See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/339314320

Papers in Arabic-English Translation Studies 2

Book · February 2017

CITATIONS READS
0 280

1 author:

Mohammed Farghal
Isra University, Jordan
139 PUBLICATIONS   807 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Translation of Adverbial/Determiner Negation View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Mohammed Farghal on 17 February 2020.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Papers in Arabic/English Translation
Studies 2
A Textual Data Perspective
 The Deposit Number at
The National Library
2017/2 /799

418.02
Farghal, Mohammed Ali
Papers in Arabic/English Translation Studies 2- Mohammed Ali Farghal –
Amman: Dar Fadaat for Publishing and Distribution, 2017
Descriptors: /Translation//Arabic Language/

* National Library Department prepared indexing and classification data.

* Author bears legal responsibility for the content of his work and this
book does not reflect the opinion of the National Library Department
or any other government agency.

Copyright © Fadaat 2017.

First Edition: 2017

Papers in Arabic/English Translation Studies 2- Mohammed Ali
Farghal- Jordan
All rights reserved
Dar Fadaat for Publishing and Distribution- Main Branch
Jordan-Amman- King Hussien Street
Tele: +962 6 4650885- Mob: +962 777 911 431
P.O Box: 20586 Amman 11118 Jordan
E.mail: Dar_fadaat@yahoo.com
Website: http://www.darfadaat.com
Cover Designed by: Fadaat for Publishing and Distribution
________________________________
The opinions expressed in this book do not necessarily represent the
opinion of the publisher.
________________________________
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print,
photo print, microfilm, or any other means without
a written permission from the author.
Papers in Arabic/English Translation
Studies 2
A Textual Data Perspective

Mohammed Farghal et al.

To the Cherished Memories of my Late

Father and Mother

v
 Acknowledgments
First and foremost I would like to thank my former as well as my present
colleagues and graduate students at Yarmouk University (Jordan) and
Kuwait University (Kuwait). They have been a source of inspiration for me
over the years and have contributed to this volume both directly and
indirectly. Several of them are now university professors of Linguistics
and/or Translation Studies in Jordan and elsewhere. My thanks also go to
Professor Juliane House of Hamburg University (Germany) and Professor
Said Faiq of American University of Sharjah (UAE) for kindly agreeing to
write blurbs for this volume. Finally, I am grateful to my MA students
Bushra Kalkh, Fatima Karki, Arwa Al-Adly and Noura Al-Awadhi for
their help with the typing of this volume.

vii
 Table of Contents

Dedication v

Acknowledgements vii

Preface xiii

List of Abbreviations xv

List of Phonetic Symbols xvii

1. The Pragmatics of Translation 1-25

Mohammed Farghal & Ali Almanna

2. Pragmareligious Failure in Translation 26-51

Mohammed Farghal & Ahmed Borini

3. Semiotic Signs: Arabic Proverbs 52-73

in Literary Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Mashael Al-Hamly

4. Modalized Propositions: A Case Study in 74-93

English-into-Arabic Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Mashael Al-Hamly

5. An Emic vs. an Etic Approach to 94-106

Literary Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Ali Almanna

ix
6. Proper Nouns: A Neglected Area 107-122
in Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Mashael Al-Hamly

7. Literary Translation: A Stylistic 123-141

Perspective

Mohammed Farghal & Ali Almanna

8. A book is read from its title: English 142-169

Fiction Titles in Arabic Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Hiba Buzzi

9. English Focus Structures: 169-199

A Translational Critique

Mohammed Farghal & Bushra Al-Kalkh

10. Elite (Foreign) Language in Arabic Media 200-119

Discourse: Impacts and Implications

Mohammed Farghal & Adnan Georges

11. Pre-head Hyphenated Compounds: 220-245

A Problem Area for Arabic Translators

Mohammed Farghal & Fatima Mu'min

12. Quran Definite Article in Translation: 246-253

The Case of Citing Animals

Mohammed Farghal and Izzedin al_Zou'bi

x
13. Translatability of Legal Islamic Documents: 254-267
A Case Study

Mohammed Farghal & Abdulla Shunnaq

14. Targeting Lexicon in Interpreting 268-279

Mohammed Farghal and Abdulla Shakir

List of References 280-304

xi
 Preface

This second volume in the series of Papers in Arabic-English Translation Studies

consists of 14 self-contained articles dealing with a variety of topics in
Arabic/English TS. The aim (as in the first volume) is to bring together and
update some scattered contributions in one volume, which is hoped to instigate
more future volumes in a scantily researched area. Such a series can help in
catering for the needs of students, researchers, and practitioners who usually
experience difficulty in locating research dealing with Arabic/English TS and is
hoped to make general references in translation studies more relevant to their
work between Arabic and English. The reader can choose to read any article
independently of the others according to his/her own interests. Where employed
in this volume, square brackets indicate literal translation, which is meant to give
a rough idea about the propositional content of some Arabic texts. Boldface
typing is sometimes used to highlight the study items within the textual data or,
alternatively, to highlight entire excerpts in some cases. The textual data is mostly
given in Arabic script and sometimes along with transliteration. To avoid
repetition in the bibliography, a unified list of references is provided separately at
the end of the volume.

The bulk of the textual data in this volume is drawn from published material,
hence the subtitle 'A textual Data Perspective'. While the textual data is mainly
drawn from literary discourse, it also touches on other text types/genres including
the religious, the journalistic, the legal, etc. The main objective is to explore how
professional translators (and student translators in a few cases) deal with different
aspects of translation activity in the hope of offering insights relating to the
procedures they employ and how successful these procedures are. The discussion
of the textual data does not seek to offer final solutions but rather to engage the
reader in a kind of critique that would help establish what we may call
‘translational argumentation’ which aims to link theory with practice in a coherent
way.

xiii
 List of Recurrent Abbreviations
TS Translation Studies
SL Source Language
TL Target Language
L1 First Language
L2 Second Language

xv
 List of Arabic Phonetic Symbols
/b/ voiced bilabial stop
/m/ bilabial nasal
/f/ voiceless labio-dental fricative
/ð/ voiced interdental fricative
/ð/ voiced interdental emphatic fricative
/ө/ voiceless interdental fricative
/d/ voiced alveolar stop
/t/ voiceless alveolar stop
/ḍ/ voiced alveolar emphatic stop
/ṭ/ voiceless alveolar emphatic stop
/z/ voiced alveolar fricative
/s/ voiceless alveolar fricative
/ṣ/ voiceless alveolar emphatic fricative
/n/ alveolar nasal stop
/r/ alveolar rhotic liquid
/l/ alveolar lateral liquid
/š/ voiceless alveo-palatal fricative
/j/ voiced alveo-palatal affricate
/y/ palatal glide
/w/ labio-velar glide
/k/ voiceless velar stop
/ɤ/ voiced uvular/post velar fricative
/x/ voiceless uvula/post velar fricative
/q/ voiceless uvular stop
/‘/ or /c / voiced pharyngeal fricative
/ḥ/ voiceless pharyngeal fricative
/’/ glottal stop
/h/ voiceless laryngeal fricative
/i/ high front short vowel
/u/ high back short vowel
/a/ low half-open front-to-centralized short vowel
/ii/ high front long vowel
/uu/ high back long vowel
/aa/ low open front-to-centralized long vowel
/ee/ mid front long vowel
/oo/ mid back long vowel

xvii
 The Pragmatics of Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Ali Manna

Abstract
The present paper aims to show the relevance of pragmatic theories for the
actual work of translators. Based on a selective body of authentic
translation examples, the study demonstrates how implicit meaning as
encapsulated in several pragmatic phenomena including presuppositions,
speech acts, conversational implicatures, and politeness can seriously
affect the quality of the translation product. It argues for a pragmatically-
oriented process of translation where the main goal of the translator is to
strike a balance between what is said and what is meant in human
communication. In many cases, this balance should work in favor of what
is meant in order to avoid communication breakdowns.

1. Introduction
In contrast with semantics, the study of the relationship between linguistic
properties and entities in the real world, pragmatics is often defined as the
study of language use, i.e. “the study of purposes for which [such linguistic
forms] are used” Stalinker (1973: 38). In its narrower sense, pragmatics
deals with how linguistic elements and contextual factors work side by side
in the interpretation of an utterance, enabling the hearer/reader to grasp the
right meaning intended by the speaker/writer rather than just adhering to
the referential meaning of an utterance. Emery (2004: 150), adapting
Blum-Kulka’s (1986/2000) views, writes “we have to negotiate a text’s
coherence in a dynamic, interactive operation in which the covert potential
meaning relationship among parts of a text is made overt by the
reader/listener through processes of interpretation”. Several studies on
pragmatic problems (Levinson 1983; Leech 1983; Farghal and Shakir
1994; Farghal and Borini, this volume; Emery 2004; Hall 2008; Farghal
2012) have shown that speech acts, addressing terms, conversational
implicature and politeness strategies are the main areas that put extra
efforts on translators, requiring them to make every effort “to encode and
decode contextually based implicit information” (Farghal, 2012: 132).
To begin with, speech acts (Austin 1962) such as requesting,
ordering, threatening, warning, suggesting, permitting and the like are
universal. However, each language has its own conventionalised ways to
express such speech acts, hence their non-universal cross-cultural
application (cf. Benthalia and Davies 1989; Farghal and Borini 2015, this

1
volume; Al-Zoubi and Al-Hassnawi 2001; Abdel-Hafiz 2003; Hall 2008;
Farghal 2012). For instance, while English customarily employs
conventionalised indirect speech acts to express orders or requests, Arabic
tends to utilise “formulas containing religious references for greeting and
thanking, e.g. ‫( رك ﷲ‬May God bless you!) as indirect speech acts
(Al-Zoubi and Al-Hassnawi 2001: 22).
In general, language is normally used by people for a certain
purpose. This purpose, however, may manifest itself at two different
levels: the surface level, which is employed to state something, for
example 'It is hot in here', and the other indirect, yet signifying doing
something, for instance 'Could you please open the window?'. At times, the
underlying meaning of an utterance overrides the superficial one, thereby
relaying “added effects such as those associated with, say, a request or
admonition” (Hatim and Mason 1990: 179). Added to this, when stating
something and having in their minds a function of doing something, people
do not create an utterance “without intending it to have an effect” (Ibid).
The picture that has been conjured up here is that there is a message that
has three dimensions. Austin (1962) labels these three dimensions as
locution (What is said), illocution (What is intended) and perlocution
(What follows in terms of physical and psychological consequences),
respectively.
The literature on linguistic pragmatics deals mainly with issues that
go beyond the reach of a purely semantic account. These usually include
presuppositions (Kempson 1975; Levinson 1983; Kadmon 2001), speech
acts (Austin 1962; Searle 1969, 1976), conversational implicatures (Grice
1975), and politeness (Brown and Levinson 1978/1987; Leech 1983).
Reviews of these pragmatic theories can be found in several publications
(e.g. Levinson 1983; Thomas 1995). In terms of translation, there have
appeared a few publications that look at translation activity from a
pragmatic perspective which basically distinguishes between 'direct' or
s(timulus)-mode' translation and 'indirect' or 'i(nterpretation)-mode'
translation (Gutt 1991, 1996; Hicky 1998; AlMazan-Garcia 2001).
Regardless of the theoretical basis of pragmatic accounts, the focus is on
how to explain indirectness in human communication or how to explain
how a language user can mean more than what s/he says. When it comes to
translation, the key issue is how to capture indirectness in human
communication and how to invest the resources available in both languages
when rendering it. The following subsections will give a small taste of the

2
significance of different levels of indirectness and the kind of challenges
they present to translators.

2. Presuppositions
Wikipedia defines a pragmatic presupposition as "an implicit assumption
about the world or background belief relating to an utterance whose truth is
taken for granted in discourse". Because presuppositions are background
assumptions that are pegged to certain lexical items or structures which are
called presupposition-triggers (e.g. definite expression, iteratives, cleft
structures, etc.), one would assume that they can be captured quite easily in
translation. This is not always the case, however. Consider the two
excerpts below, the first translated from English and the second from
Arabic into English:

!‫" ن و‬#$ ‫'اد أن‬# ()‫ ذ‬+ ‫ة‬-. / 0 12 3 0 " :‫ رو ن‬.‫ا ا ل ل ب‬ ‫( و‬1)
،‫وع‬-E ‫ا ا‬ = # 1 >2‫ إذا أ‬2‫ وأ‬، AB ‫ م‬5 ‫ ر‬456‫ ا‬748 ( 9:; <6
‫ ص‬،2011 ،10/9 ‫ ع‬،27 ‫ م‬،‫ م‬9Q ‫( ا‬9 #) ."‫ ن‬# ; ‫<ل‬6 FGH ‫ ا‬IJ; KLMN ‫ ف‬P
(52

(2) "You're right". Aisha laughed to relieve her tension and continued:
"There's a big difference between the death of the boy in the street
and this story". (Palace Walk, p. 124)

The reader of the Arabic excerpt will understand that the author is
referring to an existing project, which is presupposed by the definite
expression ‫وع‬-E ‫ ا ا‬. Similarly, the reader of the English excerpt will take
it that there was a boy who died in the street, which is presupposed by the
definite expression 'the death of the boy in the street'. What is surprising,
however, is that neither of the presuppositions exists in the STs, as can be
observed below:

(3) "He had a naive idea that you could put muscle cells in a petri dish and
they would just grow, and if you put money into a project, you'd have
meat in a couple of years", says Bernard Roelen. (Scientific American
304 (6), p. 66)

3
 ،‫ء‬abc 7[-\ ‫ ت ]<م ا‬# ‫<ق‬56‫ ا‬:" U# A5 ‫ة ا‬0V W# X>Y5 (.V ! FZ" 7GT‫( ا‬4)
(120 ‫ ص‬،W[-L ‫ ) ن ا‬.-6‫ء آ‬abe ( "GT‫ ﻩ ا‬#‫أ‬

While the English text in (3) does not presuppose the existence of a
project but rather refers generically to any project involving the production
of meat in the laboratory, the Arabic text in (4) presupposes 'the making up
of the death of a boy in the street' rather than 'the death of a boy in the
street'. As a matter of fact, there is no existing project, nor is there a boy
who died in the street insofar as the STs are concerned.
Surprisingly also, presuppositions arising from iteratives like 'again'
may escape some translators, as can be shown in the following example:

:/ 1>5U (5)
(118 ‫ ص‬،W[-L ‫ ؟ ) ن ا‬B Ij‫إ‬ ‫ ا ي;د‬#-

(6) She shouted at him, "What are you doing here?" (Palace Walk, p. 123)

As can be seen, the translators (Hutchins and Kenny 1990) have missed the
presupposition in the example above, viz. the utterance presupposes that
'the addressee had been there before' but this presupposition cannot be
retrieved from the English translation, which should read something like
"What brought you here again?" or "What brought you back here?"
Let us now look at one more area of presuppositions, namely
clefting, which involves more subtlety than definite expressions and
iteratives. English clefts exhibit a structural strategy which brings one
constituent in the sentence to contrastive focus. Consider the example
below:

(7) "It was noon when I hooked him," he said. (The Old Man and the Sea)
(1985 o"49Qp) .-Un ‫ ا‬0B; kE ‫ ا‬lmAQ8‫ أ‬0 (8)

On the one hand, the adverbial 'noon' is brought to focus by clefting

in the English sentence, thus giving rise to the presupposition that 'The
speaker hooked him at some time', and the cleft is meant to contrastively
specify the time of hooking the fish. On the other hand, the translator has
opted for an unmarked word order in Arabic; hence the presupposition and

4
the contrastive focus are lost. To capture the focus, one would offer a
rendition like:
ً
.kE ‫ ا‬lmAQ8‫ أ‬#0B; ‫ا‬-Ur 1s ‫ ن ا‬3 0 c (9)

Despite the fact that pragmatic presuppositions are clearly linked to

certain lexical items and structures, translators need to detect and capture
them in order to relay relevant propositional content as well as stylistic
nuances. The examples discussed in this section show that the damage
caused by failing to capture presuppositions may range between presenting
completely different states of affairs in the translation and missing stylistic
techniques that involve emphasis and focusing phenomena. Consequently,
translators need to be alerted to this type of pragmatic inference in order to
make sure that the background assumptions are incorporated into their
translations.

3. Speech Acts
Speech acts (Austin 1962) refer to the intended meaning (the illocutionary
force) rather than the literal meaning (the locutionary force) of utterances
in communication. While it is true that language users can mean exactly
what they say in their utterances, it is also true that they can have their
utterances mean much more than what they say. For example, the
interrogative form in English and Arabic is used to ask questions in terms
of locution and illocution; yet, while maintaining the same locution, it can
be familiarly employed in both languages to perform many other
illocutions including requesting, suggesting, rebuking, wishing, approval,
disapproval, complaining, etc. Such illocutions are usually retrieved from
the context in which they are produced, as can be illustrated in the
examples below:
ً
: A+ ‫ل‬ ،‫ ن‬Q#t /4s‫ا‬- K ; A+‫ ن إ‬3‫( و‬10)
(362 ‫ ص‬،‫ ق‬E ‫ا‬-Ls) ‫؟‬-nB ‫ ا ا‬0UEu ‫ ن‬PV W ‫ أ‬-

(11) Ismail, who was watching him closely, smiled and said, "If only
Hasayn were here to witness this. (Palace of desire, p. 351)
:([-vw ( 06 1V x‫( و‬12)
‫ >(؟! ) ن‬r ‫ا‬ P>2 IJ; 19 ُ ‫ إذا‬BLN ‫ ذا‬#‫ و‬... !‫ة‬-E; (Qp‫ا‬- ‫ دون ا‬Xr 5N -

5
 (57 ‫ ص‬،W[-L ‫ا‬

(13) Khadija yelled sarcastically, "You want to get a job before you're
fourteen! What will you do if you wet your pants at work?"
(Palace Walk, p. 57)

In both of the Arabic examples, the interrogative form performs

illocutions other than 'questioning', namely, the illocution of wishing and
the illocution of disapproval, respectively. The translators (Hutchins and
Kenny1990) have done well by capturing these intended illocutions. In the
first example, they have opted for the wishing conventionalized form in
English (if only ...) which conveys the illocutionary force in the ST. Yet,
they also could have used the same interrogative form to perform the
wishing illocution in English, viz. "Where's Husayn to witness this?!" In
the second example, the translators have maintained the same interrogative
form to perform the illocution of disapproval.
Below are two examples where the same translator (P. Stewart
1981) generally succeeds in the first one (14) in conveying a similar
illocution though not reflecting the semantics of the Arabic formula, while
he seriously fails in the second (15): (Children of Gebelawi, 1981 and ‫أو=د‬
BN‫ ر‬V, 1959)
:‫ل‬ ‫ ت ; ب‬x /5A[ l{ W# /n ‫( وأ‬14)
.F+ s F9Q# ‫ ة‬U ‫ ا‬-
ً
:<} s / ‫ و‬B5 ،‫ ن‬B> ‫ ا‬KAMN "([‫ر‬0 " ‫أى‬- ‫ وراءﻩ‬1>5 ‫ا‬
‫~؟‬Q5 ‫ ا‬F ِ -
.‫ي‬0 + (V‫ را‬4Q€ :1

(15) A sweet voice roused him: "Coffe Mr. Qassem".

He turned and saw Badria holding out the cup to him. He took it and
said: "Why the trouble, don't bother yourself for me".
Badria: "Don't mention it, sir!"

:‫ م‬V• ‫‚ ا‬+‫ ت و‬V- ‫ ح‬x‫( و‬16)

.‫ ن‬#• ‫ا‬-6‫ آ‬IJ; K4) ‫ … ن „ل‬Q ‫† ا‬4Q‡ X ˆ-n2‫ ل وا‬# A+‫ ل ا‬Q€ -

6
 ً
.F[-ˆ ‰# P ‫وا ﷲ وا‬0V‫ و‬: ;-) ‫ة‬04; 1>5U

(17) Farhat shouted to the crowds:

"Come and hear what people are saying, and see the latest game that's
being played with the honour of Gebel's people".
Abda shouted wretchedly: "Believe in the One God".

As can be observed, Stewart has managed to render the illocution

of the Arabic formulaic expression (V‫ را‬4Q€ into an English formulaic
expression 'Don't mention it', which falls within the same area of
conventionalized responses. A semantic rendering like 'Your tiring is a
relief for me' would make little sense in English. Thus, the search for a
similar, conventionalized speech act in the TT is a workable solution in
cases of this sort. However, the translator could have captured more of the
semantics of the Arabic formula by offering something like 'It's a pleasure
to serve you, sir' or 'I'm never tired of serving you, sir'. By contrast,
Stewart has settled for a semantic rendering 'Believe in the One God' of
the Arabic formulaic expression ‫وا ﷲ‬0V‫و‬, whose illocution is to urge the
addressees to 'calm down' rather than to 'simply testify to the oneness of
God' the way it is when uttered by the Imam addressing Muslims during
prayers. It would be so difficult for the target reader to deduce the intended
illocution based on the semantic rendering above. Hence, a translation like
'Calm down, for God's sake?' would be more acceptable as it conveys the
intended meaning as well as maintain the religious tinge. One should note
that the translator has opted for omitting the second part of the formula
F[-ˆ ‰# P ‫وا‬. Although this does not affect the flow of discourse, it falls
short of bringing out a cultural element. Therefore, the addition of
something like 'God urges us to forgive and forget' would provide a fuller
picture of the SL cultural features.
Sometimes, the translator captures the intended illocution of a
speech act but betrays the level of indirectness in that speech act. The
following excerpts from BN‫ ر‬V ‫ أو=د‬and Children of Gebelawi illustrate this:

‫ ل‬s FZ ... (o \\94 ‫ ا‬W# ‫ة‬0 + 0 ~98 -.> ‫ )و‬K>8 ‫ ة‬EŠ K4) G‹ (18)
:‫ ع‬02

7
 . B# ‫ب‬- ‫~ ا‬9\ K4) ،F9Q# -

(19) Gebel said with an impetuousness while he was thinking of Sayyeda,

Balkit's daughter):
"I want to marry your daughter".

Although Stewart's translation of the Arabic speech act relays the

intended illocutionary force, the high degree of directness it exhibits is
unmotivated. Gebel employs a formulaic speech act B# ‫ب‬- ‫~ ا‬9\ K4) (lit.
Gebel wants to be close to you) which implicitly performs the 'marriage
proposal'. The translator, however, has opted for unpacking this illocution
in his rendering, something that is not congruent with Gebel's state of
hesitation and tension accompanying the performance of that speech act
indirectly. Had the translator taken this into consideration, he would have
offered a rendition like 'I would like to ask your daughter's hand'. Such a
rendering embodies a level of indirectness and formulaicity comparable to
that in the SL speech act.
Sometimes, the translator's decision to omit formulaic speech acts
that are meant to enhance the phatic/interpersonal function would produce
flat translations that betray the author's emotive style. Consider the
following examples: (Al-Sanusi, The Echo of Kuwaiti Stories (bilingual),
2006)
‫ن‬Ž -E•N ،( ‫ <ت •و‬9M5 ‫ أن ا‬Aˆ .o\•! W# K: ‫ إن !•\ أ‬... ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ # (20)
(16 ‫ ص‬،2006 ab‘ QBP ‫ ا‬:~ )- ‫ )ا‬."0+•" ~9 ˆ 49s

(21) "Your blood pressure is lower than mine and the initial analysis
shows a strong heart".
ً
/5l”) IJ;‫( أ‬A.9 ‫ ا‬9N = ‫ و‬،‫ ˆ… ’ا‬o E ‫• ’ذ ا‬€ 0 9 ‫ ال‬V•’ ّ •# ‫ ن‬M4+ (22)
(13 ‫ ص‬،2006 ab‘ QBP ‫ ا‬:0AGT‫ )ا‬."‫ج‬- J; –u /2‫ إ‬19

(23) "He looked very different and if the scar on the top of his forehead
hadn't been there I wouldn't have known that it was actually Ali
Faraj".

8
 The two omitted formulaic speech acts ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ # and ’ ّ •# ‫ ن‬M4+
‫ ال‬V• express reassurance and amazement respectively. One wonders why
the translator has chosen to delete them despite the fact that they provide
the utterances with an important spiritual, emotive tone. It should be noted
that there are several options in English that would render the illocutions of
the two speech acts naturally. The first lends itself to formulaic speech acts
such as "Thank God!", "Good news!", "Touch wood!", etc. and the second
can be translated into formulaic speech acts like "Goodness!", "How
amazing!", "I can't believe it", etc. The rendition of interpersonal speech
acts like these preserves the emotive tone of discourse and renders the
discourse more coherent.
This section has shown that the appropriate management of speech
acts between Arabic and English is an important aspect of translation
activity. First, translators need to grasp the illocution of the speech act in
the ST. Then, they need to examine the similar speech acts in the TL in
order to choose one that performs the same illocution. In particular, utmost
attention should be given to the choice between a semantic and a pragmatic
rendering of a speech act. In this regard, the context of the speech act plays
a key role in the translator's choice. Therefore, if the semantic translation is
not supported enough by the context, it needs to be abandoned in favor of a
pragmatic one. While a semantic treatment of speech acts requires creative
solutions to ensure adequacy and potential acceptability in the TL, e.g. ‫ ل‬8‫أ‬
‫ك‬-A; ‫ ﷲ‬may semantically be relayed as 'May you live long!', a pragmatic
approach needs a good knowledge of conventionalized speech acts in the
TL to ensure acceptability, e.g. ‫وا ﷲ‬0V‫و‬ّ used to induce 'calm' may be
rendered as 'Calm down, for God's sake!' rather than semantically as
'Testify to the oneness of God' or 'Say God is one'. The point here is that
conventionalized speech acts may converge or diverge between languages.
When they diverge, they may lend themselves to both a semantic and a
pragmatic treatment depending on potential transparency and acceptability
in the TL.

4. Conversational Implicatures
In his seminal article "Logic and Conversation" (1975), Grice shows that
rationality and reasoning enable humans in a cooperative way to both
produce and interpret successfully messages that are conveyed via
conversational implicatures. While language users generally observe the
maxims of conversation in terms of quality (speaking the truth), quantity
9
(employing the right amount of language), manner (expressing things
clearly and unambiguously), and relation (to be relevant), on several
occasions they may choose to flout a conversational maxim for a
communicative purpose, i.e. to communicate a message indirectly.
Flouting or exploiting a maxim fits quite well within the assumption of
cooperation in human interaction. That is to say, the speaker is well aware
of two things: first, the fact he is flouting a maxim of conversation and,
second, the assumption that the hearer can figure out the conversational
implicature in his utterance. For example, the speaker saying 'That's great!'
addressing the interlocutor who has just spilled coffee on his shirt cannot
be interpreted at face value; rather, it is taken to mean 'That's terrible' by
the interlocutor and would require an apology. Hence the process of
communication continues uninterrupted, thanks to human rationality and
reasoning, which is based on the cooperative principle between producer
and receiver in communication.
While both speech acts and conversational implicatures deal with
indirectness in human communication, they have different perspectives.
Speech acts (section 3 above) mainly concentrate on conventional forms
which are used to express different illocutions in language and the fact that
each conventionalized form can perform various illocutions in different
contexts. Conversational implicatures, by contrast, focus on our ability to
diverge from conventionality and still mean much more than what we say.
For example, the response 'It's raining' in the two question/answer pairs
below conversationally implicate different messages:

(24) A) Shall we go for a walk?

B) It's raining.
(25) A) What do you think of Bin Laden?
B) It's raining.

