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Term Paper: Africana Studies
Term Paper: Africana Studies
Jasmyn M. Stevens
Over the course of this semester in Africana Studies, it has been impressed upon
us to delve deeper into issues that directly and indirectly affect the black community. We
have discussed topics ranging from the school-to-prison pipeline to racial disparities
within the criminal justice system. The latter topic is the focus of this paper. For this
paper, I have been tasked with explaining how an issue discussed in this class, racial
science has much to say about racial disparities in the criminal justice system.
Reforming the United States criminal justice system has been a contentious area of
debate for decades. In particular, activists have been pushing for reform within the prison
system. As of 2019, the United States prison system currently incarcerates approximately
2.3 million individuals (Sawyer & Wagner, 2019). That number becomes even more
astounding when you put it into global terms. America contains less than ten percent of
the world’s population, yet it contains roughly twenty-five percent of the world’s
prisoners. This disparity is caused by a multitude of factors, the main one being mass
incarceration due to the War on Drugs. This “war” that targeted minorities within the
U.S., namely African Americans, led to the exponential increase in the prison population
and the disparities that persist to this day. However, to get a more complete look at these
disparities, you must take a step back and look at the criminal justice system as a whole.
Racial disparities in the criminal justice don’t just appear, rather they compound upon one
another at each step in the process, from arrest to sentencing to jury selection. An article
by psychology professor Margaret Kovera, around which I am basing this paper, (2019)
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analyzes these steps and identifies the three main areas where disparities exist: policing,
Kovera further divides policing into four the categories of stops, searches, force,
and arrests. These are areas where research has shown that disparities are prevalent. This
starts to make more sense when the topic of police officer discretion is considered.
Paradoxically, the lowest level officer, the patrol officer, has the most discretion. They
have the ability to choose who to search, who to stop-and-frisk, and whether or not to
arrest someone. In theory, this system would allow officers to use their judgement to
however, this abundant discretion often leaves the door open for implicit racial bias.
Research has shown that African Americans are more likely to be the target of a
traffic stop than Whites or Hispanics (Langton & Durose, 2013). For example, in 2018,
an analysis was done of the traffic stops in North Carolina since 1999. The findings
showed that “the odds of a Black driver appearing in the NC traffic stop data were 60–
70% higher than the odds of a Black driver in the population in which the traffic stop
occurred” (Kovera, 2019). Just as with traffic stops, Blacks are more likely to be searched
than Whites or Hispanics. Moreover, psychologists found this to be true even in cases
when the search was less likely to yield any contraband (Goff,
Lloyd, Geller, Raphael, & Glaser, 2016). Force was another area in which disparities
were present. In addition to African Americans being 3.5 times more likely to be shot by
police, a 2002 psychological study discovered that black men are more likely than white
men to be shot by mistake, an occurrence known as shooter bias (Correll, Park, Judd, &
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 4
Wittenbrink, 2002; Ross, 2015). Finally, the racial disparities in police arrests should
significantly more than other races for the same offense (Brame, Bushway, Paternoster, &
Turner, 2014; Piquero, 2015). This is partly explained by legislative decisions (i.e. crack
vs. cocaine).
According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2019), African Americans represent 13% of the
American population but over 30% of the American prison system (Bronson & Carson,
2019). Racial bias during arrests accounts for most of the disparity, but things like pretrial
processing, charging decisions, pretrial detention, plea deals, and sentencing also play a
discretion in terms of the severeness of the charges brought against the defendant, as well
as the acceptance or denial of the defendant’s plea deal (Kovera, 2019). This discretion,
that often leads to racial bias, becomes even more apparent when you realize that
prosecutors are more likely to charge a black defendant than a white defendant with
something that carries a longer sentence. These types of charging decisions lead to the
racial disparities that are present today. Pretrial detention is another area in which
disparities are evident. Black people are more likely to be denied bail that white people,
even for similar crimes. This leads to a disproportionate number of African Americans
being held in jails across the country. Currently, our system is consistently detaining
individuals who have not been convicted of any crime whatsoever, which is something
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 5
that has been shown to increase the likelihood of conviction. It is astounding that the
overwhelming majority of people held before their trial are there simply because they
cannot afford bail, not because they are a flight risk or a danger to society. I believe that
this is a glaring flaw in our criminal justice. The purpose of prison or jail time is to punish
an offender who has committed a crime, not to punish an individual for being poor.
Additionally, plea deals are another potential area for bias. While not much research has
been done on this particular area, what has been done shows that African Americans are
at a slight disadvantage. Black defendants are less likely to be offered plea deals that
require community service or other lenient alternatives to being incarcerated; instead their
deals consist mainly of actual prison time and parole (Kutateladze et al., 2014). Finally,
sentencing is the last area in this category that is, statistically speaking, plagued with
racial disparities. This is also the area in which the majority of research has been
conducted. For example, California’s population is only 7% black, yet African Americans
make up a full quarter of the state’s prison population (Ehlers, Schiraldi, & Ziedenberg,
2004). One study analyzing data from Georgia found that, even after controlling for
outside factors like crime severity, black people were still more likely than any other race
The last area that Kovera discusses is racial disparities in jury participation. It is
suggested that the lack of diversity of juries is a factor in prison population disparities.
This is for a variety of reasons. According to the data, one in thirteen black people are
disenfranchised, a rate much higher than that of white people (Chung, 2018). In practice,
this means that a significant number of African Americans are not eligible for jury duty.
RACIAL DISPARITIES IN THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 6
Moreover, those that are selected are usually dismissed by attorneys for various reasons.
This area of jury participation has not been the subject of research as the other two, but
the studies that have been conducted are significant. The presence of even one black
person in the jury pool “effectively eliminated the racial disparity in convictions”
(Kovera, 2019). This finding is startling when you really consider it. The fact that the
presence of even one African American has the potential power to fix the disparities in
this section of the criminal justice system should provide an enormous amount of
psychological analysis when considering racial disparities. In this paper I have given
facts and critiques, but that is just the first step. Using this information, and other
available resources, is one of the most important steps to enacting policy and fixing these
References
Beck, A. J., & Blumenstein, A. (2018). Racial disproportionality in U.S. state prisons:
Accounting for the effects of racial and ethnic difference in criminal involvement,
853–883.
Brame, R., Bushway, S. D., Paternoster, R., & Turner, M. G. (2014). Demographic
Bronson, J., & Carson, E. A. (2019). Prisoners in 2017. Washington, DC: Bureau of
Justice Statistics.
Burch, T. (2015). Skin color and the criminal justice system: Beyond Black-White
disparities in
Project.
Correll, J., Park, B., Judd, C. M., & Wittenbrink, B. (2002). The police officer’s dilemma:
Using
Ehlers, S., Schiraldi, V., & Ziedenberg, J. (2004). Still striking out: Ten years of
Goff, P. A., Lloyd, T., Geller, A., Raphael, S., & Glaser, J. (2016). The science of justice:
Race, arrests, and police use of force. Los Angeles, CA: Center for Policing
Equity.
Kovera, M.B. (2019). Racial disparities in the criminal justice system: prevalence,
causes, and a search for solutions. Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 00, No. 00, 2019,
pp. 1--26
doi: 10.1111/josi.12355
Kutateladze, B. L., Andiloro, N. R., Johnson, B. D., & Spohn, C. C. (2014). Cumulative
Langton, L., & Durose, M. (2013). Police behavior during traffic and street stops, 2011.
the county-level in the United States, 2011–14. PLOS One, 10(11), e0141854.
Sawyer, W., & Wagner, P. (2019). Mass Incarceration: The Whole Pie 2019. Retrieved
from https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2019.html.
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