed is a novel look at sex trade free from
practice rooted in contexts crossed by gender, economic and power inequalities, where actors locate
themselves in different ways moving beyond the rigid assignment of the victim and perpetrator
roles.
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