In this way, the ability to cope with implicated messages depends

on the assumption that the speaker is cooperative and invites the hearer to
use contextual features to arrive at the intended conversational
implicatures. Or, according to Sperber and Wilson (1986), this ability
derives from the general assumption that whatever is produced in the
course of human communication is relevant to one degree or another;
hence the hearer exerts every effort to process utterances in light of
contextual features and, as a result, deem them relevant. If the relevance of
an utterance is too low, the hearer will ask for an explicature/clarification

10
such as 'I can't get you here' or 'Will you spell out what you exactly mean
here?'.
In terms of translation, translators need to give utmost care to
floutings whereby implicit messages are conveyed by way of
conversational implicature. Other things being equal, what is
conversationally implicated in the ST should remain conversationally
implicated in the TT. Below are two contexts relating to marriage where an
Arabic metaphor ‫' ت ا \ ر‬to miss the train' is employed:

(309 ‫ ص‬،([-.P ‫ )ا‬.‫ ا \ ر‬N =‫ع وإ‬-+‫( أ‬26)

(27) Hurry up. Otherwise, you'll miss the train. (Sugar Street, p. 288)

Ij‫ إ‬B lm2 o€0 ‫ وا‬# ،‫وء‬0l— ،‫ة‬-.> ‫ ا‬1Es 2 .‫ اك •واج‬2‫آ‬-. ‫ أ‬F (28)
، j‫" ر‬5 ‫ )ا‬. ّ J; 0Qp 1> F ‫( ˜ أن ا \ ر‬s-E#‫( و‬V-# ( ™2
(‫} ت‬-#< ‫ ا‬W[•6
(29) Although at that time I did not think about marriage, I
did discuss the idea quietly, with my mother reaching
the happy and optimistic conclusion that it was not
too late for me. (Husni and Newman, A Hidden
Treasure, 2008, pp. 226-227)

As can be seen, both Arabic texts flout the maxim of quality by

referring to marriage by way of metaphor, thus conversationally
implicating the marriage interpretation. The translators (Hutchins and
Kenny; Husni and Newman, respectively) have employed different
procedures. While the first translation maintains the conversational
implicature by using the same metaphor, the second one reduces the
metaphor to its communicative import, thus changing an implicit message
to an explicit one. The second translation would have been more effective
if it had maintained the conversational implicature by investing the same
metaphor in English.
In the natural practice of communication, the original writer
sometimes expresses just a part of the message, leaving the reader/
translator, after having accessed “the network of conceptual relations
which underlie the surface text” (Baker 1992: 218) and depending on
his/her world knowledge and experience, to complete the missing part of

11
the message. Following Blakemore’s (2002: 71) view, it is held here that
the pragmatic function, i.e. conversational implicature, is only reflected
when translators “go further than [what is explicitly written], and
metarepresent the [ST author’s] thoughts about what he would think [is]
relevant enough”. By way of illustration, let us consider the following
example quoted from Mahfouz’s novel ‫ق‬0‫ـ ق ا ـ‬s‫' ز‬Midaq Alley' (1947: 105)
and translated by Le Gassick (1975: 108):

:0 œ /ˆ<5#‫ ا‬W# 1 Z‫ و‬l•Žˆ‫( و‬.V ! 1 (30)

! 9; KMˆ‫ وأ‬až ; \V‫أ‬
(31) She assured him, as if she was certain of possessing him forever, with
me you are very safe.

Here, the speaker in the original extract flouts the maxim of quality,
i.e. to speak the truth, by opting for a metaphorical expression a‫ـ‬ž ; \V‫أ‬
‫ ـ‬9; K‫ـ‬Mˆ‫' وأ‬lit. I’ll put you in my eyes and apply kohl (immediately) after
that' in order to communicate and emphasize her message, thereby giving
rise to a conversational implicature, that is, 'you are so dear and will be
mine forever'. This conversational implicature derives from interpreting the
application of kohl in this context as 'locking the gate of a prison'. Having
detected the metaphorical implicature and its intended meaning, and
probably having failed to find a functional equivalent, i.e. an equivalent
that follows “the TL linguistic and cultural norms” without jeopardising
the communicative import of the original text (Farghal 2012: 46), the
translator has opted for what seemed to him an ideational equivalent, i.e.
an equivalent that focuses on “the idea of the SL text independently of the
form or function”, thereby observing the quality maxim (Ibid: 47; emphasis
his), albeit it does not reflect the same implicature. To explain, the
implicature conveying 'dearness' and 'possession' is inadvertently changed
into one of 'safety'. Apart from this problem, the translation is far less
creative and aesthetic than the original. It would be much more effective to
find an English metaphorical expression that embodies a similar
implicature such as 'I'll put you in my heart and lock you up there forever'.
Such a rendering would satisfy TL norms as well as maintain the
conversational implicature.
Problems relating to conversational implicature could be more
serious in translation, as can be illustrated in the English translation of the
Arabic excerpt below:
12
 ،W[-L ‫ ) ن ا‬./B #‫ أ‬1+ ‫ رك‬4# ... ‫ رك‬4# ... "aŸB ‫ى ا‬0V‫ إ‬IJ; K)‫ ; ن ر‬N F " (32)
(151 ‫ص‬

(33) "'No man has ever seen either of my daughters ...' Congratulations,
Mrs. Amina, Congratulations". (Palace Walk, p. 157)

The problem is this translation is double-fold. First, the translators

(Hutchins and Kenny) could not cope with the illocution in the formulaic
Arabic speech act ... IJ; K)‫ ; ن ر‬N, which has to do with 'men showing
interest in his daughters for the purpose of potential marriage' rather than
'the physical act of seeing them by men', which is far-fetched (Can one
imagine a girl/woman who has never been sighted by a man!). Secondly,
this serious mishap in interpreting the intended illocution has blurred the
irony in the congratulating act which flouts the maxim of quality (by
saying something but meaning exactly the opposite). As a matter of fact,
AlSayyid (the husband) is reproaching his wife (Amina) for failing to
improvise circumstances conducive to having men show interest in their
daughters, with the result that they would remain unmarried. In a good
translation, irony usually takes care of itself. Witness how the irony
comes off naturally in the suggested translation below:

(34) "No man has ever shown interest in either of my daughters ...
Congratulations, Mrs. Amina, Congratulations!"

Equally important is the translator's alertness to the flouting of the

maxim of quantity whereby the text is intentionally designed to be
underinformative or overinformative for a communicative purpose.
Consider, for example, how the Quranic verse below condemns
'homosexuality' implicitly by flouting the maxim of quantity in order to
maintain the sanctity of the text and how Quran translators endeavor to
preserve a similar degree of implicitness for the same purpose:

(8 ،‫اف‬-;• ‫ رة‬+) .‫ ن‬-P# ‫ م‬s F52‫ أ‬K ‫ ء‬P ‫ دون ا‬W# ‫ ة‬UŒ ‫) ل‬- ‫ ن ا‬NŽ5 F.2‫( إ‬35)

(36) Lo! ye come with lust unto men instead of women. Nay, but ye are

13
 wanton folk. (Pickthal, 1930/2006)
(37) For ye practice your lusts on men in preference to women: ye are
indeed a people transgressing beyond bounds. (Ali, 1934/2006)
(38) See, you approach men lustfully instead of women: no, you are a
people that do exceed". (Arberry, 1955/1996)

Sometimes, the flouting of the quantity maxim (by formal

repetition) is so subtle and intriguing that the translator, inadvertently, may
settle for literalness that may miss the conversational implicature in the TL.
The excerpt below involves two anonymous characters engaging in a
somewhat strained exchange which is overheard by the main antagonist
Saeed Mahran, who subsequently projects its content, albeit he does not
understand it clearly, on his own situation.
... /P>2 1s ‫ ا‬B 0x 2‫و‬0; ‫ ( ˜ أن‬GT‫ ة ا‬+Ž ‫ ا‬- (39)
ً
... 2‫و‬0; B 0x ‫ ( ˜ أن‬GT‫ ة ا‬+Ž ‫ا ا‬0 ‫ أ‬-
‫ ا؟‬l— ‫¡’ف‬QŠ = F ،‫ ء‬B4) B2‫ أ‬K -
‫؟‬-LQ ‫ا ا‬ (; ¢£ ‫ ا‬B ¤€Ž5N X ˆ W. ‫ و‬A¥‫ ر‬-
.(; ¢£ ‫ ;( ˜ ا‬¢£ ‫ ا‬-
... ‫ وا ت ا ت‬-
(1973 ،‫<ب‬. ‫ وا‬k9 ‫ ا‬،‫> ظ‬M#) !/93 ‫اء ˜ ا‬-G¦ ‫<م وا‬n ‫ وا‬-

In his translation (The Thief and the Dogs, 1987), Elyas should
have paid special attention to the adjacent tautological expressions (; ¢‫ـ‬£ ‫ا‬
(; ¢‫ـ‬£ ‫ ˜ـ ا‬and ‫( وا ـ ت ـ ا ـ ت‬for more on tautologies, see Grice 1975;
Wierzbicka 1987; Farghal 1992), because they are intended to give rise to
competing conversational implicatures the way they are employed by the
two interactants. The translator, however, renders them into what seems to
be English tolerance tautologies, viz. Courage is courage and Death is
death, respectively. A careful examination of the above exchange reveals
that the translator's interpretation is far-fetched as neither of the characters
is calling for the tolerance of adverse, natural consequences of the referents
in question. One should note that the two Arabic tautologies refer to the
standards of two human attributes, i.e. courage and death, each in its own
way. To explain, the producer of the first tautology wants to communicate
the implicature that 'Courage has been the same all along, i.e. there are
familiar standards set throughout the ages'. Similarly, the speaker of the

14
second tautology asserts that 'Death is subject to a similar set of standards',
but he conversationally implicates that 'Death is too dear a price to pay in
return for genuine courage'. This profound philosophical polemic is
achieved subtly and effectively by means of conversational implicature,
which is part and parcel of human interaction. In light of this analysis, the
two tautologies should be regarded as obligation rather than tolerance
tautologies, and consequently be rendered as:

(40) - Courage means courage.

- And death means death.

These renditions conversationally improvise two rival discourses that

coherently correspond to their counterparts in the Arabic text.
For its part, flouting the maxim of manner can be the most
challenging in translation because hardly can we find cases where
wordplay and/or ambiguity in the manner of expressing a message would
coincide between languages, especially in genealogically unrelated
languages like English and Arabic. Just imagine how a translator or an
interpreter can relay the conversational implicature in the following excerpt
without unpacking the implicit message (British MP Glenda Jackson was
making reference to the desire expressed by John Major on becoming
Prime Minister to make Britain 'a classless society', 30 Sept. 1991): (cited
in Thomas 1995)

(41) They call it a "classless society". And it is classless. There are no

classes for the children turned away for the lack of a qualified
teacher. There are no classes for 200,000 children denied nursery
places. And there is certainly no class in a government that for the
last decade has sold our children and our future short.

It would be impossible to relay the message in the above text by

investing the wordplay on classless/class. The translator will have to render
the message independently of the flouting of the maxim of manner adopted
by the speaker to heighten the impact of her discourse. Sometimes, in their
attempt to capture the flouting of the manner maxim, translators fall victim
to incoherent literalness. Consider the following example from Hamlet:

(42) Polonious: (Aside) Though this be madness, yet there is

method in’t. (To Hamlet) Will you walk out
of the air, my lord?

15
 Hamlet: Into my grave?
Polonious: Indeed, that’s out of the air…

‫ج‬-YN ‫أن‬ K (19# U ) .‫ ب‬9+Ž ‫ ن‬B) /B. ،‫ ن‬B) ‫ا‬ ‫ إن‬:( 42 )) ‫ س‬2 (43)
‫ =ي؟‬# ،‫ اء‬U ‫ ا‬W#
‫©’ي؟‬s Ij‫ إ‬: 19#
... ‫ اء‬U ‫ ا‬W; ‫ رج‬6 ‫ ذ‬V :‫ س‬2

In this translation, Jabra (1960) opted for literalness in relaying

Polonious' witty use of wordplay on the lexical item 'air'. However, Jabra's
rendition does not make sense to the Arab reader; there is no way to invest
the same lexical resource in Arabic. If the translator wants to capture the
flouting of the maxim of manner here, s/he needs to search for wordplay in
Arabic that would come close to the intended wordplay in English, which
is a taxing task. Let us consider the suggested translation below, which
offers coherent wordplay, albeit not identical to that in the ST:
ª«>N ‫ أن‬K (19# U ) .‫ ب‬9+Ž ‫ ن‬B) /B. ‫ ن‬B) ‫ إن ا‬:( 42 )) ‫ س‬2 (44)
‫ =ي؟‬# 7[-\ ‫ا‬
‫©’ي؟‬s Ij‫ إ‬KPŠ‫ وأ‬:19#
... V (G« 9N :‫ س‬2

As can be seen, the wordplay (G‫ «ـ‬/ª‫>«ـ‬N works coherently in Arabic, thus
investing the same pragmatic resource, i.e. flouting the maxim of manner
for a communicative purpose (viz. looking at going into one's grave as an
entertaining act and a terminal act at the same time).
Finally, we come to the flouting of the maxim of relation whereby
the text producer offers something that does not address what is being
discussed directly and consequently may, at face value, be deemed
irrelevant. However, thanks to human reasoning, what is offered will be
judged relevant in terms of communicative purpose and will be interpreted
accordingly. By way of illustration, consider the following responses in (B)
to the question in (A): (adapted from Renkema 2004)

(45) A: Where's my box of chocolates?

B: a) It's nice weather for this time of year, isn't it?
b) Where are the snows of yesteryear?

16
 c) I was feeling hungry.
d) I've got a train to catch.
e) Where's your diet sheet?
f) The children were in your room this morning?

All the responses in (B) flout the maxim of relation as none of them
directly addresses the question in (A). However, we consider all of them as
relevant answers to the question and, as a result, smoothly arrive at the
intended conversational implicatures. Below is an Arabic translation of the
above example, which would make sense in Arabic as much as it does in
English:

ّ
‫؟‬ažLYN aŸ ‫ =ﻩ ا‬3 E ‫ ة ا‬4; W ‫ أ‬:‫( أ‬46)
‫؟‬ ˆ –u ‫ أ‬،(BP ‫ ا‬W# 1s ‫ ا ا‬K…# 0 ) ¢T‫( ا‬1 :‫ب‬
! # ‫ د‬Q‡ ‫ ب‬4E ‫ ا‬1 =‫( أ‬2
.‫ ع‬¢T -QŒ‫ أ‬1Bˆ (3
.‫ ّ إدراك ا \ ر‬J; ¬4 (4
‫ ا زن؟‬- >Y5 5\6 W; ‫ ذا‬# (5
.‫ ح‬4L ‫ا ا‬ 5 -] ‫> ل‬8• ‫ ن‬3 0 (6

Following is an authentic extract taken from Pritchett's novel Mr

Beluncle (1951, cited in Thomas 1995):

(47) (Father to son, urging him to look for a job)

Father: How old are you, George?
George: I'm eighteen, Father.
Father: I know how old you are, you fool.

The father's question flouts the maxim of relation; it

conversationally implicates that his son is old enough to get a job. Given
the genre of the novel (satirical and comical), the son's answer, for its turn,
flouts the maxim of relation by interpreting the question literally, thus
generating situational humor. Had it been interpreted apart from humor, it
would have been something like ' I'm sorry, Father. I'll start looking for a
job right away' or 'What can I do, Father? There are no jobs available'.
Given a comparable context, an Arabic translation will convey similar

17
conversational implicatures by way of flouting the maxim of relation, as
can observed below:

‫ ) رج؟‬،‫ك‬-A; Fˆ :‫( •ب‬48)

.o®‫ أ‬،‫ة‬-E; (B# … ‫ ا‬2‫ أ‬:‫) رج‬
.7AV• l¯‫ أ‬،-AQ ‫ ا‬W# °94N Fˆ ‫ف‬-;‫ أ‬oŠ‫ إ‬:‫•ب‬

Now consider this extract from Othello in which Iago conveys

several conversational implicatures by intentionally not addressing
Othello's questions directly, hence flouting the maxim of relation: (Act III,
Scene iii)

(48) Iago: My noble lord -

Oth: What dost thou say, Iago?
Iago: Did Michael Cassio, when you woo'd my lady, know of your
love?
Oth: He did, from first to last. Why dost thou ask?
Iago: But for the satisfaction of my thought; No further harm.
Oth: Why of thy thought, Iago?
Iago: I did not think he had been acquainted with her.
Oth: ), yes, and went between us very oft.
Iago: Indeed?
Oth: Indeed? Ay, Indeed! Discern'st thou aught in that? Is he not
honest?
Iago: Honest, my lord?
Oth: Honest? Ay, honest.
Iago: My lord, for aught I know.
Oth: What dost thou think?
Iago: Think, my lord?
Oth: Think, my lord? by heaven, he echoes me,
...

The translator of the above conversation into Arabic needs to give

utmost attention to the conversational implicatures Iago is communicating.
Any mishap in the wording of the utterances encapsulating these
implicatures could do serious damage to the subtlety and coherence of this
text. Below is a suggested Arabic translation where the subtleties are
maintained:

18
 - K •B ‫ي ا‬0 + : ] ‫( إ‬49)
‫ إ ] ؟‬،‫ ل‬N ‫ أن‬0[-N ‫ ذا‬# :K \;
‫ ؟‬U 4V W; ‫ف‬-Q‡ o€0 + Ij‫ دد إ‬5N 12‫ وأ‬+ 3 K" # ‫ ن‬3 K : ] ‫إ‬
‫'ال؟‬P ‫ح ا ا‬-\N Fَ ِ . lm l± (L ‫ا ( ا‬0 W# ،K)‫ أ‬:K \;
.=‫– إ‬u ،‫( أ " ري‬V‫ را‬K)‫ أ‬W# ‚ : ] ‫إ‬
‫ إ ] ؟‬،‫\~ أ " رك‬6 # :K \;
. U -Q‡ ‫ ن‬3 /2‫ أ‬Wr‫ أ‬Wˆ‫ أ‬F : ] ‫إ‬
ً ّ
.‫ ˆ… ’ا‬B K60N‫ و‬U -Q‡ ‫ ن‬3 K :K \;
ً
‫ ؟‬V: ] ‫إ‬
ً ً
‫ف؟‬-E ‫ زﻩ ا‬Q‡ ‫ ن‬3‫ء؟ أ‬abc ‫ ذ أي‬W# XE™P€ K ! V ،K)‫ ؟ أ‬V :K \;
‫ي؟‬0 + ،‫ف‬-E ‫ ا‬: ] ‫إ‬
.‫ف‬-E ‫ ا‬،K)‫ف؟ أ‬-E ‫ ا‬:K \;
./ -;‫ أ‬# K3 ،‫ي‬0 + : ] ‫إ‬
‫ رأ ؟‬# :K \;
‫ي؟‬0 + ،o³‫ رأ‬: ] ‫إ‬
ً
... o€ A93 ‫ر‬-. /2‫ إ‬، 4N ‫ي؟‬0 + ،o³‫ رأ‬:K \;

To conclude this section, translators need to be aware of what is

conveyed between the lines in non-conventional, rationally-based uses of
language where conversational implicatures are communicated. In order to
maintain the creativity and aesthetics of the ST, it is not enough to relay
the implicatures explicitly whereby a flouting is changed into an
observance of a conversational maxim. In this regard, one should
distinguish between implicit information and implicit meaning (Larson
1984/1998). Whereas it is acceptable and natural to spell out implicit
information, e.g. rendering 'Harvard' in 'Dr Johnson studied at Harvard in
the seventies' as ‫ ت‬Bu5‫ـ‬P ‫ـ( ر ـ رد ـ ا‬Q# ) ‫ـ ن ـ‬PŠ ) ‫ ر‬5ˆ0‫درس ا ـ‬, it is not a
wise decision to do the same kind of thing to implicit meaning, as it is part
and parcel of human reasoning in general and the intentionality of the
author in particular. Hence, the translator needs to exert every effort
possible to preserve conversational implicatures in his/her translation.

19
 6. Politeness
The pragmatic issue of politeness might also place extra pressure on
translators. The concept of politeness in this respect does not refer to being
polite or impolite; it is linked to Goffman’s original work (1955) on the
sociological notion of 'face'. To understand the relevance of politeness to
linguistic expressions, we have to first become acquainted with the notion
of 'face'. Face is defined by Brown and Levinson (1987: 61) as a “public
self-image that every member wants to claim for himself”. To put this
differently, face refers to the “emotional and social sense of self that
everyone has and expects everyone else to recognize” (Yule 1996: 60).
There are two types of face: positive face and negative face. Positive face
is the person’s desire to be liked, or, at least, accepted, and treated by
others without social barriers. Negative face, for its turn, is the person’s
desire to be independent, not be imposed on by others and so on.
Accordingly, politeness can be defined as a 'means' utilised by participants
to show their 'awareness' of the other’s face, whether negative or positive
(Yule 1996: 60). Showing awareness of the public self-image of another
person, who is not socially distant is described in terms of 'friendliness',
whereas showing awareness of the face of another person, who is socially
distant is often described in terms of 'respect' (Ibid: 60).
Although politeness involves a “universal characteristic across
cultures that speakers should respect each others’ expectations regarding
self-image, take account of their feelings, and avoid face threatening acts”
(Cutting 2002: 45), the way that people behave in showing their awareness
of others’ faces when interacting with each other is different from one
culture into another. Thus, what is considered acceptable and polite in one
culture cannot be taken for granted in another. The degree of severity of
the face-threatening mode of action achieved by imperative forms is more
forceful in English than that in Arabic, hence the need for 'mitigating
devices', such as 'Please', 'Could you…?' 'Would you …?', etc. to soften
such severity (Yule 1996: 63). In the following example quoted from
Mahfouz’s (1961: 122) novel ‫ـ<ب‬. ‫ وا‬k‫ـ‬9 ‫' ا‬The Thief and the Dogs' and
translated by Le Gassick and Badawi (1984: 135), the speaker (Said) in the
original text uses a direct speech act in addressing his lover (Nur), i.e. he
opts for a 'bald on-record' strategy in which a negative imperative form,
which is “the most face-threatening mode of action”, is used (Cutting
2002: 64). However, the translators have inserted a mitigating device, viz.
'please', to soften the severity of the face-threatening mode of action
achieved by the imperative form:

20
 : Q) 5# ‫( ل‬50)
.0.B ‫] ( ا‬ 2‫ ; ا أ‬až 0[•N = ‫ ر‬2 -
(51) “Nur”, he pleaded, “Please don’t torture me. I’m terribly
depressed”.

Closely related to politeness strategies is the issue of address terms

and their different pragmatic functions. In the following example quoted
from Mahfouz’s story a´ ‫ـ‬L2‫ و‬aŸA‫ـ‬Ps (translated by and printed in Husni and
Newmark 2008), the translators have opted for different local procedures
in dealing with the term F; (lit. uncle):

K)- ‫ ا‬F5AN µŸV (¥-\:# WPM# F; ‫ م‬#‫ أ‬1>s ‫ ’ة‬Z ‫ ( ا‬s-E ‫ ( ا‬L ‫ ا‬Ij‫ إ‬1;- ‫( و‬52)
:~9 ‫ ا‬7 6
‫ ذا وراءك؟‬# ، B X\9 B¥‫ ر‬-
:‫دد‬-N 0Qp 1PA
(111 ‫ )ص‬.WPM# F; ~ ¢¶ ‫ ق‬9Y#

(53) She hurried to the luxurious east wing of the clinic to look for
Mohsen. When he saw the anxious look on the midwife’s face,
he murmured in a worried tone: “May God have Mercy on us!
What’s happened?” She hesitated, and whispered: “It’s a strange
creature, Mr Mohsen”. (p.110)

In the first occurrence, the reference term is used in a narrative

language in which the author just describes the movement of the nurse and
her standing in front of Mohsen, while in the second occurrence, the same
term is utilised in a dialogue as an address form between two characters in
the story, hence the differences in its pragmatic function in the two
occurrences. Taking into account the norms of politeness in the TL,
regardless of the politeness strategy itself, whether negative or positive,
and whether an honorific is used or not, the translators have opted for the
deletion of the term in the first occurrence, which affects the degree of
respect to the referent. They could have used 'Mr Mohsen' instead of the
fist name alone to capture the degree of respect of the referential form.
However, their option for 'Mr' in the second occurrence changes the degree

21
of intimacy between the nurse and Mohsen from intimate into formal, thus
distorting the pragmatic function associated with the use of the term F‫ ;ـ‬,
i.e. 'Uncle'. In this regard, Hatim and Mason (1990: 65) stress that the
solution to such a pragmatic difficulty “requires more than knowing the
lexical meanings”. They distinguish between two types of honorifics: that
which involves special status and that without such a status. This being the
case, what is the solution? One should note that the deletion strategy (see
example below) would not work here, that is, it would be very face
threatening to address Mohsen by his first name without a social honorific.
The only way to solve this problem is to preserve the social honorific
'uncle' in translation. Apparently, the use of this address term by the
midwife is indicative of an age difference between speaker (being
relatively young) and addressee (being elderly), thus motivating the
employment of such an intimate term. Otherwise, the midwife would have
used the distance-oriented W‫ــ‬PM# 0 ّ ‫ ـ‬+ ‫' ـ‬Mr Mohsen'. Notably, the
relational use of the social honorific 'uncle', which is very familiar in
Arabic, is not alien to 'young-elderly' interaction in English (for more
details on social honorifics, see Farghal and Shakir 1994).
In the following example, which is quoted from Mahfouz’s (1961:
13) novel ‫ـ<ب‬. ‫ وا‬k‫ـ‬9 ‫' ا‬The Thief and the Dogs' and translated by Le
Gassick and Badawi (1984: 20), the translators, due to the cultural-
pragmatic constraints imposed on them by the use of such an address term
‫ة‬-‫ـ‬:V ‫ ـ‬have taken into account the pragmatic function of the term in such
a context as well as the TL norms, thus approximating the utterance by
deleting the address term completely:

.’©Y ‫ة ا‬-:V 1 \2 7GT (54)

(55) You’re quite right, officer.

Alternatively, they could have offered 'You're quite right, sir', thus
capturing the status difference without referring to the job of the
interlocutor , i.e. 'officer', which can be recovered from the context. Given
what is at stake, therefore, the translator's task is not confined to just
determining the referential meaning, i.e. the locutionary act. Rather, it
covers the detection of the implicit meaning behind the face-value
interpretation of the locutionary act, i.e. the illocutionary force as well as
its effect on the receptors, i.e. the perlocutionary effect (cf. Hatim and
Mason 1990; Emery 2004).
22
 Politeness maxims (Leech 1984) may differ in the frequency of
adherence to them from one culture to another. For example, while
Japanese people tend to downgrade the complimented item, thus adhering
to the modesty maxim (minimize praise to self), Arabs and Anglo-
Americans tend to accept compliments at face value, thus giving more
weight to the agreement maxim (maximize agreement with other).
Likewise, some convetionalized responses to compliments may differ
between cultures within the bounds of the same maxim. For example, it is
customary in Arabic to 'offer the complimented item' or 'compliment the
eyes of the complimenter' in return. However, normative compliment
responses such as 'It's all yours' for ‫< ـ‬V/‫م‬0‫ ـ‬# or 'Your eyes are beautiful'
for ‫ـ ة‬9GT‫ـ ا‬2 ; are not usually available in English (for more on this, see
Farghal and Al-Khatib 2001; Farghal and Haggan 2006). In this regard,
translators need to detect conventionalized politeness formulas and relay
their illocutions apart from their locutions in most cases. Consider the
examples below (Stewart's translation Children of Gebelawi 1981 of
Mahfouz's novel BN‫ ر‬V ‫ أو=د‬1959):
‫ زو) ؟‬W; 0 0) W# K :-r B ‫ري ا‬0s / Ž+‫( و‬56)
. # # ·>M B¥‫ ر‬،K•4 3 ‫ة‬0 B; :/42 ) Ij‫ إ‬/P9 # Y5 ‫ ( و‬-; ‫) ب‬Ž

(57) Kadri (the Chief) asked Arafa: "Any news about your wife?"
Arafa answered as he sat down beside him:
"Stbborn as a mule, excuse me!"
... "-N + " :‫ل‬ ‫( و‬¢¸B ‫ ا‬6Ž -As ‫ ش‬V K6‫( د‬58)

(59) Qassem went into Qamar's courtyard to collect the ewe, calling out:
"Anybody there?"

:‫ ل‬N ˜‫و‬ ‫ إ‬/5\;Ž ( >9 ((B .+) ‫( و; دت‬60)

. >E ‫ وا‬BU ،‫ \ ’ة‬-

(61) Sekina came back with a package which she gave to the guest saying:
"A pancake. I hope you'll enjoy it".

23
 As can be seen, Stewart has done well by relaying the illocutions of
the politeness formulas following the conventionalized norms of the TL. It
would have been unacceptable to render them into 'may God protect your
status', "O veiler' and 'with happiness and health', respectively. Such
renderings would deviate from TL norms and, consequently, mar the
translation in terms acceptability rather than adequacy. Adequacy, it should
be noted, is usually given a back seat in the context of conventionalized
forms, whereas it occupies a front seat in the context of implicit meaning,
which creatively and subtly sails away from conventionalized forms.
To conclude this section, one should note that politeness and
indirectness are usually interrelated. However, there are three variables
governing their relationship: power, distance, and rate of imposition.
Sometimes, therefore, an utterance that may formally appear to be so polite
may turn out to be a marker of heightened tension. For example, an
utterance like 'Would you be kind enough to open the window?' would be
highly polite where the situation is marked by a wide distance between
reqester and requestee, whereas it would be a marker of discontent in
husband-wife interaction where a narrow distance is assumed.
Consequently, the fact that politeness is an attribute of utterances rather
than forms places more pressure on translators to detect what exactly lies
behind a politeness form. By way of illustration, let us look at the return
Arabic politeness formula ‫ــ<م‬P ‫ ا‬F. ‫ـ‬9; 'Peace be upon you' (Stewart's
translation Children of Gebelawi 1981 of Mahfouz's novel ‫ـ‬BN‫ ر‬V ‫أو=د‬
1959):
.‫ رة‬GT‫ ا‬W# ¤>56 (Y \ ‫ ا‬#• ‫ ء‬s0x‫ ;( أ‬- : J; ‫ ل‬s (62)
:(4\ # (B A+ 1
.‫<م‬P ‫ ا‬F. 9; K o# F5 0MN ‫ إذا‬،o# = (Y \ -

(63) Ali: "Rifa'a has friends. They attacked Batikha., and he disappeared
from view".
Yasmine frowned and said:
"Batikha is not Bayyumi. If you defy Bayyumi, you'll be defeated".

Stewart has recognized the hidden illocution of the Arabic politeness form
and rendered it accordingly, albeit somewhat flatly. A more congruent
rendering would be 'You won't get much peace', which is more formulaic
and effective.

24
7. Conclusion
The present study has shown through discussion of authentic translation
examples the importance of pragmatic meanings in human communication.
The pragmatics of translation basically involves capturing indirectness in
discourse, mainly including pragmatic phenomena like presuppositions,
speech acts, conversational implicatures, and politeness. It has been shown
that such phenomena, whether they derive from the contextually-based
interpretation of conventionalized forms or from purely human reasoning,
present challenging tasks to translators. Therefore, there is a dire need to
alert both translation practitioners as well as translation trainees to the
various aspects of pragmatic meanings and the available procedures to deal
with them. Only then will a translator be able to offer a product that strikes
a balance between acceptability and adequacy in terms of what is meant
rather than in terms of what is said alone.

25
 Pragmareligious Failure in Translation

Mohammed Farghal and Ahmed Borini

Abstract
This paper deals with Pragmareligious failure as it manifests itself in the
course of translating into English 10 Arabic religious politeness formulas.
The formulas, which have been drawn from Mahfouz’s (1959) novel
Awlad Haritna, were translated by 20 MA students. The study also uses six
native speakers of English as consultants to evaluate, based on their
intuitions, the subjects’ renderings along with those of Stewart’s in his
1981 translation of Mahfouz’s novel. The paper argues that inadequate
pragmareligious competence often leads to communication breakdown
and/or distortion of the source message. It has been shown that while only
few Arabic religious formulas may functionally lend themselves to
translating into corresponding English religious formulas, many Arabic
formulas fail pragmatically to evoke comparable religious shades of
meaning in English. Translators need therefore to seek English formulaic
expressions regardless of whether or not they have religious bearings.

1. Introduction
The present paper addresses itself to the translatability of Arabic religious
politeness formulas into English from a pragmareligious perspective.
Following Leech’s (1983: 11) dichotomy of ‘pragmalinguistics’ and
‘sociopragmatics’, Thomas (1983) divides cross-cultural pragmatic failure
into two types of conditions that any utterance of speech act should meet in
order to be pragmatically successful. On the one hand, there are
pragmalinguistic failures which occur due to the inability to encode the
illocutionary force of an utterance (Austin 1962; Searle 1981; Farghal and
Borini 2015; Farghal and Almanna, this volume), or when speech act
strategies are inappropriately conveyed into the TL. For example, speakers
of Standard English may use the strategy of Yes/No interrogation to
perform a highly conventionalized polite request (e.g. Will you open the
door?), while speakers of Arabic usually use a conditional structure (e.g. ‫إذا‬
‫ ب‬4 ‫ ا‬‰5 ‫ ا‬،1MA+ [If you permitted, open the door]) or an Allah-featuring
utterance (‫ ب‬4 ‫ ا‬‰5 ‫ ا‬،‫ك‬0QP‡/ 9Y ‫[ ﷲ‬May Allah preserve you/make you
happy, open the door]) to perform polite requests. Thus, rendering an
Arabic polite request into English or vice versa using the same strategy
will often lead to pragmalinguistic failures.
26
 Sociopragmatic failures, on the other hand, occur due to the lack of
knowledge of social conditions or conventions that govern conversation,
including size of imposition, social distance, etc. In this way,
sociopragmatic failures are caused by faulty cross-cultural perceptions of
appropriate linguistic behavior. For example, a translator may fail
sociopragmatically when he/she literally translates an Arabic politeness
formula that is meant for thanking such as the vernacular ‫ك‬0ِ ‫ إ‬F9P€ or the
standard ‫اك‬0 1A9+ into 'May your hand be saved' and 'Might your hands
be saved', respectively. To avoid such a sociopragmatic failure, the
translator must be aware of the fact that this formula is used by an Arab
addressee to thank a female host for serving him something, e.g., a cup of
tea.
Pragmareligious failures are a subcategory of sociopragmatic
failures that stem directly from adding religious shades to English
renderings of Arabic religion-based politeness formulas. For instance, the
frequently used Arabic formula ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫[ إن‬if God permitted] is often
stripped of its semantic import in favor of context-bound pragmatic
imports (for details, see Faghal 1993 and 1995a). By way of illustration,
note the functioning of ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫ إن‬as a threat in (1) below:

1. !‫>•[ ن‬95 ‫~ ا‬Q95 ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫[ إن‬If Allah permitted, you play with the
TV set]
‘I dare you to play with the TV set!’

If the translator, being unaware of the pragmatic import of (1), preserves

the semantic import of ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫ إن‬he/she will be producing a
pragmareligious failure.
Further, Implicature Theory as encapsulated in the Cooperative
Principle (CP) and its conversational maxims of Quality, Quantity,
Manner, and Relation (Grice 1975; Levinson 1983, etc.), along with the
Politeness Principle (PP) and the Irony Principle (IP) of Leech (1983) may
play an important role in establishing a link between the propositional
content (i.e., semantic meaning) and the communicative import (i.e.,
pragmatic function) of politeness formulas. While some formulas may
carry standard conversational implicatures, thus rendering them readily
decodable as to communicative import in interlingual communication,
others may involve particularized conversational implicatures/floutings,

27
thus frequently rendering them opaque in interlingual communication.
Other things being equal, for instance, the translator may have only to
amplify the Arabic politeness formula Q# ‫[ ﷲ‬May God/Allah be with
you!] in order to reach for its communicative import as a parting formula,
e.g., Goodbye or Take care in English, as such a standard implicature can
be easily worked out on the basis of universal principles that emanate from
general attributes ascribed to God such as benevolence and protectiveness.
By contrast, he/she may have serious trouble figuring out the
communicative import of an Arabic politeness formula like ‫ﻩ‬-A; ‫ﷲ أ;\ ك‬
[God/Allah gave you his age] as a death term, e.g., He died/passed away in
English, because the speaker flouts the maxim of Quality (Don’t say what
you believe to be false or that for which you lack adequate evidence), thus
politely implicating that the denotatum has died. The translator’s inability
to cope with particularized implicatures/floutings will usually lead to
communication breakdowns in interlingual communication (for more on
the translatability of Arabic death terms and implicatures at the lexical
level, see Farghal 1993b and 1995c, respectively).
Sometimes, the speaker may perform a conflictive act of insulting
by opting for what Arndt and Janney (1985: 285) call ‘politeness from an
interpersonal view’, i.e., being impolite in polite ways. For example, he/she
may ironically utter a formula like ‫ أ ﻩ‬FV- ‫[ ﷲ‬May God/Allah have mercy
on his father!] upon the mention of the deceased denotatum in a
conversation for the purpose of disreputing him in a polite manner. That is
to say, the speaker flouts the maxim of Quality by stating a proposition
he/she believes to be false, that is, he/she believes that the denotatum was a
bad person. But in observance of the PP and subsequently the IP, he/she
conveys the intended message by way of conversational implicature. This
is a situation where translators should be very wary so as not to distort the
pragmatic import of utterances of this sort.
Moreover, pragmatic factors such as gender, age, power,
institutions, etc. may influence the choice of an Arabic politeness formula.
In this regard, Davies (1987: 82-83) argues, "formulas may seem restricted
to the kind of speaker who uses them, the kind of addressee to whom they
may be used, the medium through which they may be expressed and
various aspects of the setting in which they are used". The same formula
may also cause trouble in interlingual communication by the very fact that
it interactively carries different pragmatic imports in various situations. By
way of illustration, the religious vocative utterance -N + [O veiler!]

28
originally represented an invocation to remind one of Allah’s
omnipresence and omnipotence in Islam, but gradually, while retaining its
canonical use, started to acquire pragmatic imports that can only be
inferentially derived from its propositional content. Most interestingly, it is
used in present-day Arabic as a mere attention-getter that may be
employed by the speaker upon entering a house whose gate is open and
whose dwellers are not aware of his approach; hence the use of this
politeness formula to announce his presence so that those inside, especially
women, can prepare themselves for this intrusion, so to speak, e.g., they
will be clad decently. The use of this formula, however, involves gender,
age, and power restrictions. On the one hand, it can only be used
appropriately by male adults. On the other hand, the user should be a
familiar person, i.e., a relative or close friend, thus ruling out its being
appropriately utilized for this purpose by a stranger, as he lacks the power
needed for licensing this politeness formula.
One should note that the relationship between language and culture
needs to be comprehended by second language learners and translators in
order to better communicate the appropriate message, rather than merely
produce grammatical strings. For Nida and Reyburn (1981: 2),
"Difficulties arising out of differences of culture constitute the most serious
problems for translators and have produced the most far-reaching
misunderstandings among readers". However, they assume that what can
be more fundamental than the knowledge of language and its cultural
interpretation is the attitude of the translator of the text towards the
languages he/she is dealing with, because his/her emotional identification
with these languages is crucial.
In an analysis of the pragmatics of cross-cultural communication,
Tannen (1984: 189) argues, "we are analyzing language itself’. Depending
on the notion of cultural relativity, she analyzes eight levels of ‘what to
say’ and ‘how to say it’: when to talk, what to say, pacing and pausing,
listenership, intonations, formulaicity, indirectness, and cohesion and
coherence. These levels of communicating meaning illustrate the idea that
different people have different linguistic means in their interactions. At the
level of formulaicity, for instance, different cultures have different
linguistic routine formulas. Many of these formulas in Arabic are religion-
specific. For example, Jordanians (and Arabs in general) often use some
politeness formulas in order to save face for mentioning a stereotypically
negative lexical item in conversation such as shoes, toilet, donkey, etc. as
can be illustrated by the short exchange in (2):

29
 2. a) ‫؟‬1Bˆ W[‫و‬
‘Where have you been?’
‫ﱠ‬
b) ‫ ﷲ‬9)‫ م أ‬AGT
[In the bathroom, may God/Allah raise your status].
Undoubtedly, the translator will find it very difficult to render this routine
ritual in English, because, in addition to cross-linguistic and cross-cultural
parameters, he/she may find it difficult to maintain the same effect of the
SL formula in the TL.
Arabic, it must be borne in mind, is the official language of twenty-
two Arab countries, of which the majority of citizens are Muslims. The
Islamic culture had and is still having a far-reaching influence on the
patterns of thought and speech of Arabic speakers, as belief is one of the
basic components of culture. And it is in the area of belief where
differences between Arab and western societies are greatest. Whereas the
former depend on Islam, the latter derive largely from Christianity. Shamaa
(1978) argues that the process of translation between Arabic and English is
affected by common beliefs within a culture. While Islam knows a great
deal about its predecessor (Christianity) and is familiar with its subjects
and teachings, the opposite cannot be true. Shamaa writes (1978: 186):

… the translation into Arabic of texts or stories with some Christian references
finds a culturally receptive environment, and the translated texts fit fairly into the
conceptual pattern of the average Arab reader. On the other hand, Christianity
does not recognize Islam as a divine religion.

The cultural problem becomes quite obvious in the case of frequent

Arabic politeness formulas that feature religious references. Piamenta
(1979) examines current Arabic formulas that are inspired by religion in
their sociocultural and socio-emotional contexts. He focuses on those
formulas which, in most cases, include the name of Allah either explicitly
or implicitly. In this connection, the word ‘God’ has been used for the
word Allah is general, but this usage has been objected to by some
translators and many native people of both cultures who are skeptic
towards this correspondence, because the attributes of Allah are derived
from the concept of Oneness in Islam, whereas those of God revolve
around the concept of Trinity in Christianity. Shamaa (1978: 188),
however, opts for a compromise when she demonstrates by using
componential analysis that the words ‘God’ and Allah can be assumed to
be equivalents, as they have many more common components than

30
different ones. Piamenta (1979: 1) argues that religious Arabic formulas
such as wishes, greetings, farewell expressions, condolences, etc. were
originally non-ritual personal invocations for help, protection, and support.
Nevertheless, they developed in everyday spoken Arabic and became
idiomatic and stereotyped without losing their Islamic essence.
Further, fatalism, which is a hallmark of the linguistic behavior of
Arabs in general, can be easily observed in Arabic politeness formulas.
Farghal (1993a: 44) argues, "Westerners keep fatalistic language to a
minimum, whereas Arabs utilize it to the fullest in their daily
undertakings". Consequently, in many cases the translator into English is
unlikely to be able to maintain the fatalistic shades of Arabic formulas.
Most often, explicit fatalistic language in Arabic takes the form of
‘discourse conditionals’ that are frequently pegged to segments of
discourse to mortgage the realization of the speech act in question, e.g. a
promise or wish, to the will of Allah. By way of illustration, note the
politeness formula in (3), which may be said to a bachelor upon having
been offered (or having finished) some drink or food by him:

3. ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫ إن‬+-Qp
[upon your wedding, if Allah permitted]

2. Research methodology
2.1 Research design
This paper examines 10 Arabic politeness formulas identified by the
researchers as featuring potential pragmareligious difficulty to translators
of Arabic texts into English. These formulas are drawn from Najeeb
Mahfouz’s (1959) novel Awlad Haritna, which was translated by Philip
Stewart (1981) into Children of Gebelawi. It should be pointed out that
pragmareligious failure is assumed to cover written communication, e.g.,
fiction, in addition to everyday conversational behavior. Although fiction,
as a literary genre, rates second after drama in simulating human
interaction, there is still the limitation that the non-verbal component
manifested in it is far less indicative than that in face-to-face
conversational exchanges. As for the choice of religious politeness
formulas rather than any other expressions, it is motivated by the intuition
that although some underlying principles may govern the politeness
phenomenon in human language (Brown and Levinson 1987), the means
whereby politeness is encoded linguistically often greatly vary from one
language to another, especially where religion is considered a touchstone

31
in expressing politeness. Therefore, Arabic politeness formulas that
encapsulate in them religious background are expected to be rich area for
pragmareligious failure.
The study was conducted by means of two questionnaires. The first
questionnaire, which included 10 underlined Arabic politeness formulas in
their original contexts, was administered to 20 MA translation students at
Yarmouk University, Jordan. They were asked to translate only the
underlined formulas and to take enough time to do so (see Appendix 1).
The second questionnaire, which consisted of the source English contexts
of the 10 formulas (from Stewart’s translation) along with literal
translations, sought to consult native speakers of English with regard to
suggested translations. This questionnaire offered six suggested renderings
in each case: the translation used by Stewart (No. 1), three selected from
the subjects’ responses, one for non-equivalence, and finally a blank
alternative for any other appropriate translation (see Appendix 2).

2.2 Participants
For the purpose of this study, the first 20 MA translation students met by
the researchers on the day of distributing the questionnaire were selected.
All of them are native speakers of Arabic, holding a BA in English and
then working for their MA in translation. The second group of participants
included six native speakers of English who had been working for the
British Council in Amman for at least two years. These educated people
were somewhat familiar with Arab culture through their daily contact with
Jordanians. They were instructed by their director to check the
acceptability of the suggested renderings relying on both context and their
intuitions.

3. Results
The translations of 10 Arabic religious politeness formulas by Stewart and
the student participants in this research have been analyzed and categorized
in light of some theoretical considerations and suggestions by consultants
of native speakers of English. The following table (Table 1) summarizes
the results by giving the percentage of inappropriate renderings of each
politeness formula as well as the suggested translations of politeness
formulas.

32
Table 1. Percentage of inappropriate renderings plus suggested
translations.
No Arabic formula plus literal Percentage Suggested translation
translation
ُ 9
AUِ sِ ‫ز‬- ‫ ﷲ‬s‫’ز‬ %40 ‘Congratulations! May God

1 provide for them.’

[May God provide you for
them]

a´B ‫ ا‬2‫أ < أ < زار‬ [Welcome, %50 ‘Welcome! This is a great

2 honor.’
welcome, the prophet visited
us]

¼ 0AGT‫ا‬ [Praise be to %40 ‘Fine! Thank you.’

3
Allah]
ّ
‫وا ﷲ‬0V‫و‬ %45 ‘For God’s sake, be
ِ [Say Allah is
4 tolerant!.’
One]
ّ
½ Œ ‫ ﷲ‬7N‫ا‬ [Fear God old %60 ‘God forbid!’
ِ
5
man]

’¡P -#‫ أ‬B¥‫ر‬ [Our Lord %50 ‘God alone knows.’

6 ordered us to keep the

secret]

7 ¼ 04Q ‫ا‬ [the slave of God] %40 ‘I…’

B;‫ و‬B; ‫ ﷲ‬X>6 %50 ‘Poor you!’

8 [May God lighten your

burden and ours]

9 ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫إن‬ [If God %35 ‘I hope so!’

33
 permitted]

‫ك‬-A; ‫ ل ﷲ‬8‫أ‬ %50 ‘Long may you live!’

10
[May God prolong your age]

4. Analysis and discussion

This section deals with the major pragmareligious problems in translating
Arabic politeness formulas. For the purpose of this research, the term
‘religion’ means the feelings, emotions, attitudes and moral traditions
expressed in the formulas, which manifest themselves in the socio-
religious system of the Arab culture. According to Barouki (1985: 109),
"Islam was the one major factor that saved the Arabic language from
degeneration. Through Islam, Arabic language and culture found their way
permanently to all the Arab states and in countries so far and wide".
Undoubtedly, Islam is the fundamental motivating force in most aspects of
the Arab culture and has its say in practically every act and moment in life.
Interestingly, Allah (the name of ‘God’ in Arabic), which is
frequently mentioned in Arabic politeness formulas, dominates the Arabs’
social relations. Barouki (1985: 110) argues:
Not only in public but also in his privacy the Arab unceasingly invokes the name
of God to reign over his actions. God, in Islam, is everything; He is not a dogma
but an ideal and a regulative force of life. He is in matter and everyday life as
much as He is in the spirit.

By way of illustration, consider the following politeness formulas

that feature the name of Allah (They are taken from Mahfouz’s novel):

4. a) B;‫ و‬B; ‫ ﷲ‬X>6

[May Allah lighten your burden and ours]
b) ‫ ﷲ‬7N‫ا‬
[Fear Allah]
c) ‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫إن‬
[If Allah permitted]
d) ‫وا ﷲ‬0V‫و‬
[Say Allah is One]

34
 e) ¼ 0AGT‫ا‬
[Praise be to Allah]
f) ‫ك‬-A; ‫ ل ﷲ‬8‫أ‬
[May Allah prolong your life]

As a matter of fact, there are hundreds of similar formulas that

reflect the influence of Islam on native speakers of Arabic, thus revealing
Arabs’ great veneration of Allah. This veneration, as Piamenta (1983: 2)
argues, emerges from the belief in God’s existence, in God’s
Omnipresence and Omnipotence. It also emerges from the belief that there
is no deity but Allah and that Mohammad is the Prophet of God. This
belief is constantly consolidated by declaring His Unity, worshipping Him,
in praising and thanking Him, and using the formulas featuring the names
attributed to Him, etc. Further, it should be noted that it is a matter of
politeness to mention the word Allah in Arabic in almost every aspect of
real life situations, while it is far from being the case in reference to God in
English. For instance, it is a matter of routine politeness that, after
sneezing, the Arab sneezer should praise Allah by invoking:

5. ¼ 0AGT‫ا‬ [Praise be to Allah]

In English, by contrast, the sneezer has no formulaic expression to

employ after sneezing. However, both Arabic and English utilize a hearer’s
politeness formula upon witnessing a sneeze, as can be illustrated in (6):

6. a) ‫ ﷲ‬F.AV-
[May Allah have mercy on you]
b) Bless you!

Not only do (6a) and (6b) correspond functionally; they also share
religious connotations.
In this section, we will discuss some pragmareligious failures in
translating Arabic politeness formulas into English as they empirically
relate to the corpus drawn from Mahfouz’s novel. The discussion
concentrates on formulas pertaining to five areas: congratulating,
welcoming, praising Allah, cautioning, and modesty.

35
4.1 Congratulating
To congratulate a woman in childbed, the Arab may invoke different kinds
of formulas. In most Arabic varieties, for example, the congratulator may
say:
7. a) ‫©’وك‬# or ‫ رك‬4#
‘Congratulations!’
b) (#<P ; ¼ 0AGT‫ا‬
[Praise be to Allah for (your) safety]

Customarily, a baby boy on his birth is wished a long and successful life,
to be a cause of prosperity in his parents’ home, a support for his father and
wished to be blessed. If a baby girl is born, she is blessed and usually
wished to be followed by a brother. The Arab Muslims believe that Allah,
the Provider, will provide parents for their newly-borns. By way of
illustration, note the following formula in its context:

8. Very soon the midwife appeared at the door, saying: ‘You’ve

been blessed with two sons, AUs‫ز‬- ‫ ﷲ‬s‫ ’ز‬9 . [May Allah
provide you for them]

Many student translators (40%) and Stewart seem to have

misunderstood or ignored the illocutionary force intended by such a
formula, which could be vague in the target culture. Below are examples of
inappropriate renditions of the formula in (8):

9. a) May God provide you for them! (Steawrt’s)

b) May God give you as he gives them!
c) May God bestow you!
d) May God grant you livelihood by their blessing!

Notably, the renditions in (9) give an impression of condolences. The

midwife, however, intended to congratulate the father by simply uttering
what almost all the consulted native speakers of English agreed upon (10):

10. a) Congratulations!
b) Congratulations! May God provide for them.

As can be seen, the locutionary and illocutionary force of a

politeness expression may be at considerable variance, e.g., twisting a
36
congratulatory formula to a condoling one. To capture the intended
message, the translator should not sacrifice pragmatic import for the sake
of capturing propositional content. Rather, he/she needs to worry about the
conveyed meaning while not losing sight of the phraseology, especially if
universal principles are operable as in (10b) above.

4.2 Welcoming
Conventionally, when welcoming a guest, the host tends to exaggerate in
greeting him/her. Traditionally, therefore, an Arab host is used to
expressing politeness and hospitability in terms of showing that he/she is
greatly honored, blessed and happy with the guest’s visit. In this spirit, the
host might use a religious reference to the blessing of the prophet’s visit, as
can be illustrated by the formula in (11):

11. Arafa jumped up and stretched out his arms in greeting the
guest.
a´B ‫ ا‬2‫ أ < أ < زار‬-
[Welcome, welcome, the prophet visited us]

The results showed that 20% of the participants tended to maintain the
same culture-specific image in their translations. Note the rendition in (12):

12. Welcome! The prophet visited us.

One should realize that the literal translation of (12) may lead to
misunderstanding on the part of the TL reader, who may consider it
sarcastic rather than polite. Pragmatically, the speaker flouts the maxim of
Quality by making reference to the Prophet’s metaphorical visit, thus
conversationally implicating an intimate and sincere welcome. However,
the preservation of the Arabic metaphor in the English translation may, in
addition to its low processability on the part of native speakers of English,
twist the particularized implicature from that of intimacy and sincerity to
that of sarcasm, thus distorting the message. The prefacing of the Arabic
ً ً
metaphor with the straightforward greeting formula < ‫ أ < أ‬facilitates the
task of the translator as the force of welcoming in it is a matter of
entailment rather than implicature (other things such as paralinguistic and
extralinguistic features being equal), thus ruling out other potential
interpretations of the metaphor.

37
 Other subjects (30%) under-translated the formula in (11) as in
(13):
13. Welcome!

Although (13) seems to be more acceptable than (12), yet it is inadequate.

ً
The speaker of this formula could have simply uttered < ‫أ‬, which can be
equivalent to ‘welcome’, but this would be considered a cold welcome in
Arabic that runs, clearly, against the speaker’s intentionality. Further, the
Arab speaker intends to liken his guest’s visit to that of the Prophet in
terms of importance, respect and blessing. Although there is a religious
reference in the source formula, no religious touch seems to be available in
English in this particular context. Consequently, we consider Stewart’s
rendition (14) acceptable and adequate, because it, albeit turning a
conversational implicature into an entailment, gives a comparably
emphatic welcome, while not causing a pragmareligious failure:

14. Welcome! This is a greater honor.

4.3 Praising Allah

A close examination of the use of the formula ¼ 0AGT‫[ ا‬Praise be to Allah]
and similar expressions reveals that they frequently occur in everyday
Arabic conversation. As Piamenta (1979: 193) points out, "One praises
God for one’s good or bad lot, under all conditions and at all times".
Praising God accompanies every kind of acknowledgment of kindness,
including a ‘thank you’ response which should first be addressed to Allah.
Put differently, it is a matter of politeness towards God as well as the
interlocutor to utter religious praising formulas of this kind.
In particular, the novel under investigation features a host of
praising-Allah politeness formulas as positive answers to questions about
health, work, and the family, among other things. In the TL, however,
situations of this sort do not call for such frequent invocations of praising
God. This divergence between Arabic and English may lead translators to
distort the source message. Consider the formula in (15):

15. Adhama: ‘Good evening Mr. Karim.’

The man said with undisguised emotion: ‘How is your family? I
hope they are well.’
Adhama: ¼ 0AGT‫[ ا‬Praise be to Allah]

38
Many participants (40%) opted for ‘Thank God!’ as a translation of the
formula in (15). The inappropriateness of this rendition cannot escape
anyone, as it is culturally and linguistically insufficient for the target reader
to grasp the intended meaning of the formula. This is because the standard
implicature encapsulated in the Arabic formula, that is, implicating the
wellbeing of his family by way praising Allah, is completely missed in
English if the translator relays only the semantic meaning, thus entailing
the praise of God independently of phatic communication, which will
inevitably lead to a breakdown in communication. However, hybridizing
the Arabic formula in English by relegating the implicature to entailment
while simultaneously introducing a word of tribute to God would serve
communicative as well as cultural purposes in this novel, as can be
illustrated in (16) below:

16. They’re fine! Thank God.

In his/her endeavor to relay the formula more appropriately,

nevertheless, the translator may sacrifice the religious background for the
sake of creating an equivalent effect (Nida 1964) in translation by directing
the word of tribute to the addresser rather than to God, as this is the norm
in the target culture in this context of situation (17 below):

17. They’re fine! Thank you.

While (17) is a more natural response in English, (16) is more indicative in

terms of the SL culture.
Sometimes, praising Allah is implicit rather than explicit by
alluding to one of His major attributes in times of adversity. For example,
the religious formula ‫وا ﷲ‬0V‫[ و‬Say Allah is One] is frequently used in the
Arab community to induce one’s audience to testify to Allah’s oneness,
whether in observance of rituals or when dullness has prevailed in a
gathering, or when comforting grieved people. More interestingly, this
formula is utilized as a politeness expression to calm down excited and
impatient people, as can be illustrated in (18):

18. Farhat shouted to the crowds: ‘Come and hear what people are
saying, and see the latest game that’s being played with the
honor of Gebel’s people.’
Abda shouted wretchedly: ‫وا ﷲ‬0V‫[ و‬Say Allah is one]

39
 A considerable number of the participants (45%) translated the
formula in (18) literally by maintaining its semantic import, as can be
noted in (19):
19. a) Be a monotheist!
b) Say that God is one!

It should be noted that the TL reader may take (19) as utterances by a

preacher who calls upon his audience to believe in the oneness of God;
while, according to the context, the intended message of the Arabic
formula is a polite piece of advice to calm down. That is to say, such
translations demonstrate an ambivalence of function that renders the
recipient unable to grasp the conveyed meaning of the utterance.
Pragmatically, the formula in (18) conveys its intended meaning by
way of implicature, namely by flouting the maxim of Relation (Be
relevant) in order to conversationally implicate Abda’s desire to allay
Farhat’s inflaming agitation as well as the crowds’ prospective agitation.
The ontology of this implicature is rather subtle, but it mainly relates to the
pre-dominant practice of Muslims to intervally testify to Allah’s oneness in
their daily undertakings and, in fact, they habitually do so in their leisure
time, thus engaging themselves in a religiously worthwhile activity and at
the same time avoiding wasting their time in worldly trifles such as gossip.
That is why this formula is frequently employed when dullness prevails in
a gathering in order to thwart, so to speak, the devil’s endeavors to creep
into their minds and cause them to think of trivial worldly affairs, thus
intending to bring them back to their senses where testifying to Allah’s
oneness is the most advisable engagement.
In terms of translation, the translator may modify the semantico-
pragmatic content of the formula by first reducing the conversational
implicature to entailment, i.e., lexicalizing the implicature and then by
adding a religious nuance to the utterance. This can be illustrated in (20)
below:
20. a) Calm down, for God’s sake!
b) For God’s sake, be tolerant!

Both renditions in (20) capture the conveyed meaning of the Arabic

formula and simultaneously feature, to some extent, a similar religious
tinge.

40
4.4 Cautioning
There are many religious formulas in Arabic that express caution against
committing an offence such as cruelty, backbiting, harshness, injustice,
etc., or in reproof at having committed one. Consider the following
formulas:
21. a) ‫ ف ﷲ‬6 [Fear Allah]
b) B¥‫ ر‬W# ‫ ف‬6 [Fear our Lord]
c) ‫ ﷲ‬W# 9[‫[ و‬Woe you from Allah]

Similarly, injustice done merely by bad thought may also call for
uttering such expressions. By way of illustration, note the following
example:

22. Balkiti: ‘Did you fix your eyes on some fine lady?’
Gebel: ½ Œ ‫ ﷲ‬7N‫[ ا‬Be awed by Allah, sheikh (address form)]

As can be observed, in (22) Gebel reproaches Balkiti for his bad thought,
but he does that politely. He respects the cultural norms while speaking to
an old man by maintaining distance through his indirectness.
A large number of the students (60%) adopted, more or less, literal
translations such as:

23. a) Fear God, old man!

b) Do fear God Sheikh!

Other inappropriate renditions were too direct. They sacrificed

politeness in the target culture as they tended to paraphrase the source
formula, as can be illustrated in (24):

24. a) You have to fear God, man!

b) Don’t say such silly things!
c) Remember there is God in the sky!

The renditions of (24), as can be noted, are by no means abiding by

the norms of politeness in English. Although it was appropriate for Gebel
to use the imperative form in asking his interlocutor to fear God, this
would be hostile in the English culture. This being the case, the polite
formula in (22) can be simply rendered as (25):

41
 25. a) God forbid!
b) Come on, man!

Notably, both the Arabic formula in (22) and the English ones in
(25) can be amplified to implicate the addressee’s disapproval of the
addresser’s preceding proposition, thus maintaining the degree of
politeness and capturing the conversational implicature at the same time.
Failing to do so will seriously damage the politeness of the formula by
relegating implicature to entailment.
Another indirect cautionary politeness formula that presented
serious pragmareligious difficulty to the participants is given in (26):

26. One man said mockingly: ‘We knew his mother, but who knew
his father?’
An old woman said: ’¡P -#‫ أ‬B¥‫ر‬. [Our Lord ordered veiling (to
keep secrets)]

The formula in (26) was uttered as a caution against backbiting and as an

invitation to the fear of God through keeping secrets.
In terms of translation, 50% of the participants did not maintain the
polite caution in the TL. They gave their own interpretation of the
implicated meaning of the formula in (26). By way of illustration, note the
inappropriate translations in (27):

27. a) Forget it!

b) Keep it a secret!
c) Our God asked us to keep the secret.

As cab be seen, the above renditions do not maintain the degree of

politeness in the source formula. In other words, they seem to be direct
warnings at the cost of Arabic cultural norms regarding politeness. In point
of fact, this runs against the producer’s intentionality which is designed to
convey the caution by way of implicature, thus maintaining distance from
the interlocutor. Therefore, Stewart’s translation (28) below was
considered adequate by the native speaker consultants:

28. God alone knows!

42
 In terms of implicature, the Arabic formula in (26) flouts the
maxim of Relation as the old woman’s reply does not directly address the
man’s question. Communicatively, however, the woman wanted to
conversationally implicate that the denotatum’s father had a bad reputation
while upholding the Politeness Principle. By contrast, the English formula
in (28) flouts the maxim of Quantity (make your contribution as
informative as is required for the current purposes of the exchange and do
not make your contribution more or less informative than is required)
rather than the maxim of Relation by making the contribution less
informative than is required, thus conversationally implicating that the
denotatum’s father had a bad reputation. Therefore, a similar
conversational implicature is captured in Arabic and English by flouting
different conversational maxims, but while observing the Politeness
Principle.

4.5 Modesty
In terms of culture, some situations may necessitate the use of polite
formulas in Arabic, while the same situations in English may not call for
using polite expressions, as can be illustrated in (29):

29. Arafa: ‘No one in the alley smokes this brand except for the
Chief and ¼ 04Q ‫[ ا‬the slave of Allah]

The analysis of the participants’ translations of the formula in (29) showed

that 40% of them were literal renditions, as can be exemplified in (30):

30. a) the slave of God

b) the servant of God
c) God’s poor slave

Notably, these translations erroneously assume complete convergence

between Arabic and English regarding modesty expressions, thus rendering
them opaque in English.
Moreover, the above renditions have been deprived of their
modesty reference by exclusively relying on sense, thus changing the
reference of the formula to a person other than the speaker. Put differently,
it was a matter of modesty for the speaker in Arabic to refer to himself as
‘the slave of Allah’, while the same situation does not call for such a use in
English. It should be pointed out that the Arab Muslim believes that the

43
frequent repetition of the first person pronouns is not preferable in
interaction, because it can unduly be a sign of showing pride.
Consequently, it may sometimes be polite, and even necessary, to show
modesty on the part of the speaker by replacing first person pronouns with
euphemistic expressions. Religiously, the basic reason for the creation of
man in Islam is to worship Allah, the Creator. Hence, the speaker of Arabic
tends to use ‘the slave of Allah’ as a modest alternative to 2‫( أ‬I). This,
however, is not the case in English and the native speaker consultants
opted for maintaining the pronoun ‘I’ or ‘me’ as the equivalent of the
formula in (29).
The intended meaning of the Arabic formula in (29) can be arrived
at by means of standard implicature, i.e., the amplification of the formula
along with consulting the spatio-temporal parameter. Ontologically, this
pragmatic use emanates from the key Islamic belief that people are ‫ د ﷲ‬4;
(the slaves of God), because they are created mainly for the purpose of
worshipping God. In English, by contrast, the religious reference is lost
and, therefore, the standard implicature is reduced to entailment. Further,
the Arabic formula in (29) is subject to gender and age restrictions, as it
can only be appropriately utilized by male adults.

5. Conclusion
The present paper has investigated the main pragmareligious problems that
may impede the process of translating a number of Arabic religious
politeness formulas into English. By examining the problematic areas that
may have led to communication breakdowns, we have attempted to explain
possible sources of pragmareligious failure. Most importantly, it has been
shown that deficiency in pragmareligious competence will, most often,
result in communication problems and/or distortion of the source message.
The analysis has shown that student translators often opt for literal
translation as a strategy when they face difficulty in translating a religious
formula. As a result, they endeavor to maintain the propositional content of
the Arabic formula regardless of its pragmatic import, thus offering target
readers opaque and, mostly, unintelligible translations. If any at all, literal
translation in such cases can be adopted only if the semantic import of the
formula coincides with its pragmatic import. Otherwise, the translator will
fall victim to pragmareligious failure.
This study has also indicated that student translators may
sometimes opt for paraphrasing the pragmatic import, thus sacrificing the
politeness of the formula. While taking account of pragmatic import by

44
paraphrase may look a practical solution when compared with literal
translation, it often does serious damage to the pragmatics of the discourse
by rendering it more face-threatening as a result of jeopardizing the
Politeness Principle and obliterating relevant conversational implicatures.
Finally, the present paper has demonstrated that the notion of
formulaicity is of paramount importance when translating Arabic religious
politeness formulas into English. While only a few Arabic formulas may
lend themselves to translating into corresponding English religious
formulas, many of them translate readily into functionally corresponding
formulaic English expressions. Sometimes, translators may succumb to the
temptation to assign a translational value to a formula, ignoring its macro-
context of situation. For instance, Stewart (the translator of Mahfouz’s
novel) mistranslates the frequent Arabic condolences formula 12‫¾ إ‬uQ€
[You live] into ‘Long may you live!’, not being aware of the fact that this
formula is pragmatically intended to express regret (i.e., I’m sorry!) rather
than wishing. Likewise, he fails to translate the common formula ‫ ل ﷲ‬8‫أ‬
‫ك‬-A; [May Allah prolong your age] into the formulaic ‘Long may you
live!’ by offering the awkward paraphrase ‘Long life to you!’

45
 Appendix 1
:( ¿ 9 2À (•9 ‫ ا‬Ij‫‚ إ‬6 /5MN # F)-N

.‫ ن‬PŠ‫ إ‬/9AM5 ‫ أن‬W.A A#’Áˆ‫ أ‬1u2 ; až2‫ف أ‬-Q€ ‫ك أن‬0[‫ أر‬:–³‫ إدر‬.1
ً
:<} s F ‫ أد‬F•A•
. ‫ر‬0ˆ‫ و‬o€ V ‫ ’ك‬L# k•Š‫ ﱠ‬F. ، B;‫ و‬B; ‫ ﷲ‬X>6

:‫ ل‬N ˜‫ ب و‬4 ‫ا (( ا‬0 ‫أة )ا‬- ‫ ا‬1V= ‫† أن‬4 #‫ و‬.2

.W[-ˆ 1s‫ ُرز‬-
‫ ن؟‬#‫ أ‬N :F ‫ل أد‬

. AUs‫ز‬- ‫ ﷲ‬s‫ ’ز‬9 -

‫؟‬F2‫ ا‬U ‫ى ا‬0V‫إ‬ B ; 1QA8 K :‫ ءل‬P€‫ و‬o\ 94 ‫ ا‬GÂ .3

!½ Œ ‫ ﷲ‬7N‫ إ‬:K4)

ً
.‫ارك‬-+‫ أ‬K" j abÃ>N‫ و‬Q³-+ j‫– إ‬ŠŽ5+ B. ‫ و‬،‫ ر‬GT‫ ا‬0 0Œ 2‫ إ‬:o\ 9 .4
.‫ ء ﷲ‬Œ ‫ إن‬:K4)

:‫ م‬V• ‫‚ ا‬+‫ ت و‬V- ‫ ح‬x‫ و‬.5

.‫ ن‬#• ‫ا‬-6‫ آ‬IJ; K4) ‫ … ن „ل‬Q ‫† ا‬4Q‡ X ˆ-n2‫ ل وا‬# A+‫ ل ا‬Q€ -

ّ : ً ;-) ‫ﻩ‬04; 1>5U

.F[-ˆ ‰# P ‫وا ﷲ وا‬0V‫و‬
ِ

: -¢Ä ¾uEGT‫ ا‬W# (Q\s o#- ‫ ل و‬.6

.o€0 + ¼ 04Q ‫ وا‬-r B ‫ إ= ا‬BN‫ ر‬V /B60 = XBL ‫ ا ا‬-

َ ّ ‫ً ﱠ‬
:‫ل‬ ‫ و‬4V-#ِ / 0 X :9 0#‫> و‬s‫ ( وا‬-; ->52 .7

46
 ‫ً‬ ‫َ‬
‫‪ -‬أ <‪ ،‬أ <‪ ،‬زار‪ 2‬ا ‪a´B‬‬
‫َ‬ ‫‪ .8‬و ‪ P#‬ء ذ ا م ﱠ‬
‫‪ ÇÂ‬ا ‪ L Æ‬ت ‪... 5 # IÅB‬‬
‫‪ W# F+ s K8Ž‬ا ‪ B‬ة و‪Ž+‬ل \ ن ;‪:/ )Ž -#• W‬‬ ‫ﱠ‬
‫"‪ ¾uQ€‬إ‪ 4QŒ :12‬ن ‪ #‬ت!"‬

‫‪ s .9‬ل أد ‪ P# :F‬ء ا‪.F[-ˆ F; ’ vT‬‬

‫ل ا ‪ 9Q :-ZŽ5 K)-‬أ‪ 12‬وأ ‪’ Y 9‬؟‬
‫‪ -‬ا‪.F[-ˆ F; ¼ 0AGT‬‬

‫‪- / ; F+ s - .10‬أى ‪0‬ر[( ‪ (9# V‬إ‪ 2‬ء ا > ل و•ر]>( و˜ ‪ 2-N‬إ ‪ B Qp /‬ن ‪ 5A+‬ن‪،‬‬
‫ً ً‬
‫‪ 9# A‬أن ا ™‪ :<} s FP‬أ < ‪ +-‬ل ا‪ GT‬ة إ‬
‫!‪ 2À 1Q‬ء ن ‪ / 0‬و‪ :1 s‬أ‪ 8‬ل ﷲ ;‪-A‬ك‪.‬‬

‫‪47‬‬
 Appendix 2
Choose the most appropriate Politeness Expression to fill in the blank
relying on both context and your intuitions as a native speaker of English.
For each blank, we first provide the Literal Meaning (LM) of the Arabic
politeness expression. Secondly, we suggest five translations (Number 5
means there is no equivalent in English). Otherwise, fill in (6) with your
suggested rendition.

1. Idris: ‘I want to know that I have suffered more than a man can bear.’
Adham sympathized with him and said: ___________________

(LM): ‘May God lighten your burden and ours!’

1. May God lighten your burden!
2. May God help you and us!
3. May God bestow his mercy on us all.
4. Ask God for relief.
5. (No equivalent or no comment)
6.

2. Very soon the midwife appeared at the door saying: ‘You’ve been
blessed with two sons, _______________________

(LM): ‘May God provide you for them!’

1. May God provide you for them!
2. Congratulations!
3. May God’s help come to you with them!
4. May God bestow you for them!
5. (No comment)
6.

3. Balkiti: Did you fix your eyes on some fine lady?

Gebel: _____________________________

(LM): ‘Fear God old man!’

1. God forbid.
2. Do not go too far.
3. Don’t you dare talk like that.
4. What are you saying?

48
 5. (No comment)
6.

4. Balkiti: You are very cagey, but you’ll soon get used to me and tell me
all your secrets.
Gebel: _____________________________

(LM): ‘If God permitted.’

1. Perhaps so!
2. God willing.
3. I hope so.
4. I will, hopefully.
5. (No comment)
6.

5. Farhat shouted to the crowds: ‘Come and hear what people are saying,
and see the latest game that’s being played with the honor of Gebel’s
people.’
Abda shouted wretchedly: _____________________
(LM): ‘Say Allah is One’
1. For God’s sake!
2. Believe in the One God.
3. Take it easy.
4. Stop it, please!
5. (No comment)
6.
6. Ali said humbly: ‘No one in the alley smokes this brand except for the
Chief and __________________________

(LM): ‘the slave of God.’

1. yours truly.
2. me.
3. myself.
4. The one before you.
5. (No comment)
6.
7. Arafa jumped up and stretched out his arms in greeting the guest:
49
 ________________________________

(LM): ‘Welcome, welcome, the prophet visited us.’

1. Welcome! This is a great honor.
2. Your are welcome!
3. I’m very pleased with your visit.
4. Hello! What an honor.
5. (No comment)
6.
8. Adhama: ‘Good evening Mr. Karim.’
The man said with undisguised emotion:
‘How is your family? I hope they are well.

Adhama: ___________________________
(LM): ‘Praise be to God.’
1. Quite well, thank God.
2. Thank God!
3. Very well, thank you.
4. They are very well.
5. (No comment)
6.
9. Arafa said good-bye and went away…Many prayers of eyes followed
him. One man said mockingly:
‘We knew his mother, but who knew his father?’
An old man said: ____________________________

(LM): ‘Our Lord ordered us to keep the secret.’

1. God alone knows!
2. Forget it please!
3. God asked us not to reveal bad things.
4. Keep the secret.
5. (No comment)
6.
10. Qassem looked up and saw Badria holding a dish of beans, and looking
at him with dancing eyes. He could not help smiling as he said:
‘Welcome to my messenger of life.’
She put the dish in front of him and said: ________________

50
(LM): ‘May God prolong your age!’
1. Long life to you!
2. May you live long!
3. Thank you!
4. That’s very nice of you, dear!
5. (No comment)
6.

51
 Semiotic Signs: Arabic Proverbs
in Literary Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Mashael Al-Hamly

Abstract
This study aims to examine the semiotic/pragmatic value of employing
proverbs in Arabic fiction and the way translators deal with such proverbs
when encountering them in discourse. The study presents a typology of the
translation procedures employed by the translators, and examines how
appropriate/effective these procedures are in capturing the semiotic value
of the proverb in question. The corpus consists of 24 proverbs/proverbial
expressions extracted from the Arabic novel (banaat al-riyaadh) and then
they are compared with their renderings in the English translated version
(Girls of Riyadh). The data is analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively,
focusing on a critical evaluation of the procedures detected in the English
translation. The quantitative analysis indicates that omission is the most
used procedure, followed by literal translation and functional translation.
For its part, the qualitative analysis furnishes a critical discussion on the
rendering of sample proverbs from each translation procedure and assesses
the translators' awareness and treatment of such proverbs.

1. Introduction
In terms of language production and meaning making in communication,
proverbs, like idiomatic expressions, are a paradigm example of multi-
word units (for more on multi-word units, see Alexander 1978; Cowie
1981; Strassler 1982; Benson 1987; Sinclair 1991; Farghal and Obeidat
1995, among others). They are readily recognized as having unitary
meaning whose production follows the idiom principle rather than the open
principle (where meaning is made compositionally through the stringing of
individual lexemes) in human communication (Sinclair 1991). However,
proverbs function differently from idiomatic expressions in
communication. While proverbs mainly perform a social function
involving the transmission of human wisdom from one generation to
another, idiomatic expressions largely function as a culturally-informed
linguistic resource for the expression of meaning. Contrast, for example,
the idiomatic expressions to add insult to injury and (9 ِ ‫ ا \ ن‬0[• yaziidu-ṭ-
ṭiina bilatan (lit. to make mud wetter) with the proverbs Even Homer
ٌ
sometimes nods and ‫ ة‬4ˆ ‫ ) ٍاد‬K" li-kulli jawaadin kabwatun (lit. For every

52
horse, there must be a fault). Whereas the former express linguistic
meaning idiomatically by falling back on the relevant culture, the latter
transmit an element of human wisdom/experience, viz. the message that
‘perfection is impossible’.
In the introduction to his collection of English proverbs, Simpson
(1982) talks about three types of proverbs: truthful proverbs expressing
general truths, observational proverbs offering generalizations about
everyday human experience, and traditional wisdom and folklore proverbs
conveying maxims in various areas. In terms of interpretation, he states
that proverbs can be understood either literally or metaphorically.
However, Norrick (1985) rightly argues that proverbs have lost their literal
meanings in favor of wider metaphorical application, which involves a
standard interpretation assigned by the proverb’s speech community
(Ntshinga 1999). For example, while the metaphoricity of the English
proverb ‘Forbidden fruit is sweetest’ is quite obvious in the metaphorical
lexicalization of the proverb, the literal lexicalization of the Arabic proverb
kullu mamnuu’in mrɤuubun ‫] ب‬-# ‫ ع‬BA# K3 ‘lit. Every forbidden [thing]
desired’ still achieves a comparable metaphorical application. In this way,
the literalness of some proverbs inheres a unitary metaphorical capability
just like their clearly metaphorized counterparts, that is, the interpretation
of the apparently literal proverb cannot be based on the sum of meanings
of its individual words (for more on this, see Baker 1992).
In terms of productivity, proverbs, which have an extremely fixed
form, may be used as input for the creation of proverbial expressions
(Norrick 1985) or what Farghal and Al-Hamly (2005) call ‘remodelings’,
whose legitimacy derives from their parent proverbs. For example, the
English remodelings ‘A smile a day keeps misery away’ (twitter) and ‘A
laugh a day keeps the doctor away’ (Daily Strength/Cyndi Sarnoff-Ross,
Oct. 21, 2011) derive their communicative power from the parent proverb
‘An apple a day keeps the doctor away’ by flouting the maxim of Manner,
i.e. shocking the receiver’s expectations on how something is said for a
communicative purpose (Grice 1975; Levinson 1983; Thomas 1995).
Hence, such remodelings achieve their acceptability intertextually by
investing the theme of an existing proverb. Likewise, the Arabic remodeled
newspaper commentary titles kull-uṭṭuruqi fii ’iraana tu’addii ’ilaa …
Qum Fs ... Ij‫'دي إ‬N ‫ان‬- ‫ق إ‬-\ ‫ ا‬K3 ‘All roads in Iran lead to … Qum’ (Al-
Watan/Kuwait, 2005) and ’in lam tastaḥi ... ... ‰5P€
ِ F ‫‘ إن‬If you are not
decent …’ (Al-Watan, 2005) derive their communicative power from the

53
Arabic proverbs kull-u-ṭṭuruqi tu’addii ’ilaa roomaa Ij‫'دي إ‬N ‫ق‬-\ ‫ ا‬K3
#‫‘رو‬All roads lead to Rome' and ’in lam tastaḥi faṣna‘ maa ši’ta F ‫إن‬
0[-N # Bx ‰5P
ِ €' If you are not decent enough, do what you please',
respectively. Without the reader’s falling back on the parent expressions,
these newspaper commentary titles would make little sense, if any at all.
Within the sphere of social life, proverbs are considered the mirror
through which different cultures can be viewed and judged; they represent
the cumulative wisdom of a nation (Simpson 1982; Norrick 1985; Meider,
1992, 1995; Honeck 1997; Mollanazr 2001). Proverbs have both a literary
value that contributes to the aesthetics of discourse as well as a practical
value which touches directly on people's day-to-day undertakings and
which helps them conduct their affairs more smoothly and effectively
(Honeck 1997; Moosavi 2000; Meider 2004).
The lexicalization of proverbs across languages seems to have both
an intercultural and an intracultural parameter. On the one hand, the similar
lexicalization of proverbs like ‘Birds of a feather flock together’ aṭ-ṭuyuuru
‘alaa ᾽aškaalihaa taqa‘ N U "Œ‫ أ‬IJ; ‫( ا \ ر‬lit. Like birds fall on each
other) and ‘All roads lead to Rome’ kullu-ṭ-ṭuruqi tu᾽addii ᾽ilaa roomaa
#‫ رو‬Ij‫'دي إ‬N ‫ق‬-\ ‫ ا‬K3 (All the roads lead to Rome) in English and Arabic,
among many other languages, points to an intercultural aspect of proverbs
whereby the same proverb may be traced to a common origin. For
example, the historical fact that Rome (the capital of the ancient Roman
Empire) was once considered the centre of the globe where all roads led to
accounts for the presence of the proverb dwelling on this theme in most
European languages and in some languages as remote from each other as
English and Arabic. However, this originally literal expression has become
an established proverb enjoying a wide metaphorical interpretation in
many languages.
On the other hand, the fact that languages also possess culture-
bound features and images gives special significance to the intracultural
parameter when lexicalizing proverbs. Apart from proverbs that have
gained some universal status, proverbs may inhere culture-bound features,
e.g. ‘Every Jack must have a Jill’ and laa yuftaa wa-maaliku fi- l-madiinah
(B 0 ‫ا‬ #‫ و‬µŸ> = (lit. No fatawa [a religious judgment] and Malik [one
of the chief Muslim Imams] in town, i.e. Nobody else can pass a fatwa
when Malik is in town) or may differently lexicalize universal themes, e.g.
the English proverb ‘One man’s meat is another man’s poison’ and the

54
Arabic proverb maṣaa’ibu qawmin ‘inda qawmin fawaa’idu 0B; ‫ م‬s ~} L#
0}‫ا‬ ‫ م‬s (One group’s miseries are another group’s benefits) convey a
similar message by employing different metaphorical images.
The topic of proverbs in translation has been mainly approached
from an out-of-context perspective by discussing and listing proverbs and
their equivalents in different pairs of languages without considering their
actual occurrences in discourse (Newmark 1988; Baker 1992; Farghal
1995b, 2012; Gorjian and Molonia 1999; Mollanazar 2001). This approach
basically offers three procedures when rendering proverbs, viz.
formal/literal translation, functional/pragmatic translation, and ideational/
periphrastic translation. These procedures represent different degrees on
the semantic-communicative translation scale (Newmark 1982) or the
adequacy-acceptability scale (Toury 1980). Whereas literal translation is
source culture oriented by focusing on the form of the proverb (in terms of
lexicalization, structure and image), pragmatic translation is target culture
oriented by emphasizing the function of the proverb independently of the
form. In this way, the former semanticizes the proverb’s import, while the
latter communicatizes its import. As for periphrastic translation, it renders
the proverb’s import ideationally (i.e. the simple idea/message in the
proverb), paying little or no attention to literality and proverbiality.
To give an illustrative example, the following mini text 'We
shouldn't blame Jane for failing one of her courses - even homer sometimes
nods', which involves an English proverb may potentially be
formally/literally rendered as µŸM ، l{‫را‬- # 0V‫ أ‬Us >6‫ إ‬IJ; ‫ م ) ن‬92 =‫¬ أ‬4
‫ ن‬V• -Qp KE>9 ‫ض‬-Q# (’ UE ‫ ا‬o [-]À -; E ‫ )ا‬-# ,
functionally/pragmatically as l{‫را‬- # 0V‫أ‬ Us >6‫ إ‬IJ; ‫ م ) ن‬92 =‫¬ أ‬4
‫ ة‬4ˆ ‫ ) اد‬K"9 ،( +‫را‬0 ‫ا‬, or ideationally/periphrastically as ‫ م ) ن‬92 =‫¬ أ‬4
‫ ن‬V• -Qp KE>9 ‫! ن‬-Q# B9" ،( +‫را‬0 ‫ ا‬l{‫ر‬- # 0V‫ أ‬Us >6‫ إ‬IJ;. As can be
seen, the three procedures render the same message differently. One might
argue, however, that the functional translation fares better that the other
two (for more on this, see Farghal 2012; Farghal and Almanna 2015)).
While the out-of-context approach has both a linguistic, cultural,
and anthropological value, it may fall short of showing what translators do
when they encounter proverbs in discourse and whether what sounds as an
appropriate and valid translation out of context can be so within a given
context in actual discourse.

55
2. Objectives of Study
This study has three main objectives:
1. To investigate the semiotic value of the employment of proverbs in
Arabic fiction.
2. To explore the procedures which translators use when encountering
proverbs in Arabic fiction and show how appropriate and effective
these procedures are.
3. To examine the role of context in translating proverbs and see whether
out-of-context correspondence can be used as a basis for in-context
translation.

3. Significance of Study
This study is significant because it addresses itself to the importance of
employing proverbs in Arabic fiction and how they are treated in
translation. The main question is to see whether the translator is aware of
the semiotic value of such proverbs and whether an effort is made to
transfer this value in English translation. In this respect, the within-the-text
proverb is viewed as a sign whose main function is to supplement,
explicate or conclude a message and, consequently, it is considered as part
and parcel of a larger semiotic sign (cf. Hatim and Mason 1990, 1997).
The incorporation of context as a discoursal parameter when rendering
proverbs will certainly enrich the translatability of proverbs which are
often regarded as self-contained entities that can be rendered
independently of the contexts in which they occur. Such an approach to
the translation of proverbs will enhance the theoretical as well as applied
spectra of applied linguistics issues. In addition, this orientation has some
pedagogical implications in translation classes where students should be
alerted to the importance of proverbs in discourse as well as the key role
context plays in the rendering of proverbs.

4. Research Methodology
This is a case study of the Arabic novel banaat ar-riyadh ‫[ ض‬- ‫ ت ا‬B by
Rajaa Alsanea (Beirut: Al-Saaqi 2005/2006) and its English translation
Girls of Riyadh by Rajaa Alsanea (the author) and Marilyn Booth
(London: Penguin Books 2008). The novel is presented in the form of a
series of e-mails written by the narrator (a Saudi girl) and the responses
she receives from her readers. The content mainly deals with a group of
upper class Riyadh girls and their private daily dealings, especially their
relationships with Saudi males. The data consists of all the proverbs (24

56
 proverbs/see Appendix) which are extracted from the text and then
compared with their English translations. The translation procedures are
discussed and a quantitative as well as a qualitative analysis is furnished.
Among other things (e.g. the fact that Saudi culture is central rather
than peripheral in the context of Arab heritage including the use of
proverbs and is conservative rather than liberal more generally), the main
motivation behind the choice of the novel under investigation is the fact
that it was jointly translated by the author (a Saudi native speaker of
Arabic) and a translator (an American native speaker of English), as well
as the fact that its translation was a bestseller. In this case, one would
assume that the Arab author and translator would insist on rendering the
cultural and discursive values of the proverbs due to their pragmatic and
semiotic significance, which is one of the main concerns of this study.

5. Semiotic Value of Proverbs

De Saussure (1916/1983) views languages as systems of signs, which
establish their own meaning through relationships with each other. The
overall meaning of a sign is primarily determined by its function within the
language system as well as by its relationship with other signs inside or
outside the system. Having a unitary meaning, proverbs, just like lexemes,
semiotically function as signs connecting the signifier to the signified. The
relationship between the signifier and the signified is mediated by the
interpretant which enables us to make sense of the sign. One should note
that while the signifier and the signified enjoy a considerable degree of
constancy within a semiotic system, the interpretant may change over time.
For example, the interepretant of the Arabic proverb ’iðaa ḥaḍara-l-maa’u
baṭala-l-tayamum FA 5 ‫ ا‬K\ ‫ ا ء‬-:V ‫( إذا‬lit. If water is present, making
ablutions with earth is nullified), which started as a religious rule, now
enjoys a wide metaphorical application and only infrequently employed in
its original religious sense.
To reconcile the semiotic differences between the signifying
systems of languages involved in translation, translators often follow
certain procedures in order to transfer the semiotic entity that needs special
treatment under certain conditions. Hatim and Mason (1990: 105-106)
suggest four stages for this purpose (see also, Ponzio 1990; Petrilli 1992;
Schäffner and Adab 2000):

1. 'Identification', in which the translator pinpoints the ST semiotic

entity that needs special treatment;

57
 2. 'Information', in which the translator selects an appropriate TL
'denotational equivalent' for the ST sign;
3. 'Explication', in which the translator evaluates the denotational
equivalent chosen in stage two to see whether it is 'self-sufficient'
or not. If not, the translator should “seek to explicate by means of
synonymy, expansion, paraphrase, etc.”; and
4. 'Transformation', in which the translator identifies “what is missing
in terms of intentionality and status as a sign”.

As a semiotic element, a proverb in natural discourse functions as a

micro sign that contributes to a macro sign, say a statement or an
argument, by explicating, emphasizing, rebutting, or concluding it (see
Hatim 1997 for more details on semiotic signs). Thus, proverbs in
discourse are not merely decorative; rather, they embody semiotic
significance that is part and parcel of the macro sign in question. Hence,
translators need to give them special attention in translation.
By way of illustration, AlSanea (the author of the novel under
investigation) employs the colloquial Arabic proverb yiḍrab-il-ḥub šuu
biðil ‫ل‬ Œ ~GT‫ب ا‬-: (lit. Damn love's humiliating power, i.e. Damn
love: how humiliating it can be!, p. 12) within an episode that lengthily
quotes the well-known Syrian poet Nizar Qabbani (popularly nicknamed
the Woman's Poet) from a poem in which he laments the status of Arab
women. AlSanea's purpose of citing this proverb is to emphasize the power
of love (which led Qabbani's sister [when he was a teenager] to commit
suicide because she was forbidden to marry the man she loved) and to
argue that Qabbani's positive attitude towards women was not a genetic
leap in Arab psychology but rather an accidental consequence of a painful,
personal experience (i.e. the tragic death of his sister). In this way, the
proverb may be semiotically construed as a micro sign to consolidate and
enhance a macro sign (women's suppressed status in Arab societies).
Examining the translation of this episode (pp. 3-4), one can
generally trace the macro sign regarding Arab women's status but,
unfortunately, the translation (which has opted for omitting the proverb)
fails to bring out two significant sub-themes: the humiliating power of love
(as envisaged proverbially by Arab culture) and the personalization of
Qabbani's attitude towards women. In other words, the deletion of the
micro sign (the proverb) has seriously damaged the message intended by
the ST. Due to the omission of the proverb, which has semiotic functions,
the target reader will not be able to follow the thread of argumentation in

58
the original. S/he is only presented with a semiotically impoverished
picture of a culturally-oriented state of affairs.
Another example where the semiotic significance of a proverb is
obliterated in translation involves reference to a strained question-answer
episode between mother and son regarding the genealogy of the girl he
loves and intends to marry. In response to the question 'who are her
maternal uncles?', the son (Faisal) is keen to tell his mother that the girl's
mother is American, thinking this would work to his advantage. Here, the
narrator employs the popular Arabic proverb 'araad 'an yukaḥḥilha
fa‘amaahaa AQ U9M. ّ ‫( أراد أن‬lit. He wanted to kuhl her (beautify her
eyes by applying kuhl to them) but he blinded her instead, i.e. 'What he
said fired back'). While the English translation succeeds in communicating
the importance of the bride's genealogy (both from father and mother's
sides) when discussing marriage in Saudi society, it fails to bring out the
contesting views of son and mother toward 'maternal uncles' as signaled by
the Arabic proverb. That is, the proverb communicates the semiotic
element that what one thinks is advantageous in a particular context might
end up 'adding insult to injury', which is exactly what happened to Faisal
when he enthusiastically told his mother that his girl's mother was
American. This semiotic element in the Arab culture is completely missed
out in the translation.
In some cases, however, the translators have succeeded in
communicating the micro sign embodied by the proverb. Talking about
people who feel insecure and consequently try to hide their failures by
having aggressive, loud personalities (p. 82), the narrator strengthens this
message by citing the familiar Arabic proverb ya‘maluun mn-il-ḥabbah
qubbah (4s (4GT‫ ا‬W# ‫ ن‬9AQ‡ (lit. They make from a grain a dome, i.e. They
exaggerate things). Being aware of the semiotic value of the proverb, the
translators successfully conclude the insecurity theme (p. 78) with They
make mountains out of molehills, or, as we say "a dome out of a seed".
Interestingly, the rendition embodies two procedures. The first
communicatizes the proverb's semiotic value by calling up an equivalent
sign - an English proverb that performs a similar function (Making
mountains out of molehills), while the second semanticizes the proverb's
semiotic value by choosing a literal translation, viz. 'Making a dome out of
a seed'. One should note that, in this context, either procedure could do the
job successfully; the two options differ only in their orientation in the
treatment of the proverb.

59
 Another example where the translators capture the semiotic value
of a proverb involves discussing the importance of upbringing in the
formation of people's future behavior. To conclude the argument, the
narrator cites the Classical Arabic proverb (p. 83) man šabba ‘alaa šay'in
ّ W# (He who grows up doing something
šaaba ‘alayhi / 9; ‫ ب‬Œ ‫ء‬abc IJ; ~Œ
will grow old doing it). The rendition And as we say in these parts: "He
who grows doing something, grows old doing it" successfully brings out
the proverb's semiotic message and consequently heightens the force of the
weight of upbringing. The translators' choice of a literal translation here
does the job perfectly although a similar sign is available in English, viz.
"Old habits die hard", which can perform a similar function in this context.

6. Procedures of Translating Proverbs

The extracted data consists of 19 proverbs and 5 proverbial expressions
(remodeled proverbs). We can detect four procedures the translators have
followed in treating proverbs/proverbial expressions, viz. literal/formal
translation, periphrastic/ideational translation, functional/pragmatic
translation (i.e. the use of English proverbs), functional plus formal
translation, and omission. Table 1 below shows the distribution of these
procedures:

Table 1
Procedure Frequency Percentage
Omission 11 45.83%
Formal 8 33.33%
Ideational 4 16.66%
Functional + Formal 1 4.16%
Total 24 100%

6.1 Omission
Despite the semiotic importance of proverbs in literary discourse, the
translators of the novel under investigation have decided to omit almost
half of the proverbs in the novel (11/45.83%). This is surprising given the
fact that the author (a native speaker of Saudi Arabic) is the first translator
and is expected to be aware of the significance of proverbs in translation.
Apparently, the second translator Marilyn Booth (a native speaker of
American English) has exercised more influence during the translation
process when it comes to dealing with proverbs.

60
 Examining some omitted proverbs, one can readily observe the
damage done to the theme being communicated, which usually culminates
in citing a proverb to strengthen the force of the message. By way of
illustration, the narrator cites the proverb al-‘awaḍ wala-l-qaṭii‘ah ‫ ض‬Q ‫ا‬
( Q\ ‫( و= ا‬lit. Any compensation instead of nothing, i.e. Half a loaf is
better than nothing, p. 55). The proverb is cited in the context of the
narrator's argument that there is a relationship between a girl's disagreeable
personality and her high social class. However, the narrator concedes that
this is not a total loss because upper class girls (like herself) are beautiful, a
fact that slightly mitigates the loss. At this point, the proverb is cited to
emphasize the concession. Unfortunately, not only is the proverb lost but,
surprisingly, the whole concession disappears in the translation. Quoted
below is the relevant English translation:

Is there an inverse relationship between one's social class and

economic status, on the one hand, and good humor and a
merry personality, on the other? In the way that some people
believe in the existence of an invariable relationship between
being fat and being funny? Personally, I believe in such
things. Being disagreeable, dull, constitutionally insufferable
or truly odious - these are widespread diseases among the rich.
Look at the degree of dullness among blond females,
especially upper-class blondies, and you'll know exactly what
I mean! (p. 51)

The Arabic text runs as follows:

( Lv£ ‫م وا‬0 ‫>( ا‬6 ‫ ن‬¥‫ و‬Ë A5)Ì‫ˆ• ا دي و‬- ‫ ن ا‬# ( P.; (s<; ‫ ك‬B K
2‫م؟ أ‬0 ‫>( ا‬6‫( و‬2‫ا‬04 ‫د ( ن ا‬-8 (s<; ‫ ) د‬-Q4 ‫ ا‬W#' A9…# ‫(؟‬V- ‫ا‬
ّ ً
‫ ط‬+‫>¾ •و‬5# ‫ داء‬،() AP ‫(" أو ا‬B \ ‫ ( ا‬Z" ‫ (" أو‬L ‫ "ا‬. W#‫ أؤ‬LvÎ
‫ن‬Ð‫ و‬،‫ ر‬3 ‫ى ا‬0 lm4PŠ ’ …. ‫> ق‬N ‫ ث‬2À ‫ ( ن‬L ‫( ا‬4PŠ ‫ ر أن‬45; ¥‫ و‬.( s‫ا‬- ‫ا‬
ً ً
až2t ،( B9…# (9 A¢T‫ ا‬j G« ‫ ا‬x L6) ، j G« ‫ ا‬W# #‫ د‬X6‫ أ‬X+œ ‰ + A5 ‫ا‬
K… ‫ ل ا‬A. ،‫ ل‬V K3 IJ; ¼ 0AGT‫ ا‬W. ‫ و‬،o€ 0x‫ و‬abÒ>2 µb‘‫ أ‬K" IÅŠ‫أ‬
!(Q \ ‫ ض و= ا‬Q ‫ ا‬:a´QE ‫ا‬

61
 To appreciate the loss incurred by the omission of the proverb, below
is a suggested translation of the relevant part:

... Given that the degree of dullness or disagreeability is much

higher among girls than among males, and because crocodiles
are, unfortunately, funnier than lizards (especially beautiful
lizards like us), I truly lament myself and my girlfriends.
Thank God, however. As the popular proverb says 'Half a loaf
is better than nothing!'

One should note that the translators' reference to blond girls above is
completely inappropriate given the Saudi context where blondness is a far-
fetched attribute of girls. Added to this, of course, the serious damage
resulting from the omission of the concession and its related proverb in the
above context.
Let's look at another example where the narrator cites the proverb
ّ
šaḥaaðah w-titšarraṭ ‫ط‬-E™N‫و‬ ّ (A beggar and a chooser) in the context
‫ ذﻩ‬GÎ
of flippantly criticizing herself for asking her readers for offers but once
some made she starts asking for specific ones. Quoted below is the relevant
translation:

I am most grateful to you, brother, for your kind offer and

generous cooperation. But I don't know any more about
designing Web sites than I do about stewing okra! And I can't
possibly put such a burden on your shoulders, Ibrahim. So I
will continue on in my own style, as outdated as it is, of
sending weekly e-mails while waiting for a more tempting
offer. A weekly newspaper column, maybe, or a radio or TV
program all to myself, or any other proposition which your
ingenious intellects can inundate me with, readers! (p. 181)

The Arabic text reads:

FU ‫ أ‬A# ’Áˆ‫ أ‬s‫ ا ا‬F ALN FU ‫ = أ‬ažB. ‫ و‬، 2‫ و‬Q€‫ و‬x-V IJ; Ó‫ك أ‬-.Œ‫أ‬
ً
،‫ﻩ‬0Qp ّ J; 0 MN 0s ‫ ا‬Uˆ Ô4; F ‫ا‬- ‫إ‬ 9AV‫ أن أ‬ažB.A =‫ و‬،( # 4 ‫½ ا‬48
‫ض‬-; ‫ ر‬n52 ( ; 4+• ‫ <ت‬A À ‫ ل‬+‫ إر‬7 5Q ‫ ا‬o® 9+‫ أ‬IJ; KrŽ+ oŠt ‫و‬

62
 / ‫ د‬N ‫¡’اح‬s‫ أو أي ا‬oŠ [•>9N ‫ أو‬Ë‫ إذا‬Õ# 2- ‫ >( أو‬GÖ Ë 4+‫ د أ‬AQˆ ‫؛‬K: ‫أ‬
(p. 185) "!‫ط‬-E™N‫ ذة و‬GÎ" !F.M}‫ا‬-s

It is unfortunate that the Arabic proverb has disappeared from the

translation above. To capture the shared proverbial insight between the two
cultures that 'Beggars cannot be choosers', the translators could have
capped the narrator's exposition with something like 'Well, look at me. A
beggar, yet a chooser!' This would have rendered the text more literary and
the tone more appropriate. In this way, the interculturally-shared semiotic
sign would enhance the text and offer a more adequate translation.

6.2 Literal Translation

Literal translation is the second most frequent procedure that can be
detected in the translators' renderings of proverbs (8/33.33%). In this type
of rendering, the translators give a literal translation of the Arabic proverb
which may sound proverbial though it does not enjoy the status of a
proverb in English. In this way, the proverb's message is semanticized in
English. For example, the proverb man raaqaba-n-naasa maata hamman
ًّ
A ‫ ت‬# ‫ س‬B ‫~ ا‬s‫ را‬W# (He who keeps watching people will die of
exhaustion/anxiety) is cited when the narrator is referring to Gamrah and
her mother. Quoted below is the English translation:

Gamrah believed her mother trusted her but was too concerned
with what other people thought. Her mother had never learned
the truth of the old adage that anyone who tries to watch all
the people all the time will die of exhaustion. (p. 139)

Following is the Arabic text:

~s‫ را‬W# ‫ن‬Ž U; Bs‫ إ‬W; ‫•ت‬¢¶ l•‫ إ= أ‬l— l{0 ‫ ( وا‬Z W# ‫ة‬0ˆŽ5# ‫ة‬-As 12 3
ً
.A ‫ت‬#‫س‬B‫ا‬

As can be seen, the translators have successfully rendered the

message by explicitly referring to a proverbial expression in Arabic. One
can argue that the employment of the familiar English proverbial structure
'He who ...' would render the text more literary and the translation more
proverbial. This kind of cross-cultural literariness and proverbiality is
highly evident in the literal rendition of the Arabic proverb man šabba
63
‘alaa šay'in šaaba ‘alayhi as 'He who grows up doing something will grow
old doing it' (see section 5 above).
Successful literal translation is also evident in the translation of
some Arabic proverbial expressions (remodeled proverbs). One interesting
example is kul fataah ṣaay‘ah ḥattaa taɵbut baraa'tuhaa, p. 83 ‫ ة‬5 K3
l{‫اء‬- 1•…N µŸV (Q‡ x (Every girl is loose until proven innocent), which
remodels the Arabic proverb kul mutaham barii' ḥattaa taɵbut 'idaanatuhu
/52‫ إدا‬1•…N µŸV ‫يء‬- Flm# K3 (Every accused is innocent until proven guilty).
The English rendering 'Every girl is guilty until proven innocent' (p. 80)
sounds both literary and proverbial although it renders the lexicalization of
the message more general, viz. the translators have opted for the general
'guilty' rather than the specific 'loose'. Note that the former may apply to all
sorts of misdeeds, while the latter only applies to moral ones.
Sometimes literal translation may need to be supported by
paraphrase in order to get the message across. The elliptical proverbial
remodeling allaðii laa yu‘jibuhu-l-‘ajab ~¢¸ ‫ ا‬/4¢¸‡ = ‫( ا ي‬p. 59) is used
as the topic of Chapter 8 and literally translates into 'He who does not
marvel at the marvelous'. The proverbial expression remodels the familiar
Arabic proverb allaðii laa yu‘jibuhu-l-‘ajab wa-la-ṣ-ṣoom b-rajab = ‫ا ي‬
~)- ‫ م‬L ‫~ و= ا‬¢¸ ‫ ا‬/4¢¸‡ (He who does not marvel at the marvelous, nor
fasting in Rajab [seventh month of Islamic calendar]), which is used to
describe fussy people who are too hard to please. While the English
rendering of the Chapter title 'On Those Who Do Not Marvel at the
Marvelous' succeeds in offering a literal translation, it may semiotically
fall short of communicating the intended message. To capture the semiotic
sign, therefore, the literal translation needs to be supported by paraphrase,
viz. 'On the Fussy - Those Who Do Not Marvel at the Marvelous'. In this
way, the proverbial message is communicatized as well as semanticized.
Notably, explication by means of a footnote is employed only once
to support a literal translation of a proverbial expression. The Arabic
proverb ðilli raajil wa-la ðilli ḥeeṭah /\ V Krِ =‫ و‬K)‫ را‬Kr (lit. The shadow
of a man and not the shadow of a wall, i.e. Better the shadow of a man than
the shadow of a wall) communicates the message that 'it is better for a
woman to have a husband than stay unprotected at her folks' home'. When
talking about her girlfriends, the narrator falls back on this proverb and
twists or remodels it in order to ridicule the idea that 'men/husbands
provide protection for women'. The translators have given a literal

64
rendering, viz. '... and because every one of them lives huddled in the
shadow of a man, or a wall, or a man who is a wall (in Arabic raajil ḥeeṭah
ً ً
[a man wall]) ...", [ K)‫ \(" أو "را‬V" ‫" أو‬K)‫ "را‬Kr 1MN V ¾uQ€ Wl±# <ˆ ‫ن‬Ð‫و‬
... (\ V] supported by a footnote which cites the Arabic proverb as input
for the proverbial expression. This seems necessary in order to make the
clause 'a man who is a wall' acceptable. The conversational implicature
here is that such a man is 'senseless' or 'unfeeling' just like a 'wall'. In this
way, the translators have done well by opting for literal translation
accompanied by explication in a footnote.

6.3 Periphrastic Translation

Periphrastic translation, which involves rendering the proverb's message
independently of the SL wording and the TL proverbiality, is attempted
four times (16.66%) in the corpus. Talking about a category of Saudi girls
who unwittingly go with the vogue, the narrator supports her exposition
with the familiar Arabic proverb (p. 84) ma‘-il-xeel ya šaqra K vT‫ ا‬#
‫ا‬- Œ (lit. With the horses, O blondie), which describes a person who
imitates trends blindly. The translators have succeeded in relaying the
proverb periphrastically, viz. (..., she [a Saudi girl] will do it and "go with
the flow", p. 81). The context clearly shows that these girls do this by way
of unwitting/blind emulation. It is obvious that a literal translation would
not make sense in dealing with this culture-specific proverb; therefore, a
periphrastic translation is a workable decision. However, the translators
could have fallen back on the target culture's stock of idiomatic
expressions by offering something like "..., she unwittingly jumps on the
bandwagon", which communicates the same message but in a more
proverbial and literary style. Also, they could have invested metaphorical
language by describing such girls as 'slaves to fashion'.
Another attempt at periphrastic, though not as successful as the
previous one, is manifest in the rendering of the Arab Gulf colloquial
proverb (p. 182) 'igðab greedak laa yijiik 'illi 'aqrad minuh = ‫ك‬0[-s ~:s‫ا‬
ّ ‫د‬-s‫ أ‬J ‫إ‬
/B# (lit. Hold on to your monkey lest you get something
monkey-er, i.e. Hold on to what you have got lest you get something
worse). The rendering "As the proverb says, hold on to whatever you've
got, otherwise you will get a lot worse" offered by the translators slightly
changes the message of the proverb, viz. the clause 'you will get a lot
worse' refers to the person rather than 'the thing he will get' and the

65
conditional marker 'otherwise' does not exactly reflect the meaning of the
intended marker 'lest'. Despite these discrepancies, one could claim that the
proverbial message is generally conveyed, albeit in a commonplace style.
It would be much more effective in terms of literariness and proverbiality
to invest a modified version which partly resembles the familiar English
proverbial frame 'Better x than y', viz. 'Better hold on to what you've got
lest you get something worse'. Despite the fact that than is replaced with
lest in the suggested rendering, the tone still sounds aesthetic and
proverbial rather than flat. Interestingly enough, there is a structurally and
thematically similar familiar proverb in the Levant (Jordan, Syria,
Palestine and Lebanon), viz. 'ittartaḥ bmanḥuusak laa yiijiik 'anḥas minnuh
ّ –M2‫أ‬
/B# = + MBA ‰N-N‫' ا‬lit. Clutch to your omen lest you get
something more ominous', as well as another proverb which views the
same state of affairs positively rather than negatively by just changing the
connective between the two clauses (which are lexicalized differently), viz.
'ilʻab ʻa-limgaṣgaṣ taa yijiik 'iṭṭayyaar ‫ا \ ّ ر‬ N k L A9; ~Q ‫( ا‬lit.
Play with the bird whose wings have been trimmed [can't fly] till you get
one with full wings [can fly], i.e. Hold on to what you've got till you get
something better). A good English rendering of this proverb would be
"Better hold on to what you've got till you get something better'.

6.4 Functional Translation

There is only one instance in which an English proverb is used in rendering
an Arabic proverb in the novel under investigation. The translators have
employed it in combination with literal translation (p. 78), viz. They make
mountains out of molehills, or, as we say "a dome out of a seed". It really
comes as a surprise that this strategy has not been one of the main options
for the translators although it furnishes the English translation with
naturalness and acceptability, in addition to literariness and proverbiality.
One should note that proverbs function as semiotic signs within their
respective cultures and, given their universal presence in different human
languages, may in several cases dwell on the same themes and,
subsequently, perform similar functions although they may be lexicalized
differently. Translators need to be aware of this fact and should invest this
possibility whenever it comes around whether alone or in combination with
other procedures.
If we examine some of the proverbs in the data, we can readily see
that the translators have failed to make use of this important procedure. By
way of illustration, the narrator has employed in different places in the text

66
 ّ W#
the two proverbs man šabba ‘alaa šay'in šaaba ‘alayhi ‫ء‬abc IJ; ~Œ
/ 9; ‫ ب‬Œ (He who grows up doing something will grow old doing it) and
'abu-ṭbiiʻ maa yiɤayyir ṭabʻuh /Q48 ’ ّ •‡ # 48 ‫( أ‬lit. One used to a habit
won't change that habit) to communicate the message that 'If a habit is part
of a person's nature, s/he won't be able to get rid of it'. Although the
proverbial message is relayed literally in one case and periphrastically in
the other, one should note that the translators have failed to call up the
familiar English proverb 'Old habits die hard', which semiotically fits both
contexts. Thus, the initial assumption that a proverb in language A may
functionally correspond to a proverb in language B needs first to be
exhaustively explored before other options are taken into consideration.
Let us examine another classical Arabic proverb (p. 65) kaðaba-l-
munajjimuuna wa law ṣadaquu ‫ ا‬s0x ‫ ن و‬A B ‫( ˆ ب ا‬Foretellers do lie
though sometimes what they say comes true), which is paraphrased flatly
as "These things are a bunch of lies, even if some of them turn out to be
true" (p. 62). The proverb is cited in the context of discussing horoscopes
and fortune telling, which are very attractive topics to women in general
and girls in particular. The purpose of citing the proverb is to downplay the
excessive reliance of females on such myths. The paraphrase procedure has
jeopardized the literariness and the proverbiality of the text. The translators
could have furnished their text with such nuances had they invested more
literalness and aesthetics in their rendering as in "Foretellers do tell lies
even when they are right - lies have short legs indeed". This rendering
communicates the message by following both literal and functional
procedures and relatively succeeds in rendering a comparable effective
tone.

7. Out-of-context vs. In-context Proverb Translations

The question that arises here is: Will an out-of-context translation of a
proverb where a functional translation in the TL exists fit blindly in various
contexts? The corpus instantiates only one case where an out-of-context
English equivalent (... they make mountains out of molehills) fits
appropriately the context of the Arabic proverb ya‘maluun mn-il-ḥabbah
qubbah (4s /4GT‫ ا‬W# ‫ ن‬9AQ‡ (see discussion in section 5 above).
Examining other cases where out-of-context functional translations
are available, one comes to the conclusion that, in the hands of a competent
translator, a functional translation may be incorporated into the context of
the SL proverb. By way of illustration, the translators have opted to omit
67
the Arabic proverb al-ʻawaḍ wa-la-l-qaṭiiʻah (Q \ ‫ ض و= ا‬Q ‫( ا‬lit. Any
compensation better than nothing, i.e. Better any compensation than
nothing) in a context where the English proverb 'Half a loaf is better than
nothing' can do the job perfectly. Compare the two translations below:

... Being disagreeable, dull, constitutionally insufferable or

truly odious - these are widespread diseases among the rich.
Look at the degree of dullness among females, especially
upper-class blondies, and you'll know exactly what I mean! (p.
51, see the Arabic text in section 6.1 above)

... Being disagreeable, dull, constitutionally insufferable or

truly odious - these are widespread diseases among the rich.
Considering that the degree of disagreeability among females
far exceeds that among males, and because crocodiles,
unfortunately, are more humorous than lizards (especially
pretty lizards like us) I sadly lament myself and my
girlfriends. Thank God, anyway. As the popular proverb says
'Half a loaf is better than nothing!" [our suggested translation]

Apart from the great discrepancy between the two translations in terms of
content and style (see section 6.1 above), one can readily see that the out-
of-context English proverb can be effectively employed in this context to
reflect the semiotic significance of the Arabic proverb.
In some cases, an Arabic proverb may trigger an English idiomatic
expression rather than a proverb proper. One should note that idiomatic
expressions, just like proverbs, enhance the literariness, emotiveness, and
culture of the text. Talking about e-mails guessing her true identity and the
accusations resulting from that, the narrator cites the colloquial proverb
tiijiik-it-tahaayim wint naayim (Accusations come to you while asleep).
This proverb, which the translators have omitted, adds a cultural element to
the text which seriously affects the tone of discourse. While it may not be
possible to capture the metaphorical image in the Arabic proverb literally
(viz. It's true that accusations come to one while asleep) or functionally (in
the absence of a corresponding English proverb), the translator needs to
relay the tone triggered by the proverb communicatively within the
translation. Compare the two translations below:

68
 Am I one of the four girls I am writing in these e-mails? So
far, most of the guesses have veered between Gamrah and
Sadeem. Only one guy thinks I'm likely to be Michelle, but he
said he wasn't sure since Michelle's English is better than
mine. (p. 41)

Am I one of the four girls I am writing in these e-mails? So

far, most of the guesses have veered between Gamrah and
Sadeem. Only one guy thinks I'm likely to be Michelle, but he
said he wasn't sure since Michelle's English is better than
mine. Did I speak English in the first place? It's true that
accusations often come to one just like that! [Our suggested
translation]

The Arabic text reads:

oŠ 3 ªØ- ‚ 0V‫ وا‬،F 0+‫ة و‬-As ‫ ن‬# ‫ ت‬Qs 5 ‫~ ا‬9]‫ أ‬-LMBN ‫ن‬Ù µŸV
ً
1A9"N 2‫ أ‬... aŸ ¿ 9"2‫ إ‬W# K: ‫ أ‬K Eu# ( ¿ 9"2‫ }< إن إ‬s ‫رك‬05P‡ /B. ،K Eu#
ً
!F 2 12‫ وا‬F lm ‫ا‬ N ‰ GÖ ‫<!؟‬x‫ ¿ي أ‬9"2‫إ‬

As can be seen, the flat tone in the first translation is effectively

replaced with a lively tone in the second one, thanks to communicatizing
the import of the Arabic proverb by the idiomaticity of the English
expression 'just like that'.

8. Conclusions
Despite the obvious semiotic significance of proverbs in literary discourse,
almost half of the proverbs in the study novel have been omitted by the
translators. This has seriously affected the literariness and proverbiality of
the English translation. Apparently, the author of the novel (who is also the
first translator) has played a negligible role in pointing out the importance
of proverbs in her work. The omission of the proverbs may have been the
decision of the second translator (the English native speaker). This study
has shown that the excessive use of the omission procedure has often
obliterated the function of the proverb as a micro sign that contributes
significantly to the macro sign at hand. In fact, the proverb usually presents
itself as part and parcel of an exposition or an argument, without which
something would be felt missing.

69
 It comes as a surprise also that the employment of English proverbs as
semiotic signs that can travel cross-culturally when translating Arabic
proverbs is invested only once alongside literal translation. One should
note that proverbs, just like other language units, may trigger proverbs that
perform similar functions within the target culture's sign system. The
translator's awareness and investment of the stock of proverbs and
idiomatic expressions in the TL would definitely contribute to the
acceptability and naturalness of the translation along with furnishing it
with a tinge of aesthetics and proverbiality. This study has shown that out-
of-context correspondence between proverbs would often lend itself to
successful investment within various contexts in the hands of competent
translators. In some cases, the translator may access a TL idiomatic
expression rather than a proverb proper. To facilitate the work of
translators in this area, one would call for the introduction of theme-based,
alongside existing alphabetically ordered, collections of proverbs both
intralingually and interlingually. In this way, proverbs would cluster
around familiar themes such as love, education, habits, money, etc. and,
consequently, similar proverbs between languages would be easier to look
up.
Besides, this study shows that the translators of the novel have made
good use of literal translation when rendering proverbs. One should note
that this procedure works quite well when the proverbial message can be
worked out based on universal principles and, conversely, may mystify it
when the proverbial image is too difficult to interpret. One should also note
that when literal translation is possible, the issue of proverbiality remains a
key factor. This can us25ually be achieved by accessing TL familiar
proverbial frames when literally lexicalizing the SL proverbial message. In
addition to enhancing the dynamics and effectiveness of the text, this
approach would encourage proverbial borrowing between languages and
improvise richer cross-cultural communication.
Finally, paraphrasing proverbs, which is used on a small scale in the
English translation, usually deprives the discourse of its emotive tone.
Therefore, translators need to exhaust the procedures of literal and
functional translation before settling for paraphrase. And even when
paraphrase is the only possible option, translators need to lexicalize the
message in such a way that the tone of the SL text is maintained.
To conclude, this paper, which is only a case study, is hoped to
provoke more research on the translation of proverbs in literary discourse
between different pairs of languages. More studies are needed in this area
which may examine this topic from the perspectives of gender of the
70
translator, status of the translator (practitioner vs. academic translator),
direction of translation (e.g. Arabic into English vs. English into Arabic),
native speaker vs. non-native speaker translator, etc. Such studies would
offer more insights into the ordering of priorities and the kind of
procedures translators adopt when approaching proverbs in literary
discourse.

71
 Appendix
List of Arabic Proverbs and their English Translations
Page English Translation Page Arabic Proverbs
# #
2 Huddled in the shadow of a man, or 10 ¾uQ€ Wl±# K3 ‫ن‬Ð‫و‬
a wall, or a man who is a wall.
"K)‫ "را‬Kr 1MN V
K)‫ \(" أو "را‬V" ‫أو‬
‫ \(" أو "وراء‬V
.–AE ‫ا‬
3-4 No translation 12 ‫ ل‬Œ ~GT‫ب ا‬-:[‫و‬
32 No translation 41 ‫م‬-.N ‫ ; ن‬K)‫ أ‬W#
(B 0#
No translation 45 F 2 12‫ وإ‬F lm ‫ا‬ N
No translation 55 (Q \ ‫ ض و=ا‬Q ‫ا‬
55 On those who do not marvel at the 59 ~¢¸ ‫ ا‬/4¢¸‡ = ‫ا ي‬
marvelous
62 These things are a bunch of lies, 65 ‫ نو‬A B ‫ˆ با‬
even if some of them turn out to be
true. ‫ ا‬s0x
No translation 80 ‫ن‬2 ‫ ا‬IJ; K4U ‫رزق ا‬
80 And as we all say in these parts:" 83 ÚÛŒ IJ; ~Œ W# ‫و‬
he who grows up doing something,
grows old doing it." / 9; ‫ ب‬Œ
81 She will do it and go with the flow 84 ‫ا‬- Œ K vT‫ ا‬#
No translation 110 AQ U9M. ‫أراد أن‬
80 Every girl is guilty until proven 83 µŸV (Q‡ x ‫ ة‬5 K3
innocent
l{‫اء‬- 1•…N
78 They make mountains out of 82 (4s (4GT‫ ا‬W# ‫ ن‬9AQ‡
molehills, or, as we say, "a dome
out of seed."
139 Her mother had never learned the 142 ‫ ت‬# ‫ س‬B ‫~ ا‬s‫ را‬W#
truth of the old adage that anyone
who tries to watch all the people A
all the time will die of exhaustion.
179 As the proverb says, hold on to 182 = ‫ك‬0[-s ~:s‫ا‬

72
 whatever you’ve got, otherwise you /B# ‫د‬-s‫ أ‬J ‫ا‬ 9
will get a lot worse.
No translation 185 ‫ط‬-E™N ‫ ذة و‬GÎ
187 As the Egyptians say: why compare 190 ‫ ب ن‬¢T ‫إ‡¾ ) ب‬
flip-flops to wooden clogs! (a
saying used when you compare ‫ ب‬4 ‫~ وا‬E•E ‫ا‬
two things that are both worthless)
199 No translation 201 j o€-x ‫™– ; ن‬4)
‫; ن‬-
201 “A guy’s nature doesn’t change” 203 /Q48’ •‡ # 48 ‫أ‬
205 Thereby proving the truth of the 207 ‫ ر‬x ‫ا م‬-Œ ; W#
proverb: anyone who lives with a
people becomes one of them. Fl±#
239 Patience is the key of marriage 238 ‫ زواج‬... ‫ ح ال‬5>#’©L ‫ا‬
278 No translation 281 ‫ك‬- # 4V #
314 No translation 319 ‫–؟‬6 Ü 4 ‫– و ا‬p ‫ و‬2‫أ‬
186 No translation 189 W# WPV‫ أ‬0V ¾u #
0V

73
 Modalized Propositions: A Case Study
of English-into-Arabic Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Mashael Al-Hamly

Abstract
Modality is a semantic medium that colors the way the language user
views the world around him/her in terms of certainty, necessity and
obligation; hence, it places extra effort on the translator while attempting to
capture modalistic shades of meaning. The task may become more
challenging when the translator is dealing with a language pair where
modality is grammar-oriented in one member (English, for example) and
lexis-oriented in the other (Arabic, for example). The present paper aims to
investigate the rendering of speaker participation in the speech event as
embodied in modality when translating English fiction into Arabic. In
particular, it will examine the corpus of two sets of data involving past
modality (modal + have + past participle) extracted from two English
novels which will be compared with their counterparts in the Arabic
translations. Four main issues will be discussed. The first is to see whether
the distinction between epistemic and deontic modality is maintained in
translation. The second is to check whether the translators are sensitive to
the import of modality in discourse as manifested in the speaker's attitudes
toward what is happening. The third is to check whether English modalized
propositions are sometimes erroneously rendered into modality-free Arabic
propositions. Last, the study discusses the Arabic modality markers
employed to capture past modality. Both a quantitative account (focusing
on form and function) and a qualitative analysis (focusing on adequacy of
translation procedures) are furnished.

1. Introduction
Most authors on the topic of modality (Halliday 1970; Lyons 1977; Perkins
1983; Coates 1983; and Palmer 1990; 2001, among others) divide English
modal auxiliaries into two basic categories: epistemic and deontic.
Epistemic modality involves the speaker's/writer's expressing his judgment
of a state of affairs in terms of the likelihood of its occurrence apart from
factual statements. For example, Mary is happily married expresses a
factual statement from the speaker's perspective and is modality-free, i.e.
the propositional content of the utterance is not interfered with by the
utterance. By contrast, Mary may be happily married and Mary must be

74
happily married involve the speaker’s commitment to different degrees of
certainty by employing the modals may and must epistemically. While the
speaker expresses a weak degree of commitment in the former, s/he
expresses a strong degree of commitment in the latter. For its part, deontic
modality views any state of affairs in terms of necessity, which ranges
between placing a strong obligation on the referent, e.g. Mary must see the
manager and a weak one (permission), e.g. Mary may see the manager.
Therefore, while epistemic modality views language as "information",
deontic modality views it as "action" (Palmer 2001).
All accounts of English and Arabic modality emphasize the
indeterminacy of the semantics of modal verbs where context plays a key
role (compare the ability vs. the permission reading of Mary can speak
French ( PŠ-> ‫ث ا‬0M5N ‫ ري أن‬# \5P€), where the English verb can and the
Arabic modal verb \5P€ both cause ambiguity which can be resolved
only by referring to context. Sometimes, an English modal verb, e.g. must
(which can be ambiguous between a deontic and an epistemic reading as in
You must me very generous needs to be translated into two different modal
ً ّ
verbs in Arabic (compare A[-ˆ ‫" ن‬N ‫¬ أن‬4 /~ vs. F[-ˆ 2‫ أ‬0 =,
respectively). This indeterminacy parameter which plagues modality has
not prevented some authors from suggesting some generalizations about
the semantics of modal verbs/particles in English and Arabic. Zayed
(1984), for example, reduces the epistemic parameter in English and
‫ﱠ‬
Arabic to may vs. must and rubamaa A¥‫ ر‬vs. laa budda 0 =, respectively,
and the deontic parameter to may vs. must and yumkinu W.A vs. yajibu
~ , respectively. De Haan (1997: 50) rightly improves on Zayed's
typology by presenting each two items on separate continua, thus making it
visible that the two types of modality exist in different degrees from weak
to strong, as can be seen below:

a. Epistemic modality
Weak ________________________ Strong
A¥‫ر‬ 0ّ =
b. Deontic modality
Weak ________________________ Strong
W.A ~

75
 Apart from assertive utterances (e.g. John traveled to London),
which are modality-free, several semanticists (e.g. Palmer 2001;
Huddleston and Pullum 2002; Nuyts 2001; Nuyts et al. 2005) talk about a
third type of modality (dynamic modality), which is traditionally listed
under deontic modality. Dynamic modality basically involves the use of
the modal verbs can/could and will/would in utterances where they assert
propositions about the subject of the sentence without any traces of the
producer’s engaging in modalizing the proposition, whether epistemically
or deontically, e.g. Nadal can easily win the US Open this year and Nadal
will participate in the US Open this year. Both examples assert
propositions relating to the subject (Nadal) without the speaker committing
himself to any kind of inference or placing any kind of obligation on
anyone. Because of the non-madalistic nature of dynamic modality,
Gisborne (2007) goes as far as removing this type from the domain of
modality altogether, arguing for a grammaticalization process of the
modals can and will in such cases.
In terms of translation, Baker (1992) divides modals into action
modals (which express permitting, recommending or prohibiting) and
belief modals (which express the speaker's beliefs about the likelihood of a
certain situation). She asserts that translating modality between English
and Arabic is problematic because English modals are mostly grammatical
while their Arabic counterparts are mostly lexical. Most recent studies of
Arabic modality (Zayed 1984; El-Hassan 1990; Farghal and Shunnaq
1999/2011; Abdel-Fattah 2005; Al-Qinai 2008; Al-Ashoor 2009; Wided
2010) reach the general conclusion that Arabic lacks a highly
grammaticalized system of modals although it possesses the lexico-
grammatical means to express modalistic shades of meaning in discourse.
These authors mainly list English modal verbs along with their possible
Arabic counterparts and exemplify their uses in decontextualized sentences
(e.g. See Abdel-Fattah 2005 and Al-Qinai 2008) in terms of epistemic and
deontic modality. Few studies (e.g. Badran 2001; Farghal and Beqri 2015),
however, examine the translation of modal expressions between English
and Arabic in authentic discourse. Badran shows that Arabic modal
expressions in political discourse may be manipulated when translated into
Arabic, while Farghal and Beqri indicate that 39/166 cases of English
modals are rendered into zero-equivalents in the translation of Macbeth
into Arabic.
The present study deals with an aspect of modality (modality with
past tense reference (modal + have + past participle) involving hypothetical
and/or inferencing nuances) which has not been addressed in translating

76
English modals into Arabic. As has been mentioned above, previous
studies mainly address the translation of decontextualized sentences
featuring English modals with present/future tense. In terms of translation,
one should note that what is an unmarked reading of an English modal in
present/future tense reference embraces a different type of modality in past
tense reference. Compare, for example, the sentences John must travel to
London and John must have traveled to London. Whereas the former has
an unmarked deontic reading (placing a strong obligation on the referent),
the latter exclusively has an epistemic reading (the speaker committing
himself/herself to a strong inference). Besides, the dynamic modality of
can and will becomes combined (a combination of deontic and epistemic
modality), e.g. John could have passed the exam and hypothetical, e.g.
John would have the exam respectively in past modality. The discrepancy
between modality in present/future and past time reference would,
therefore, involve some subtleties in English-into-Arabic translation which
need to be investigated.

2. Objectives of Study
This study aims to answer the following questions:

1. Do translators capture the difference between epistemic vs. deontic

vs. combined past modality when translating English fiction into
Arabic?
2. Do translators manage to relay the language user's shades of
meaning which are embodied in the use of English modals in
Arabic translation?
3. Does the problematic nature of English modals sometimes force
translators to render modalistic states of affairs as modality-free
ones?
4. What modality markers does Arabic employ to express past
modality?

3. Methodology
The study employs a data-based methodology. A corpus of two sets of data
featuring the use of past modality will be extracted from two English
novels: Oracle Night (P. Auster 2003, translated into Arabic by M.
Abdulsalam 2008) and The Great Gatsby (S. Fitzgerald 1925, translated
into Arabic by N. Al-Manea 1962). The data consists of all instances of

77
past modality in the two novels (53 from Oracle Night and 49 from The
Great Gatspy).

4. Discussion of Data
4.1 English Corpus
The corpus collected from Oracle Night and The Great Gatsby consists of
102 instances of using past modality (modal + have + past participle)
distributed as shown in Table 1 and 2 below:

Table 1: Type of modal auxiliary in English corpus

Modal Oracle Night The Great Total
(ON) Gatsby (GG)
ought to/ should 7 (6.9%) 5 (5%) 12(11.8%)
Would 20 (19.6%) 8 (7.8%) 28(27.5%)
might/ may 17 (16.7%) 11 (10.8%) 28(27.5%)
Must 7 (6.9%) 19(18.6%) 26(25.5%)
can’t 1 (1%) 0 (0%) 1(1%)
could/couldn’t 1(1%) 6(5.9%) 7(6.9%)
Total 53(52%) 49(48%) 102

Table 2: Epistemic vs. Deontic vs. Combined Modality in English

Corpus
Type ON GG Total
Epistemic 45 (44.1%) 38 (37.3%) 84 (82.4%)
Deontic 6 (5.9%) 5 (4.9%) 11 (10.8%)
Combined 1(1%) 6 (5.9%) 7 (6.9%)

As can be seen, Table 1 shows the frequency of employing English

modal verbs in past modality in the two novels separately and combined.
As for Table two, it divides the occurrences of past modality in the two
novels separately and combined into epistemic, deontic and combined. The
epistemic category involves the use of must, would, may, might, can’t ,
while the deontic group features should and ought to. As for the combined
category, it involves the use of could and couldn’t, where ‘ability’ shades
into ‘probability’, thus giving a mixed perspective by the producer.
Following are three examples from the corpus, alongside their proper
Arabic renderings representing the three categories, respectively:

1. Bravo. It must have been hard. (ON, p. 40))

78
 (52 ‫ )ص‬. 4Qx ‫ ن‬3 -#• ‫ أن‬0ّ = . ‫ا‬-
2. I ought to have left it in the shade. (GG, p. 128))
(159 ‫ )ص‬.Kn ‫ ا‬UQ!‫¬ أن أ‬4 ‫ ن‬3 0
3. I could have sworn I heard the owl-eyed man break into ghostly
laughter. (GG, p. 97))
(122 ‫ )ص‬...‫ م‬4 ‫ ن ا‬Q ‫ ذا ا‬K)- ‫ أن ا‬FPs‫ أن أ‬Å+ ‫ ن‬3
In the above examples, whereas (1) commits the producer to a very
strong inference, (2) places a strong, unrealized obligation on the producer.
For its turn, (3) views the unrealized past act (i.e. the producer’s swearing)
as both manageable and probable, thus combining deontic and epistemic
modality.

4.2 Translation Corpus

4.2.1 Epistemic vs. Deontic vs. Combined
In response to the first research question regarding the translators'
awareness of the distinction between epistemic, deontic and combined
modality, two main observations can be made when examining the corpus.
The first indicates that when English past modality is rendered in Arabic
translation, the translators of the two novels under study are generally
aware of the difference between epistemic and deontic modality in terms of
expressing commitment to an inference vs. placing an obligation on some
party. The second observation shows that both translators render several
cases of epistemic modality into dynamic modality, as well as rendering
some cases of deontic modality into dynamic modality (which applies to
The Great Gatsby only). Table 3 below shows the frequency of these cases
in the two novels separately and combined:

Table 3. Distribution of Arabic renderings in terms of Epistemic vs.

Deontic vs. Combined.
Correct Type Dynamic M. Total
ON Epistemic 31 (30.4%) 5 (5%) 36 (35.3%)
Deontic 7 (6.9%) 0 7 (6.9%)
Combined 0 0 0
GG Epistemic 34 (33.3%) 0 34 (33.3%)
Deontic 3 (2.9%) 0 3 (2.9%)
Combined 4 (3.9%) 2 (2%) 6 (5.9%)
Total 79(77.5%) 7(6.9%) 86 (84.3%)

79
 Excluding Modality-free Renderings (17/102, Section 4.2.3 below),
Table 3 shows that the translators have generally maintained the distinction
between epistemic and deontic modality, viz. out of 80 renderings (having
excluded the 6 instances of the combined category) 75 have maintained the
distinction. Following are some illustrative examples:

4. You must have gone to church once. Didn't you get married in a
church? (GG, p. 168)
(commitment to strong inference)
(209 ‫ ؟ )ص‬# (PuBˆ ‫¡¿وج‬N F ‫ أ‬،(PuB. ‫ ا‬Ij‫ة إ‬-# 14 ‫ ذ‬2‫ ا‬0ّ =
5. Robson may well have kept a diary. (ON, p. 20)
(commitment to a weak inference)
(30 ‫ )ص‬.‫ ّ ت‬# ’¡ ‫ د‬95A ‫ ن‬P®‫ ن رو‬3 A¥‫ر‬
6. Adrian should have gone snooping, or saved up his pocket money.
(ON, p. 17)
(placing a strong obligation)
(27 ‫ )ص‬./ ‫و‬-L#- ‫ أو أن‬،‫ ر‬46• µbÝ 5 ‫ أدر[ ن أن‬IJ; ‫ ن‬3
7. I ought to have left it in the shade. (GG, p. 128)
(placing a strong obligation)
(159 ‫ )ص‬.Kn ‫ا‬ UQ!‫¬ أن أ‬4 ‫ ن‬3 0

The remaining 5 instances (they all come from ON) involve

English epistemic cases that have been rendered into Arabic dynamic
modality where there is no trace of the producer’s perspectivizing or
interfering with the proposition, i.e. the proposition is simply asserted by
the employment of the Arabic future modal verb ‫ ف‬+ ‘will’ or the
synonymous future prefix ‫‘ س‬will’ to express an assertion in the future.
Below are two illustrative examples:

8. And don’t forget that in the present case there would have been an
inquest. (ON, p. 19)
(a hypothetical past act)

(30 ‫ )ص‬.‫ اب‬5+‫ ك ا‬B ‫ " ن‬+ ‫ﻩ‬ B5 V – N =‫و‬

80
 (an asserted future act)
9. I imagine the Foreign Office would have contacted the embassy in
Washington … (ON p. 51)
(a hypothetical past act)

(62 ‫ )ص‬.W\BŒ‫> رة وا‬P ‫ ا‬# Kx‫ ا‬5N ‫ ف‬+ ( )‫ ر‬vT‫ ر أن وزارة ا‬LN‫أ‬
(an asserted future act)

As can be observed, what is epistemically modalized in English in

(8) and (9) is asserted by dynamic modality in the Arabic renderings
respectively. Therefore, the English back translations of the Arabic
renderings would be (10) and (11) respectively:

10. And don’t forget that in our present case there will be an inquest.
11. I imagine that the Foreign Office will contact the embassy in
Washington …
To epistemically modalize the two propositions in Arabic, one
needs to employ the past form of the Arabic copula, i.e. ‫ ن‬3 ‘was’
immediately before the modal auxiliary, as can be seen in (12) and (13)
below respectively:

12. ‫اب‬ 5+‫ ك ا‬B ‫ " ن‬+ ‫ ن‬3 ‫ ﻩ‬B5 V – N =‫و‬

13. W\BŒ‫> رة وا‬P ‫ ا‬# Kx‫ ا‬5N ‫ ف‬+ 12 3 ( )‫ ر‬vT‫ ر أن وزارة ا‬LN‫أ‬

To avoid the use of two copulas in (11) and to improve the

naturalness of (13), one would offer (14) and (15) below:

14. ‫اب‬ 5+‫ ك ا‬B ‫ث‬0M + ‫ ن‬3 ‫ ﻩ‬B5 V – N =‫و‬

15. W\BŒ‫> رة وا‬P ‫ ا‬# Kx‫ ا‬5™+ 12 3 ( )‫ ر‬vT‫ ر أن وزارة ا‬LN‫أ‬

Moving to combined modality, the 8 instances (see Table 2 above)

are rendered into 4 combined, 2 dynamic, and two modality-free in Arabic.
Following are 3 illustrative examples representing these types of rendering
respectively:

16. I could have gone deeper if I’d known. (GG, p. 129)

81
 (161 ‫ )ص‬.1A9; -#• 7AQ€‫\ أن أ‬5+‫ أ‬1Bˆ 0 ‫و‬
17. I could have sworn he was trembling … (GGp. 25)

(30 ‫ )ص‬... X N- ‫ ن‬3 /2‫ أ‬FPs‫\ أن أ‬5+‫ أ‬oŠt

18. While I could hardly have expected a farewell letter … (ON, p.
56)

(69 ‫ )ص‬... ‫ ( وداع‬+‫ ر‬až9LN ‫ أن‬s N‫ أ‬F ‫ ن‬V

The English sentence as well as its Arabic rendering in (16)

features combined modality where epistemic and deontic modalities are
shaded into each other, i.e. the speaker expresses a hypothetical past act
involving both ability and probability. In (17), by contrast, combined
modality is shifted into dynamic modality where ‘the act of swearing’ is
asserted rather than hypothesized/imagined. For its turn, the combined
modality in (18) is removed altogether by rendering the English utterance
into a modality-free Arabic utterance (see Section 4.2.3 on modality-free
renderings). To see the discrepancy more clearly, following are the back
translations of the Arabic renderings in (17) and (18) respectively:

19. I can swear he was trembling …

20. While I didn’t expect a farewell letter …
While (19) asserts the proposition using dynamic modality, (20)
does away with modality by just negating the proposition. To properly
modalize the Arabic renderings in (17) and (18), one may offer (21) and
(22):

21. X N- ‫ ن‬3 /2‫ أ‬FPs‫ أن أ‬Å+ ‫ ن‬3

22. ‫ ( وداع‬+‫ ر‬až9LN ‫ أن‬s N‫ أ‬0ˆ‫ أ‬F ‫ ن‬V

One should note that combing epistemic and deontic modality in could +
have+ past participle in English can be variously captured by employing
the Arabic modalizing expressions (; \5+ ‫ ن‬3 ، + ‫ ن‬3 or ‫ور‬0 A ‫ ن‬3.

4.2.2 Erroneous Renderings within Epistemic and Deontic Modality

In response to the second research question regarding the translators'
ability to capture the different nuances within deontic and epistemic

82
modality, the translation corpus shows the following figures for erroneous
renderings:

Table 4. Erroneous Renderings within Deontic and Epistemic Modality

ON GG Total
Deontic 0/7 (0%) 0/3 (0%) 0/10
Epistemic 12/45 (26.7%) 5/38 (13.2%) 17/83 (20.5%)

Table 4 shows that there are no erroneous renderings when rendering

English deontic modality into Arabic deontic modality. Apparently, when
rendering an unrealized English past obligation (should/ought to + have +
past participle) into its Arabic counterpart (e.g. ¬4 ‫ ن‬3/IJ; ‫ ن‬3, among
others), the translators have done this correctly, as can be illustrated in the
two examples below:

23. Adrian should have gone snooping, or saved up his pocket

money. (ON, p. 17)
(85 ‫ )ص‬./ ‫و‬-L#- ‫ أو أن‬،‫ ر‬46• µbÝ 5 ‫ أدر[ ن أن‬IJ; ‫ ن‬3

24. I ought to have dropped you in West Egg, Nick. (GG, p. 152)
(189 ‫ )ص‬... 2 ( ¥-• ‫( ا‬: 4 ‫ا‬ •2‫¬ أن أ‬4 ‫ ن‬3

By contrast, Table 4 instantiates 17 (20.5%) cases of erroneous

nuances in the two novels when rendering English epistemic modality into
its Arabic counterpart. Following are some illustrative examples:

25. In another mood I might have taken this as a strike against the
three of us. (ON, p. 36)
(48 ‫ )ص‬. Q A) 20! (¥-! /2‫ أ‬IJ; ‫ت ذ‬-P 1B. -6‫•اج آ‬# Bˆ

26. I searched for any moment, incident or remark which might have
seemed worthy. (ON, p. 70)
(81 ‫ )ص‬.‫ة‬Ž>. ‫وا‬- 0 5 ‫ ا‬7M5P€ 0s ‫ رة‬Œ‫ث أو إ‬0V ‫( أو‬nGT ‫ أي‬W; 1…M
27. If I had thought of it all, I would have thought of it as a thing that
merely happened, ... (GG, p.79)

83
 (99 ‫ )ص‬... ، # M2 IJ; ‫ث‬0V 0s-#• ‫ أن‬1•PV 0 # # ‫ت‬-. ‫ إن‬až. ‫و‬

28. I realize now that under different circumstances that conversation

might have been one of the curses of my life. (GG, p.89)
‫ ت‬#‫ى •ز‬0V‫ إ‬1Z0VÐ ،12 3 #’ ] ‫وف‬-n ‫ ا‬12 3 (Z‫ د‬M ‫ﻩ ا‬ ‫ن أن‬Ù ‫ أدرك‬až2‫إ‬
(111 ‫ )ص‬.o€ V

To start with (25), the translator has rendered an English past

hypothetical act which might have occurred into an Arabic past
hypothetical act which was bound to occur, thus changing the speaker's
commitment to the degree of certainty (i.e. from a weak degree to a strong
one). To capture a similar weak degree of certainty, one may suggest (29)
below:

29. Q A) 20! (¥-! /2‫ أ‬IJ; ‫ت ذ‬-P A¥- -6‫•اج آ‬# Bˆ

The modality problem in the Arabic rendering of (26) has to do with

confusing a past hypothetical state of affairs which might have occurred
with a real state of affairs that might occur. This serious problem stems
from the translator's use of the modal particle 0s, which is employed in
Arabic to express the speaker's weak commitment to a state of affairs
relating to the present or future, but not the past, where ‫ ن‬3 A¥‫ ر‬or ‫ ن‬3 KQ
are used. In this way, the Arabic rendering back-translates into (30) below:

30. I searched for any moment, incident or remark which might

seem worthy.

To capture the modality in (26), one can offer (31) below:

31. ‫ة‬Ž>. ‫وا‬- 0 5 ‫ ا‬7M5P€ 12 3 U9;/ A¥‫ رة ر‬Œ‫ث أو إ‬0V ‫( أو‬nGT ‫ أي‬W; 1…M

For its turn, the Arabic rendering of (27) can hardly make any sense
because the logic is fallacious, i.e. there cannot be congruence between a
conditional possible future state of affairs and its past realized one. In this
way, the Arabic translation would back-translate into something like 'But if
I think of that one day then I had thought that the thing had happened
somehow, ...', which does not make sense for the same reason. Apparently,

84
the translator is totally confused. First, he mistakenly employs the Arabic
conditional marker ‫( إن‬which marks real conditions) with (which
indicates hypothetical conditions). Second, as a result of the first mishap,
he failed to modalize the hypothetical act in the result clause. This two-fold
problem has led to fallacious logic in his rendering. To capture modality in
(27), one may offer (32) below:

32. # M2 IJ; ‫ث‬0V-#• 1•PV 1B. ، # ‫ت‬-. 1Bˆ ažB. ‫و‬

Last, the Arabic rendering of (28), just like that of (25), has changed
the degree of hypothetical certainty from weak to strong. To remedy this
mishap, one can offer (33) below:

34. 1Z0V‫ أ‬A¥- ،12 3 #’ ] ‫وف‬-n ‫ ا‬12 3 (Z‫ د‬M ‫ن أن ﻩ ا‬Ù ‫ أدرك‬až2‫إ‬
o€ V ‫ ت‬#‫ى •ز‬0V‫إ‬

Before closing this section, it is interesting to note that there is one

instance where epistemic modality is erroneously rendered as combined
modality, as can be observed in (35) below:

35. I would have accepted without question ... (GG,p. 54)

(68 ‫ )ص‬... ‫'ال‬+ ‫ دون‬K4s‫ أن أ‬Å+ ‫ ن‬3 0

While the speaker in (35) expresses his commitment to the certainty

of a past hypothetical act, the Arabic rendering combines deontic and
epistemic modality by expressing the speaker's past hypothetical ability to
perform the act in question as well as its past hypothetical likelihood. In
this way, the Arabic rendering back-translates into (36) below:

36. I could have accepted without question ...

To capture the modality in (35), one may offer (37) in Arabic:

37. ‫'ال‬+ ‫ دون‬K4sŽ+ 1Bˆ 0

85
4.2.3 Modality-free Renderings
In response to the third research question, Arabic modality-free renderings
refer to those ones which do not exhibit any type of modality in contrast
with the English utterances which modalize their relevant states of affairs.
Thus, modality in English is dispensed with by reducing it to zero-level in
Arabic renderings. Table 5 below accounts for modality-free renderings in
the corpus:

Table 5. Distribution of Modality-free Renderings in the Data

Deontic
(21.1%) ON GG Total
1/8 (12.5%) 3/11 (27.3%) 4/19
Epistemic
(15.6%) ON GG
10/45 (22.2%) 3/38 (7.9%) 13/83

Following are some illustrative examples of modality-free

renderings:

38. Not that she would have put it like that. (ON, p. 143)
(158 ‫ )ص‬.( [-\ ‫ ا‬95 -#• W; ’©Q€ 12 3 l•‫ ل إ‬s‫= أ‬

39. So Mr. Ford's guided tour as he drove us along must have

been fanciful - some private joke. (ON, p. 123)
.(x 6 (5.2 ،( A ‫ و‬12 3 ‫ رة‬P ‫ دة ا‬s ‫ ء‬BZ‫ ( أ‬V P ‫ رد ا‬0 P ‫إذن ) ( ا‬
(137 ‫)ص‬

40. It was a matter of chance that I should have rented a house in

one of the strangest communities in North America.
(GG, p. 7)
ً
(B.#• ‫ب‬-]‫ أ‬W# ‫" ن‬# =¿Þ# ‫ت‬-)Ž5+‫ ا‬až2‫ ( أ‬0L ‫ ا‬K 4s W# ‫ ن‬3 0s‫و‬
(8 ‫ )ص‬.( AE ‫ ا‬.[-#‫أ‬

41. Anybody would have said that they were conspiring together.
(GG, p. 155)
(193 ‫ )ص‬. Q# ‫ان‬-#„5 Al•‫ ل إ‬Alß ‫إ‬-r B ‫وا‬

86
 All the modalized English utterances in (38-41) have been
translated into modality-free Arabic utterances. While the English
utterance in (38) refers to a hypothetical past state of affairs, the Arabic
rendering asserts a real past state of affairs, thus reducing modality to zero-
level. The Arabic rendering back-translates into 'I'm not saying that she
was expressing it like that'. The question is whether the referent expressed
anything in the first place; the speaker in the English utterance just
contemplates what the referent would have done. To capture this
modalized proposition, one can offer 95 -#• W; ’©Q5+ 12 3 l•‫ ل إ‬s‫= أ‬
( [-\ ‫ا‬.
In (39), the speaker's commitment to a past strong inference is
rendered in Arabic as an asserted past proposition, i.e. a modality-free
proposition. Thus, the speaker's conclusion that 'Mr. Ford's tour must have
been fanciful' is changed to the speaker's assertion that 'Mr. Ford's tour was
fanciful'. To capture this nuance of modality in Arabic, one can offer = ‫إذن‬
( A ‫ و‬12 3 ... ( V P ‫ رد ا‬0 P ‫ أن ) ( ا‬0ّ .
For its turn, (40) views a realized state of affairs as a past obligation
on the speaker, i.e. the speaker happened to have the obligation to rent a
house. This nuance of deontic modality is reduced to zero-level modality in
the Arabic rendering, which back-translates into 'It was a matter of chance
that I rented a house ...'. To add deontic modality to the Arabic rendering,
َ
one can offer ... =¿Þ# -)Ž5+‫ ّ أن أ‬J; ‫ ن‬3 /2‫ ( أ‬0L ‫ ا‬K 4s W# ‫ ن‬3 0s‫و‬.
The last example (41) refers to a hypothetical situation where the
referent would have said something, whereas its Arabic translation refers
to a real situation where the referent is saying something. Thus, the Arabic
rendering back-translates into 'And the onlooker says that they are
conspiring together'. To capture the modality as embodied in the
hypothetical situation, the Arabic rendering may look like ‫ ن‬3 Alß ‫ إ‬-r B ‫وا‬
Q# ‫ان‬-#„5 2 3 Al•‫ ل أ‬+.

4.2.4 Arabic Markers of Past Modality

The data offers a variety of Arabic markers of past modality. This section
will mention these markers and exemplify them by utterances from the
corpus. The markers will include only those rendered properly from
English into Arabic.

87
4.2.4.1 Deontic Modality
Deontic modality does not seem to pose a serious problem to both
translators. The deontic corpus features 10 proper renderings out of 11
instances (about 91% accuracy) distributed as shown in Table 6 below:

Table 6. Distribution of Arabic Proper Deontic markers

Marker ON GG Total
‫ ا >¡’ض‬W# ‫ ن‬3 1 0 1 (1 %)
IJ; ‫ ن‬3 3 0 3 (3 %)
‫رب‬0 ‫ ن‬3 1 0 1 (1 %)
‫[ ب‬-V ‫ ن‬3 2 0 2 (2 %)
¬4 ‫ ن‬3 0 3 3 (3 %)

As can be seen in Table 6, the range of Arabic deontic markers

covers the most familiar tools, viz. the modalizing particle IJ;, the
modalizing verb ¬4 , and lexically modalizing expressions such as ‫ر‬0
and [-V. There is one interesting observation in the above Table, that is,
the choice between the most frequent makers (IJ; ‫ ن‬3 and ¬4 ‫ ن‬3) is
clearly governed by the translator's preference, viz. while IJ; ‫ ن‬3 is
employed in ON, it is not in GG, and the converse is true for ¬4 ‫ ن‬3.
Following are illustrative examples of all the markers in Table 6:
- ‫ ا >¡’ض‬W# ‫ ن‬3
This ought to have given him a whole store tank of existential rage.
(ON, p. 9)
(19 ‫ )ص‬.‫~ ا ) دي‬:• ‫ ا‬W# Av 2‫•و‬Y# /MBA ‫ ا >¡’ض أن‬W# ‫ ن ذ‬3‫و‬
- IJ; ‫ ن‬3
Perhaps all four of us should have gone off on a Quest to Discover the
Truth. (ON, p. 17)
(27 ‫ )ص‬.( GT‫ ا‬W; †M (9V- ‫ م‬2 ‫ أن‬B5Q®‫ أر‬IJ; ‫ ن‬3 A¥‫ر‬
- ‫رب‬0 ‫ ن‬3
I should never have agreed to meet ... you (ON, p. 155)
(172 ‫ )ص‬... } IJ; 7 ‫ أ= أوا‬o® ‫ر‬0 ‫ن‬3

88
- ‫[ ب‬-V ‫ ن‬3
- I shouldn't have been surprised. (ON, p. 134)
(149 ‫ )ص‬.¾ ‫ أ= أد‬o® [-V ‫ ن‬3
- ¬4 ‫ ن‬3
- I ought to have left it in the shade. (GG, p. 128)
(159 ‫ )ص‬.Kn ‫ا‬ UQ!‫¬ أن أ‬4 ‫ ن‬3 0

4.2.3.2 Epistemic Modality

Epistemic modality seems to involve a problematic area to both translators
in contrast with deontic modality, viz. the corpus attests 49 proper
renderings out of 83 instances (only 59% accuracy). The distribution of the
most frequent proper epistemic markers is displayed in Table 7:

Table 7. Distribution of Proper Epistemic Markers

Marker ON GG
Total
0ّ = 3 (6.1%) 17 (347%)
20 (40.8%)
‫ل‬ 44 (89.8%) 2 (4.1%)
6 (12%)
‫نس‬3 5 (10.2%) 0
5 (10.2%)
‫ ن‬3 A¥‫ر‬ 2 (4.1%) 2 (4.1%)
4 (8.2%)
‫ ن‬3 KQ 1 (2%) 2 (4.1%)
3(6.1%)
KA5M 0 3 (6.1%)
3(6.1%)
W.A ‫ ن‬3 0 2 (4.1%)
2 (4.1%)
mixed bag 5 (10.2%) 1 (2%)
6 (12.2%)
Total 20 (40.8%) 29 (59.2%)
49 (100%)

89
 ّ
As can be observed in Table 7, the inferential 0 = is the most
frequent marker of epistemic modality in Arabic, viz. it accounts for about
41% of the epistemic markers employed correctly. This modalizing marker
indicates the producer's strong commitment to a conjecture based on what
s/he judges as hard evidence, as can be illustrated by the examples below:

42. Bravo. It must have been hard. (ON, p. 40)

(52 ‫ )ص‬. 4Qx ‫ ن‬3-#• ‫ أن‬0ّ = . ‫ا‬-

43. You must have gone there about the time Billoxi went to New
Haven. (GG, p. 137)
(170 ‫ )ص‬.W 2 Ij‫ إ‬abÒˆ 9 / ~ ‫ ا ي ذ‬1s ‫ ك ا‬B 14 ‫ ذ‬2‫ أ‬0ّ =

44. She must have broken her rule against drinking that night ...
(GG, p. 166)
(207 ‫ )ص‬... ‫ب‬-E ‫م ا‬0Qp abà ‫ ا‬U# n2 (9 9 ‫ ا‬9N ‫ت‬-Pˆ 0s l•‫ ا‬0ّ =‫و‬

The next markers in frequency are the synonymous ‫ ل‬and ‫ ن س‬3,

which account for 6 and 5 instances (10% and 12%) respectively, are used
to express the speaker's absolute commitment to a hypothetical situation in
the past. Following are some illustrative examples:

45. If that's where it had been, Mrs. Ford would have seen it ...
(ON, p. 110)
(123 ‫ )ص‬.‫ة رد‬0 P ‫ ا‬l{‫أ‬- ،‫ ك‬B Uˆ-N ‫ ن‬3

46. I wouldn't have been surprised to see sinister faces.

(GG, p. 153)
(190 ‫( )ص‬PM2 )‫ و‬1 ‫~ رأ‬¢¶Ð 1Bˆ #

47. Adrian would have wanted first. (ON, p. 53)

(65 ‫ )ص‬Ij‫ }•ة •و‬¢T‫ ا‬Ij‫ إ‬IÅPu+ ‫ ن‬3 ‫أدر[ ن‬

48. Anyone would have thought we were tourists. (ON, p. 33)

(45 ‫ اح )ص‬+ B2‫ أ‬0 5Q + kvÎ ‫ ن أي‬3
90
 As can be seen, the producers of (45-48) absolutely commit
themselves to what would have happened. They express their hypothetical
certainty toward hypothetical states of affairs in the past by the
employment of would + have + past participle in English and the markers
‫ ل‬and ‫ ن س‬3 in Arabic.
Apart from the mixed bag, the rest of the markers (‫ ن‬3 A¥‫ر‬, ‫ ن‬3 KQ ,
KA5M and W.A ‫ ن‬3) express the speaker's weak commitment toward a past
hypothetical state of affairs. They account for 12 instances (about 24.5%).
Following are some illustrative examples:

49. Or he might have suffered guilt and remorse. (ON, p. 58)

(70 ‫م )ص‬0B ‫~ وا‬2 ‫ ا‬W# oŠ Q + ‫ ن‬3 A¥‫أو ر‬

50. ... people in it who might once have seen the pale of magic of
her face along the casual street. (GG, p. 163)
(163 ‫ ارع )ص‬E ‫<ل ا‬6 UU)‫~ و‬V E ‫ ا‬-G« ‫ رأوا ا‬Fl•‫ أ‬KA5M ‫ س‬2‫ أ‬lß ‫و‬

51. To a certain temperament the situation might have seemed

intriguing ... (GG, p. 19)
ً ً
(23 ‫ )ص‬... ‫ ’ا‬M# >s # (x vT‫ ا‬á 4\ ‫ ا‬-Q4 ‫و‬04 ‫ ن‬3 Xs ‫ ا‬KQ

52. It might have lasted indefinitely except for the fact that Ella
Kaye came on board on night. (GG, p. 107)
(133 ‫ )ص‬... ‫ود = أن‬0M# ’ ] 0#‫ أ‬Ij‫ إ‬-A5P€ ‫ ( أن‬GT‫ ﻩ ا‬U W.A ‫ ن‬3 0s‫و‬

As can be seen, the speakers in (49)-(52) commit themselves to a mere

hypothetical possibility in the past , i.e. a weak commitment.
Finally, the mixed bag features less familiar markers (one instance
each) that may capture epistemic modality, as can be illustrated in the
examples below:

53. As I started to do the same, she said, "Stay" I might have been
a dog. (ON, p. 139)
(145 ‫ )ص‬493 1Bˆ oŠŽˆ ((7 ‫ ))ا‬:1 s U9…# KQ ‫ أن أ‬1AA ‫ ن‬V

91
 54. I may have put it as badly as this when I tried to explain the
feeling. (ON, p. 27)
#-P ‫ أن أ‬1 ‫ و‬V ‫ ن‬V (ÔuP ‫[ ( ا‬-\ ‫ ﻩ ا‬l— ّ až9Q ‫و‬
‫ ذ‬W; ‫;©’ت‬
(38 ‫ )ص‬/ -QŒ‫أ‬

55. ..., and there was a story that he'd agreed to pay five years' taxes
on all the cottages if the owners would have their roofs thatched
with straw. (GG, p. 94)
(118 ‫ )ص‬.¾ UV \+ ‫ > ا‬P‡ ‫ أن‬IJ; ‫ وا ا‬l— GÖ‫ أن أ‬...

In the Arabic rendering of (53), the translator has used 1Bˆ oŠŽˆ "As
if I had been" instead of 1Bˆ až9Q or 1Bˆ A¥- 'I might have been' to capture
the speaker's weak commitment, which may sound workable in this
ّ ) rather than
context. In (54), we find KQ plus an Arabic lexical verb (‫;©’ت‬
the copula (‫ ن‬3) as in (53) above. It should be noted that KQ may be used
with the copula when the reference is to a state (53 above), whereas it
comes with a lexical verb when the reference is to an act (54 above).
Finally, the hypothetical causative would have [their roofs] thatched is
properly rendered by ‫ ( وا ا‬l— GÖ‫ أن )أ‬, thus capturing the hypothetical
conditionality.

5. Conclusions
Several conclusions can be drawn from this study. Firstly, while the
distinction between deontic and epistemic modality is generally captured
by the translators of the two novels (75/80 instances observe the
distinction), epistemic modality (in contrast with deontic modality) proves
to be more challenging when it comes to capturing the nuances within each
category, viz. there are no erroneous renderings within the deontic
category, whereas the corpus instantiates 17/83 (20.5%) erroneous
renderings within the epistemic category. This finding points to the
importance of alerting student translators as well as translation
practitioners to nuances involved within epistemic modality, especially the
difference between the speaker's committing himself to a weak vs. a strong
past inference.
Secondly, the Arabic corpus shows 5/102 (5%) instances of
dynamic modality which all correspond to English epistemic counterparts.

92
This indicates that the translators sometimes confuse epistemic modality
with dynamic modality where the speaker asserts a proposition via
‫س‬/‫ ف‬+, which corresponds to 'will' in English. We have seen that such a
modal does not perspectivize the speaker's orientation toward the
proposition he expresses but rather merely asserts it, i.e. reducing it to
zero-level modality. Similarly, combined modality bas been confused with
dynamic modality, viz. 2 out of the 6 cases of combined modality are
rendered into dynamic modality. Hence, it is important for translators to
be sensitive to the difference between epistemic and combined modality on
the one hand and dynamic modality on the other in English/Arabic
translation.
Thirdly, modality-free Arabic renderings have their share in the
corpus (17/102 - 16.66%). Together with other inaccurate renderings (17
erroneous renderings within the epistemic category and 7 dynamic
modality renderings) account for 41 instances (a fully 40.2% of the entire
corpus). This significant finding proves beyond doubt that even
professional translators are in serious need of remedial work in the area of
translating English past modality into Arabic.
Finally, the present study provides a frequency data-based listing of
the Arabic modal markers that may be employed in all types of past
modality, i.e. deontic, epistemic and combined. Such a listing can be taken
as a preliminary step toward standardizing modal markers in a scantily
researched messy area in Arabic grammar.

93
 An Emic vs. an Etic Approach to Literary Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Ali Almanaa

Abstract
In this paper, an emic-etic approach to translating literary culture-specific
expressions is introduced and followed. The purpose is to work out an
approach to translating literary texts charged with cultural issues between
Arabic and English. Data analysis shows that translators need to probe the
deep symbolic levels of the language in the source text (ST) in order to
capture the cultural implications meant by the author. This can be achieved
only by approaching the text from an ‘insider’ perspective.

1. Introduction
In recent years, the focus of translation studies has shifted from endless
debates about equivalence to broader issues, including culture and its effect
on both process and product of translation. Further, recent studies (cf.
Snell-Hornby 1988/1995; Bassnett 1991) have shown that the translation
process can no longer be seen as being merely between two linguistic
systems, but is equally envisaged as being between two cultures. Snell-
Hornby (1988/1995: 46), echoing Vermeer’s (1986) views, holds that
translation is “a cross-cultural transfer, and the translator should be
bicultural, if not pluricultural”. Nida (1964a: 157) defines culture as “the
total beliefs and practices of a society. Words only have meaning in terms
of the culture in which they are used, and although languages do not
determine culture, they certainly tend to reflect a society's beliefs and
practices”. Goodenough (1964: 39-40) argues that culture is not “a material
phenomenon”, consisting of “things, people, behavior, or emotion”.
According to him, it is:

an organization of these things. It is the forms of things that people

have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise
interpreting them. As such, the things people say and do, their
social arrangements and events, are products or by-products of their
culture as they apply it to the task of perceiving and dealing with
their circumstances.

94
 This entails that there should be some sort of agreement among
people in a given society to accept a new belief, behavior, custom, moral,
habit, emotion and so on. It is this agreement that “seems to alienate any
attempt to introduce any new beliefs, emotions, behaviors, etc. which [do]
not conform to the society’s communal memory” (Al-Taher 2008: 60).
Katan (1999: 26), however, defines culture as a “shared mental
model or map” for interpreting reality and organizing experience of the
world. This model of the world, according to him, is a “system of
congruent and interrelated beliefs, values, strategies and cognitive
environments which guide the shared basis of behavior”. Transferring a
text from one language to another will not be without difficulties, in
particular when SL people and TT people conceptualize their experience of
the world in a different way. Nida and Reyburn (1981: 2) hold that the
difficulties that arise out of cultural differences “constitute the most serious
problem for translators and have produced the most far-reaching
misunderstandings among readers”. These cultural differences will
definitely present some hurdles to translators when approaching culture-
laden texts. Avoiding certain taboos, reconciling cultural clashes,
satisfying certain cultural preferences and so on show how translators may
suffer while finalizing the draft of the TT (Mazid 2007: 39). Such cultural
asymmetries place extra efforts on the translator, requiring him/her to
probe the “deep/symbolic level […] of the source language” in order to
“capture the cultural implications meant by the source author” (Al-Masri
2004: 112). To this end, these cultural issues need to be dealt with from
“the perspective of cultural insider” (Ibid: 112).

2. 'Emic' vs. 'Etic" Perspectives

The term 'emic' or 'insider' as opposite to 'etic' or 'outsider' was first
introduced by the linguist Kenneth Pike (1954). These two terms 'etic',
derived from phonetic and 'emic', derived from phonemic, were created as
a response to the “need to include nonverbal behavior in linguistic
description” (Pike 1990: 18; also see Al-Masri 2004: 35; Almanna 2014:
56). Building on the premise that there are two points of view that can be
taken in the study of a linguistic sound system, either the insider or the
outsider, Pike (Ibid) holds that in the study of a society’s cultural system,
there are also two perspectives that can be used. Unlike the etic approach,
which shifts the focus of attention from local observations towards those of
scientists’, the emic approach investigates how local people think, how

95
they perceive and map the socio-cultural experiences, how they behave,
how they imagine, etc. (cf. Kottak 2006: 47; Gobo 2008; Jingfeng 2013;
Mason 2014). In this regard, Mason (Ibid, p. 1) holds:

Etic approaches involve analyzing cultural phenomena from

the perspective of one who does not participate in the culture
being studied [...]. In contrast, emic approaches involve
investigating and explaining cultural patterns from the
standpoint of one immersed within a culture.

To put it differently, the etic or outsider perspective relies on the

extrinsic concepts and categories that make sense to scientific observers –
it has next to nothing to do with native speakers/society members’
reactions towards an issue. Therefore, in order to be able to study the
intrinsic phonological distinctions that are meaningful to native speakers of
a given language, one needs to do phonemic analysis. The same holds true
for studying the intrinsic cultural distinctions that make sense to the
members of a given society, s/he needs to adopt an emic or insider
perspective.
Anderson (2003: 391) highlights the importance of taking into
account both the 'etics', i.e. the superficial level of the language and 'emics',
i.e. the symbolic level of the language while dealing with the text at hand.
In a similar vein, Gobo (2008) concludes: “Emic knowledge is essential for
the intuitive and empathic understanding of a culture, and [...] is often a
valuable source of etic hypotheses”. By contrast, etic knowledge “is argued
to be vital for cross-cultural comparisons, because such comparison
requires both unitization and categorization” (Mason 2014: 1).
To reflect such a symbolic level of language, translators adopt
different local strategies. Consider the following example quoted from
Mahfouz’s (1961: 8) ‫<ب‬. ‫ وا‬k9 ‫' ا‬The Thief and the Dogs', translated by Le
Gassick and Badawi (1984: 14):
ّ
‫ ن؟‬#0s IJ; ‫ ف‬s ‫ ا‬A9;‫ أ‬F ‫( أ‬1)
[Didn't I teach you how to stand on two feet?]

(2) It was me, wasn’t it, who taught you to stand on your own feet.

The expression 'to stand on your feet' has a number of different

meanings, depending on the context in which it is used. In this context, it
does not refer to the physical activity of standing on two feet, rather it is

96
used figuratively ‫ ـ‬it simply refers to teaching somebody how to depend on
oneself (cf. Abdel-Hafiz 2003: 231). As such, the translators have
succeeded in being insiders in the source culture, i.e. understanding the
cultural experience in the SL, and being insiders in the target culture, i.e.
encoding the cultural experience in the TL. In this example, it so happens
that both languages, Arabic and English, linguistically conceptualize and
utilize such a world experience in a similar way; therefore, a literal
translation is sufficient. However, on some occasions, the translator falls
into “the trap of being a 'cognitive blinder'. That is, when the translator’s
over-familiarity with the source language leads him/her to
assume/presuppose that the target reader is also familiar with the
expression at hand (Al-Masri 2004: 140-41).
The employment of body parts in cultural expressions does not
usually lend itself to literal translation where a happy coincidence occurs
between the source language culture (SLC) and target language culture
(TLC), as the example above shows. In several cases, the use of literal
translation would fail to reach the intended metaphorical interpretation and
would linger within the bounds of literalness. Witness how the translators
Hutchins and Kenny (1990) have missed the cultural message in the
following excerpt quoted from Mahfuz’s novel W[-L ‫ ن ا‬Bain l-Qasrayn
(1973):
ّ
،W[-L ‫ ) ن ا‬... ’ ] Ij‫ ) رة و= إ‬Ij‫ إ‬/ ; - = až ‫ إن ا‬،‫ي‬0 + <ˆ - (3)
(124-123 ‫ص‬

[No sir, verily my son does not lift his eyes to (a female) neighbor
or any other one ...]

(4) Of course not, sir. My son doesn't lift his eyes to look at a neighbor
girl or anyone else. (Palace Walk, pp. 128-129)

The English translation above gives the impression that the referent
(the speaker’s son) walks around with his eyes fixed on the ground, not
looking at anyone. In this way, the symbolic physical act (lifting eyes),
which is used as an index of politeness, is interpreted literally apart from
its metaphorical value. To capture the metaphorical meaning, the translator
needs first to function as an insider in the SLC, which enables him/her to
process the expression correctly within its own culture, and then functions

97
as an insider in the TLC, which enables him/her to make transparent the
metaphorical value of the expression in question. These two conditions
met, a rendering such as the one below may be offered:

(5) Of course, sir. My son is so polite that he wouldn't lift his eyes to
look at a neighbor girl or any other girl for that matter.

Note that this translation takes care of the cultural background that
'lifting eyes to look at girls' is not categorically prohibited; in this context it
is linked to a boy’s/man's having emotional/sexual intentions, which
stereotypically concerns neighbor girls in the Arab culture.
As such, one can conclude that the translator should be an insider in
both the SLC and TLC while dealing with culture-bound expressions. In
other words, s/he needs to be an insider in the source culture using his/her
knowledge to understand the SL culture-bound expression on the one hand,
and be an insider in the target culture to record such an experience of the
world in the TL.
The objective of this paper is to work out an emic-etic approach to
translating culture-specific expressions from Arabic into English and vice
versa. Having formulated a clear picture on what emic or insider
perspective and etic or outsider perspective exactly mean, in what follows,
we will verify the validity of the proposed approach empirically by
discussing a number of authentic examples.

3. Data Discussion

To demonstrate the impact of (not) being an insider in both SLC and TLC
by adopting an emic-etic approach, let us discuss the following authentic
examples to see whether the translators have managed to relay the
symbolic level in their translations, or they have just lingered in the bounds
of the superficial level. Consider the following rendition offered by Le
Gassick and Badawi (1984: 17) in the following extract quoted from
Mahfouz’s (1961: 11) novel ‫<ب‬. ‫ وا‬k9 ‫' ا‬The Thief and the Dogs':
.~9Q… ‫ ا‬W ‫ ا‬1.+‫( ا‬6)
[Shut up you son of a fox]
(7) Shut up, you cunning bastard.

In this example, the translators have succeeded in being insiders in

both the SLC and TLC. In general, the translation of swearing expressions

98
is not an easy task as it “(a) refers to something that is taboo and/or
stigmatized in the culture; (b) should not be interpreted literally; [and] (c)
can be used to express strong emotions and attitudes” (Anderson and
Trudigill 1990: 53). Being laden with two types of constraints, namely
cultural constraints imposed by the use of such a culture-specific
expression, and norm-imposed constraints, i.e. taking into account the TL
reader’s expectations, the translators have opted for a combination of both
a cultural translation, 'bastard', reflecting the swearing act, plus a
pragmatic strategy, maintaining the connotative meaning associated with
the word 'fox', i.e. 'cunning'. Stylistically speaking, the use of a swearing
expression reflects the degree of informality in the text since most of these
swearing expressions are extracted from daily life. So, in order to “produce
on the audience of the translation the same effect the original text produces
on its audience” (Dobao 2004: 223; Nida 1964), translators need to reflect
the degree of formality as a stylistic feature in the TT, which is another
type of constraint. Dobao (2004: 223) comments:

When the use of swearing or any other form of bad language is so

frequent that it becomes a stylistic marker of the text, the
equivalence of style becomes as important as the semantic
equivalence.

The translation of culture-bound swearing expressions can be very

challenging in conversational discourse as the same expression may lend
itself to literal translation in one context but not in another. Consider the
swearing expression in the two excerpts below:

./Q\ ‫ ﷲ‬،ks- ‫ا > رو‬-nB# 0 Q5+‫– وأ‬#• ‫ة‬-U+-ˆ N‫ رك أ‬:V K 4s 1Bˆ - (8)
(333 ‫ ص‬،‫ ق‬E ‫ا‬-Ls)

[I was remembering just before you came last night's soiree and
recovering al-Far’s appearance while he was dancing, may
Allah strike him down]

(9) "Just before you arrive I was remembering last night and what al-Far
looked like dancing. May God strike him down!" (Palace of Desire, p.
323)

99
 . Q\ ‫ ﷲ‬، 9A; Ij‫ إ‬aâ4™2‫ ا‬،‫ ن‬AU>N = A J605N = ،až Q8 N = ،F9"N‫ أ‬až ;‫ د‬- (10)
(348 ‫ ص‬،‫ ق‬E ‫ا‬-Ls)

[Let me speak, don't interrupt me, don't interfere in what you

don't understand, pay attention to your work, may Allah strike
you down]

(11) "Let me speak! Don't interrupt me. Don't interfere in things you can't
comprehend. Pay attention to your work. May God strike you down!"
(Palace of Desire, p. 337)

Whereas the Arabic swearing expression /Q\ ‫ ﷲ‬is intended as a

flippant/intimate compliment in reference to the speaker’s friend al-Far in
the first excerpt (8), the speaker of the second excerpt (10) intends the
same swearing expression as a serious condemnation directed at the
interlocutor. Not being aware of that, however, the translators Hutchins
and Kenny (1991) have rendered it literally as 'May God strike him
down/May God strike you down' respectively in both cases. On the one
hand, if we are to apply the insider/outsider model of cultural translation,
we can readily see that the literal option in the first example is completely
inappropriate as it could in no way function as a compliment in English.
Hence, the translators have failed to function as 'insiders' within the TLC.
To do so, they could have offered something like:

(12) "Just before you arrive I was remembering last night and what al-Far
looked like dancing. Hilarious, wasn't he?"

On the other hand, while the translators in the second excerpt have also
functioned as 'outsiders' in the TLC, their literal rendering can,
nonetheless, be interpreted as a serious condemnation, thus relaying the
cultural value of the swearing expression, though not following the norms
of TLC in such contexts. To do so, they could have given something like:

(13) "Let me speak! Don’t interrupt me. Don’t interfere in things you can’t
comprehend. Pay attention to your work. Damn it!"

One should note that while the cultural mishap in the rendering of
the first excerpt cannot be tolerated because it deviates seriously from the

100
intended cultural message, the slight mishap in the translation of the
second excerpt can be tolerated taking into account the skopos of the
translation. That is, some translators may give priority to 'adequacy' over
'acceptability'. Within the insider/outsider cultural model which brings
culture to spotlight, the translator also needs to strike a balance between
the different constraints in translation activity, in order to do justice to both
cultures.
To see how different translators may jeopardize culture-bound
expressions in translation, let us consider the two Arabic-into-English
renderings below, which involve a Kuwaiti culture-bound element, viz. the
concept of 'one-eyed vote' ‫ ت أ; ر‬x in parliamentary elections. In this
scene, a voter reports on what Ali Faraj (a parliamentary candidate)
confided in him just before going into the poll room:

(14) - ... he came close to me and whispered in my ear, "Look! I want a

one-eyed vote".
(Al- Maleh and Farghal, 2004: 223)
(15) - ... he came close to me, whispering in my ear, "We want your vote".
(Al-Sanousi, 2006)

To first explain the culture-bound expression, a 'one-eyed vote'

means exercising only one of the two votes to which a voter is entitled in
order to increase the chances of the candidate voted for. So, Ali Faraj
wanted the voter to give him a vote and refrain from exercising the other
vote. The first rendering opts for a literal translation of this cultural
element, leaving it to the target reader to understand what it means based
on the context, which the translators Al-Maleh and Farghal have deemed
sufficient for that purpose. Surprisingly, however, in a questionnaire given
to 10 native speakers (college students and teachers), only one informant
was able to understand the said expression despite the fact that all the
informants had copies of the two translations in order to consult the context
of this culture-bound expression. What does this mean? Probably, the
translator needs to be more transparent when rendering culture-bound
expressions by combining local strategies, e.g. literal translation followed
by parenthetical definition or paraphrase, thus hitting two birds with one
stone. In this example, a parenthetical phrase following the culture-bound
expression like (exercising one of the two votes only) would do the job.
What about the other rendering? It was comprehensible and
preferable to all the informants although the culture-bound element is

101
completely lost and, consequently, the rendering does not cohere with the
surrounding co-text where the voter says that he did not listen to Faraj and
exercised the right of two votes, albeit he was influenced by the big favor
Faraj did him. As a matter of fact, he tells the reader that his first vote went
to another candidate (Mohammed Farhan) while he happily (in the
excitement of the said favor) gave the second vote (which he had planned
to give to Fahd Al-Jasim) to Faraj. Here, one wonders what happened to
this culture-bound element which functions as an important semiotic sign
in the ST. This serious under-translation does not only cripple the TT in
terms of cultural transfer, but it also distorts the coherence of the
translation because it does not logically fit within the surrounding text (for
more on this, see Farghal and Al-Masri 2015; Farghal 2004).
The polar opposition between foreignizing and domesticating
culture needs to be reconciled in a way that ensures comprehensibility
while not compromising cultural elements or, to fall back on Arab
proverbial culture, to find a solution whereby 'the wolf does not die and the
sheep do not perish' FB• ‫ ا‬µž>N =‫ ت ا }~ و‬A =. That is why several
translators rethink some of their renderings of culture-bound expressions
when they republish their translations. For example, Le Gassick (1966: 26)
rendered the Arabic proverb (9L IJ; -\ ‫ م وأ‬x‫[ أ‬I fast and breakfast on an
onion] in N. Mahfouz's novel ‫ق‬0 ‫ ق ا‬s‫' ز‬Midaq Alley' (1947: 26) as 'I am
willing to go on a diet and have just an onion for breakfast'. The
translation sounds as a statement of a decision that deviates seriously from
the cultural import, viz. it was uttered by Mrs. Afify as an ironic response
reflecting her dissatisfaction with Umm Hamad’s suggestion to her to
marry an old man (i.e. the worthless onion is meant to stand for the old
man). Apart from the mistranslated message, the translator’s attempt to
domesticate the concept 'fasting' into 'dieting' is unsuccessful as the two
cultural elements belong to different spheres: religion and health
respectively. When Le Gassick republished his translation of the novel in
(1975: 20), he changed his translation of the proverb to read 'What, 'break
a fast by eating an onion'!' This emendation, it can be observed, captures
both the intended meaning, i.e. the irony, as well as the spirit of the SLC
by preserving the religious tinge and revealing the little worth of 'onions'
as a kind of food. In this way, the translator has effectively functioned as
an insider in the SLC and as both an insider and an outsider in the TLC.
Had he settled for being only an insider in the TLC, he would have offered
something like 'What, marry an old man after waiting this long!' This

102
rendering, however, would relay the intended meaning but, at the same
time, compromise the SLC.
The fatalistic nature of the Arab culture also finds its way in
English-into-Arabic translation. Many translators tend to introduce Allah-
featuring expressions into their Arabic translations despite the fact that the
SLC usually lacks such expressions. Consider the following examples:

(16) - Bastard: Fair fall the bones that took the pains for me.
(King John, 1956: 77)

(1960 0AM#) . JAM 14Q€ aŸ ‫ م ا‬nQ ‫ ا‬9N Ij‫ إ‬WPM ‫ل ﷲ أن‬Ž+‫ وأ‬- (17)
[And I ask Allah to reward those bones which tired with my
pregnancy]

(18) - Baptista: Well mayst thou woo, and happy be thy seed. (The
Taming of the Shrew, 1953: 8)

(1960 ‫ وي‬A9s) . UQ# nV 0Q+‫ وأ‬، lß ‫إ‬ Q+ ‫ﷲ‬ ‫ و‬: 5P™ - (19)
[And (may) Allah grant you success in your search for her, and
(may) Him grant you good luck with her]

As can be observed in the two examples above, the translators have

introduced a religious coloring that is normative in the TLC in such speech
acts. The two translations are both adequate and acceptable: they relay the
intended messages in the most natural way by employing Arabic formulaic
expressions, thus succeeding in being insiders in both cultures (for more
examples, see Aziz, 1999). However, one should caution against the
exaggeration in coloring an Arabic translation with a fatalistic perspective
that does not exist in the English original. For example, Jaber (2013: 207-
225) shows that Munīr Ba‘albaki’s Arabic translations of English literary
masterpieces in the sixties and seventies frequently fall back on Islamic
religious resources such as the Quran and Hadīth, thus misrepresenting the
SLC and, at the same time, giving the target readers an erroneous
impression about the original. While he attributes this to the requirements
of that period and the Islamic education of the Arab writers then, he calls
for the retranslation of these classics in light of recent translation theories
and thinking where a more balanced treatment of culture would be offered.
One should note that translating from a liberal Anglo-American
culture into a generally conservative Arab culture exposes culture-bound

103
elements to ample domestication. To give but one area where such a
practice may be clearly noticed, let us look at what happens to references
to alcoholic drinks in an Arabic translation of Charles Dickens’ novel
Great Expectations (1860/2013):

(20) - As soon as I emptied my pocket he started forcing the food I brought

into his mouth, pausing only to take some of the whisky.

XE€’ =‫ إ‬Xs 5 = ‫ ن‬3‫ و‬،/N-:V‫ م ا ي أ‬Q\ ‫ م ا‬lm ‫ ا‬K)- ‫ع ا‬-Œ µŸV ... - (21)
ً
.’ LQ ‫ ا‬W# :Qp
[... the man started swallowing the food which she brought, and he
didn't stop except for sipping some juice]

(22) - I have brought you, madam, a bottle of white wine and I have
brought, madam, a bottle of red wine.

ً
‫ت‬-:V‫ أ‬Aˆ ،(N= 3 Œ (.Qˆ ،(4+ B ‫ ﻩ ا‬l— = >5V‫ ا‬o€0 + ‫ت‬-:V‫ أ‬0 - (23)
.‫ة‬0Es (.Qˆ o€0 +
[I brought for you madam celebrating this occasion, a chocolate
cake, also I brought for you madam a cream cake]

(24) - We ate very well, and after dinner a bottle of choice fine old
wine was placed.
ً ً
.‫ ة‬U ‫ ا‬W# V0s 1Q!‫ و‬،‫اء‬0• ‫ ول ا‬BN 0Q®‫ و‬،‫ا‬0 ) B93‫ أ‬- (25)
[We ate well, and after eating lunch, she placed a coffee pot]

The replacement of alcoholic drinks with non-alcoholic ones or

omitting them in the Arabic translation is a clear insider’s perspective. One
would not expect this practice to operate the other way round. For
example, it would be very unlikely for the translator of Arabic into English
to replace reference to ‫ ة‬U ‫' ا‬coffee' with reference to 'wine' in an English
translation. Thus, this unidirectional domestication of such cultural
elements is largely controlled by the parameter of liberal vs. conservative
cultures. The liberality of the Anglo-American culture is manifest in

104
several other areas such as sexual and religious matters, which are often a
target for domestication when translating them into Arabic.
Cultural elements may involve subtleties that may escape
translators or land them into misrepresentation of the SLC. Let us look at
an example from Rjaa Alsanea’s (2005) novel ‫[ ض‬- ‫ ت ا‬B 'Girls of Riyadh',
which was translated into English by the author and Marilyn Booth (2007).
The narrator (p. 55) wonders whether there is a correlation between high
social classes and Saudi girls’ lack of a sense of humor and merriness the
way people believe there is a correlation between fatness and a good sense
of humor. The ST makes no reference to the complexion of these girls.
Looking at the translation (p. 51), we can see a clear reference to the
dullness of upper-class blondes. Given the setting of the narration
(Riyadh), the insider’s perspective as manifest in the use of 'blondes' is
clearly incongruent with the Saudi culture in particular and the Arab
culture at large. This would be comparable to talking about Romeo and
Juliet living in a tent set up in the middle of the desert. Besides, the main
stereotypical attribute of 'blondes' in the Anglo-American culture is
'dumbness', which is completely irrelevant in the SLC. On the contrary, the
Arab culture highly values this complexion in terms of beauty. In this way,
what is meant in the ST to correlate with gender (females) and social class
is erroneously portrayed as involving complexion.
Our last example below relates to gestures, which may be
interpreted differently between Arabic and English:
./+‫ رأ‬IJ; 1¥-N 0 ‫ت‬0#‫– و‬9)‫ و‬l±# ‫¡’ب‬s‫( ا‬26)
(2006 ab‘ QBP ‫ا‬
18 ‫ ص‬،o\E ‫)ا‬
[He approached her and sat down and she extended her hand
patting on his head]

(27) He [a child] went close to her and she put her hand on his head.
(Al Sanousi, 2006)

In the Arab culture, an adult’s gesture to 'pat a child on the head'

signifies compassion and reassurance to the child. Despite the fact that the
translator Al Sanousi, being a university professor of Arabic, understands
what the gesture stands for in the Kuwaiti culture, she turns an
emotionally-laden gesture into a mere physical act 'putting her hand on the
child’s head', which carries no social significance in the TLC. Even if the
rendering were changed to a socially interpretable gesture, viz. 'patting the
child on the head', it would still be incongruent with the norms in the
105
Anglo-American culture as the functionally corresponding gesture is
'patting the child on the back' rather than 'on the head'. Thus, the translator
needs to pay utmost attention to the social meaning of the gesture in the
SLC, as well as the normative way of performing it in the TLC.

4. Conclusion
The above discussion sheds light on the translator's efforts to capture
cultural subtleties while trying to finalize his/her renderings of culture-
bound expressions. After probing the deep symbolic levels of the language
in the ST and trying to understand the cultural implications meant by the
author, the translator's work usually takes a slow pace in an attempt to
decide on the available local strategies that would reflect such cultural
issues in the TL in a way that language and content will allow the TL
reader to interact in parallel fashion to the source text reader. This goal
may be achieved only when the translator can strike a balance between
playing the roles of 'insider' and 'outsider' properly with respect to the two
cultures in question. The authentic illustrations given in this study are but a
small taste of what might happen when translators encounter culture-bound
elements in their work.

106
 Proper Nouns: A Neglected Area in Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Mashael Al-Hamly

Abstract
This paper aims to explore the strategies that translators adopt when
rendering English proper nouns into Arabic and, consequently, offer both
qualitative and quantitative insights into this process. It is a case study of
proper nouns in professional Arabic translation based on one English
novel. Proper nouns are categorized and analyzed in terms of internal
syntactic structure as well as thematically, in an attempt to establish
correlations between the type of proper noun and the translation strategy
opted for. The ansalysis shows that PNs cannot be treated uniformly in
translation because they belong to different categories and, therefore, may
require different translation procedures including transliteration, complete
translation, partial translation, transliteration plus addition, and translation
plus addition. The choice among them is governed by two main factors.
Firstly, the translator needs to check whether the PN individualizes entities
by means of ordinary language predicates (e.g. common nouns), PNs
proper, or a combination of both, for each type usually needs a different
procedure. Secondly, attention should be paid to the degree of
comprehensibility and naturalness of the rendering which may require
addition in the form of a generic word or even substitution in the case of
idiomatic PNs, in order to consolidate the single strategies of transliteration
and translation.

1. Introduction
Nouns in human languages fall into two main categories: common nouns
and proper nouns. While common nouns classify entities, e.g. cars and
trees in the realm of reference (where language is connected to the outside
world), proper nouns individualize entities in this realm, i.e. they are
mono-referential, e.g. John and Paris (Ullman 1979; Matthews 1997;
Crystal 1997; Vermes 2003; and Nord 2003, among others).
In terms of translation, it is generally, and perhaps naively, assumed
that proper nouns, in contrast to common nouns, lack logical content and,
as a result, should be transferred intact, i.e. they require zero translation
(for a critical account of this view, see Tymoczko 1999; Nord 2003; and
Fernandes 2006). Apparently, the common mistake is to put all proper
nouns in one bag because different categories as well as various

107
contextualizations of proper nouns usually call for different translation
strategies. While it is generally true that proper nouns are non-descriptive,
these nouns are far from being non-informative. They often carry semiotic
as well as cultural significations.
The paper sheds light on a seriously neglected area in English-Arabic
translation studies. Proper nouns between English and Arabic have rarely
been a subject of investigation from a translational perspective, and in the
few cases when they are (e.g. Aziz 1983), the emphasis is on spelling out
graphological differences between them. These differences include the fact
that capitalization is an essential feature of English proper nouns while it is
completely unavailable in Arabic and phonological mismatches which
usually involve naturalizing sounds in transliteration and/or borrowing.
The present study, therefore, fills in a gap in this area by dealing with
authentic translation data, and offers insights that aid translators in
rendering English proper nouns into Arabic.

2. Objectives of Study
There are three main objectives of this study:

1. To identify the strategies which translators invest when rendering

English proper nouns into Arabic and see how successful they are.
2. To establish a kind of correlation between the internal syntactic
structure of a proper noun (see methodology below) and the way it
is translated.
3. To establish a kind of correlation between the thematic type of
proper noun, e.g. personal name vs. place name, and the kind of
translation strategy adopted.

3. Methodology
The methodology combines a qualitative and quantitative case study of
proper nouns in an English novel (The White Tiger by Aravind Adiga
(2008); translated into Arabic by Taiba Sadeq (2011). This translation has
appeared in a professional Kuwaiti translation magazine ( ; ‫ا; ت‬0 ‫إ‬
(World Masterpieces) in which the translation (all translations are
commissioned by the magazine) is subjected to a revision by a translation
expert after it has been professionally translated by another expert (Both
experts are usually university professors of English and/or
Linguistics/Translation Studies). First, the data consisting of English
proper nouns and their Arabic counterparts is extracted from the source
108
text and the target text respectively. Second, following Särkkä (2007),
English proper nouns are grouped in terms of their internal syntactic
structure into three categories. These are: Central Proper Nouns (e.g.
France and the Nile), extended proper nouns (e.g. the Capital of Egypt and
the Republic of Iraq), converted proper nouns (e.g. the National Museum
and the Dead Sea), and proper nouns in idiomatic expressions (e.g. the
Hercules of his time). Furthermore, the data is categorized thematically,
e.g. names of institutions vs. names of countries vs. names of publications,
in an attempt to offer more insights.

4. Results and Discussion

4.1 Distribution of General Categories of Proper Nouns (PNs)
The novel under study contains 447 proper nouns (PNs) distributed over
the three main categories: Central Proper Nouns (CPNs), Converted Proper
Nouns (CoPNs) and Extended Proper Nouns (EPNs) as in Table 1 below:

Table 1:Distribution of General Categories of PNs

CPNs CoPNs EPNs
286 85 76
(64%) (19%) (17)

As can be noted, CPNs represent the most common category of

PNs in the data (64%). This comes as no surprise because they are
considered the archetype of PNs which purely involves words that do not
carry sense the way common nouns (CNs) do. In contrast to CNs which
can both predicate and refer (e.g. the common noun boy in John is a boy vs.
The boy has left), the sole function of CPNs is to refer and individualize
entities in the outside world by their being PNs proper (e.g. London and the
Nile); hence they are the most common and most familiar.
For their turn, CoPNs, which come second in frequency (19%), are
the output of individualizing entities in the outside world by converting
predicates (basically CNs and adjectives) to PNs. For example, the input to
the PN the Fertile Crescent comprises the adjective fertile and the CN
crescent. Once these CoPNs are created, they behave just like CPNs in
language. However, they remain more akin to sense as they originally
derive from predicates rather than PNs. To explain, the PN the Fertile
Crescent retains the sense of the converted predicates while individualizing
a certain area, whereas London and John hardly involve sense while
individualizing a city and a person respectively.

109
 Finally, we have EPNs, which come last in the data (17%), a bit
lagging behind CoPNs. EPNs involve combining PNs and predicates;
hence they are more reflective of sense than CPNs and less so than CoPNs.
For example, the PN United States of America comprises the predicates
united and state along with the PN America, which makes it more
representative of sense than Japan or Peter as CPNs and less so of sense
than the Dead Sea or the National Museum as CoPNs.

4.2 Distribution of Translation Strategies across CPNs

Table 2
Distribution of Translation Strategies
across CPNs

Transliteration 258
(90.2%)

Transliteration + 23 (8%)
Addition
Translation + Addition 5 (1.8%)

Total # of CPNs 286

Table 2 clearly shows that the transliteration strategy is

overwhelmingly employed when translating CPNs (90.2%). Translators
usually view such nouns as labels denoting persons and other entities,
hence deserving little effort regarding the rendering of meaning, which is
the main concern in translation activity. Therefore, the translator just
transfers the phonologically naturalized form to stand for the entity.
Examples include ‫ي‬02 ] for Gandhi, o#‫ رو‬for Rumi, ‫ام‬- for Balram, ‫ون‬
‫ ) و‬for Wen Jiabo, 0BU ‫ ا‬for India, ‫ ن‬L ‫ ا‬for China, –\P]‫ أ‬for August,
# for May, etc. Apparently, the translators of English fiction into Arabic
do not struggle with the rendering of personal names (a major category of
CPNs); they just transliterate them without any attempt to replace them
110
with names belonging to the Arab culture. However, the rendering of
names of other entities such as names of countries and names of months
would usually involve more naturalization following standard norms in
interlingual transfer which are often not available when it comes to alien
personal names. When such names are available, however, they are
avoided in favor of more rigid phonological transliteration (compare ’¡
and ‫س‬-\ for ‘Peter’, the former being formally transliterated in terms of
phonological structure while the latter being more naturalized and more
phonologically and culturally integrated (see Farghal 2012 for more
examples)). Notably, the latter version may be adopted in a translated
theatrical or a historical document but not in the translation of fiction.
The other two strategies are transliteration plus addition (8.4%)
and translation plus addition (1.8%). The former involves the addition of a
generic term in order to render the transliterated CPN transparent to the
target reader because the translator feels that s/he reader may not be able to
understand the transliteration. Examples include ‫ ] ار‬¢T‫( ا‬¥-; for Jaguar,
‫ رˆ( رد‬# for Ford, ¾€ "+ o"P³ ‫ ا‬for Scotch, ‫ ن‬# 2 / À for Hanuman, -l•
2 ¢T‫ ا‬for the Ganga, K (Q# ) for Yale, ‫ ن‬93‫و‬- ã for Brooklyn, etc. By
contrast, the latter involves the addition of a generic term plus translation,
e.g. (QA¢T‫ م ا‬for Friday and ‫ ن‬BZÌ ‫ م‬for Monday. While explicitation is
the main motivation for the addition of a generic term in the former
strategy, the Arabic generic term in the latter strategy is mainly motivated
by the translator’s desire to naturalize the flow of discourse in Arabic.

4.3 Distribution of Translation Strategies across CoPNs

Table 3
Distribution of Translation Strategies
across Converted PNs

Translation 46 (54.11%)

Transliteration 28 (32.94%)

Transliteration plus 7 (8.23%)

Addition

111
 Translation plus 4 (4.70%)
Addition

Total # of CoPNs 85

Table 3 clearly shows that translation is the most used strategy

when rendering English CoPNs into Arabic, viz. this strategy accounts for
54.11% of CoPNs. Apparently, the translator cannot ignore the fact that the
CoPN bears meaning in addition to individualizing entities in the outside
world, hence the frequent tendency to render the meaning of the CoPN.
Examples include –AB ‫ ا‬for Mongoose, - • -AB ‫ ا‬for The White Tiger,
’ 4. ‫ ا‬o3‫¡’ا‬ŒÌ for the Great Socialist, ‫اب‬-• ‫ ا‬for Raven, ‫ ا ©’ق‬K)‫ ر‬for
Lightning Man, 7 2• ‫ اء‬GT‫ ذو ا‬0 P ‫ ا‬for Mr. Good Shoes, ‫ ﷲ‬for God,
‫ \ ن‬E ‫ ا‬for the Devil, etc. It should be noted that some CoPNs carry
denotative meaning just like CNs, for example, God ‫ ﷲ‬individualizes the
referent as a CoPN and classifies the referent god / ‫ إ‬as a CN, hence the
familiar Islamic phraseology There’s no god but God for ‫ إ= ﷲ‬/ ‫= إ‬. By
contrast, some CoPNS (which usually come in the form of Nicknames)
may carry symbolic meaning describing the referent, for example, Mr.
Good Shoes and the Great Socialist symbolically describe their referents,
hence the need for rendering the symbolic meaning literally.
The second most frequent strategy in rendering CoPNs is
transliteration (32.94%). One wonders why a translator would employ
transliteration alone when rendering CoPNs because transliteration would
introduce opaqueness in Arabic discourse and would render the discourse
less natural. Examples include ‫ ز‬2 J ‫ د‬for Daily News, F N ‫ ذا‬for the Time,
• B ‫ رد‬3 for Cardinals, ‫ زدي‬2 for Newsday, o®‫ را‬for Rabbi, etc. These
examples raise three important points.
Firstly, when opting for transliterating a CoPN the translator should
not include function words and/or morphemes in the transliteration because
they are alien to Arabic and would be taken to be original parts of the
converted noun. For example, the informed Arab reader would be shocked
by the transliteration of the English definite article in F N ‫ ذا‬for the Time.
This function word should be translated rather transliterated. However, the
112
translation of the article will not usually solve the problem, viz. F 5 ‫ ا‬for
the Time would be opaque to many Arab readers and would render Arabic
discourse less natural. Therefore, to reasonably solve this problem the
translator needs to employ a generic term to render the referent transparent,
viz. F 5 ‫( ا‬9 # ‘the Time Magazine’.
Secondly, the translator needs to be aware of the borrowing
strategy between English and Arabic, including the phonological
naturalization process. For example, the mere transliteration of Cardinals
by • B ‫ رد‬3 in Arabic does not make sense in any way. In addition to the
mistaken rendition of the plural morpheme by transliteration, the translator
fails to invest the borrowing strategy where the singular Cardinal is
borrowed into Arabic as ‫ ل‬B[‫ ا " ر‬and the plural Cardinals is borrowed as a
broken plural form ( ‫اد‬-. ‫ ا‬into Arabic. It is really unfortunate that the
translator here is not aware of these basic rules when translating English
CoPNs into Arabic.
Thirdly, the translator should not confuse a CPN with a CoPN
because they may call for different translation strategies. A case in point is
the CoPN Rabbi which carries a symbolic religious meaning but,
unfortunately, is transliterated like any other CPN as o®‫را‬. Apparently, the
translator, being unaware of the fact that it is a CoPN, viewed it as merely
individualizing the referent with no classifying function. To capture the
classifying function, the borrowing or translation strategy should be
invested where this title of address is normatively borrowed as ‫ا ي‬- ‫ ا‬or
translated as ‫ م‬6 GT‫ ا‬to designate a Jewish priest. Without this kind of
rendition, the Arab reader will definitely miss the symbolic value carried
by this CoPN.
The remaining two strategies in translating CoPNs (transliteration
plus addition and translation plus addition) are far less frequent in the data
(8.23% and 4.70% respectively). Whereas the low frequency is justifiable
in the case of translation plus addition, one wonders why the frequency is
low in the case of transliteration plus addition. It has already been argued
above that rendering CoPNs by transliteration alone may land the translator
into mishaps of comprehensibility and naturalness. The combining of
transliteration and addition usually solves these problems and, therefore,
the translator needs to invest it more frequently when rendering CoPNs.
The few examples include ÇH ( \B# for the Village and •95u4 ‫( ا‬s- for the

113
Beatles. The additions in these two examples (( \B# and (s- respectively)
inform the reader what kind of entity the referent is. The other strategy
(translation plus addition) is justifiably very low in frequency because the
translation would usually be transparent enough (see discussion above).
However, it occurs in very few examples such as (BPGT‫ ت ا‬B ‫ ا‬KM# for
Goodwill Mission and o\ ‫ ا‬- L ‫ روا ( ا‬for Maltese Falcon. Again, these
additions (KM# and ( ‫ روا‬respectively) make the referents transparent to the
reader.

4.4 Distribution of Translation Strategies across EPNs

Table 4
Distribution of Translation Strategies
across EPNs

Partial Translation 55 (72%)

Transliteration 18
(23.7%)

Transliteration plus 3 (4.5%)

Addition

Total # of EPNs 76

As can be seen in Table 4, the majority of EPNs (72%) are rendered

by the strategy of partial translation. This can be explained by the fact that
EPNs by definition feature a combination of both PNs and predicates
where they can interchange the role of head nouns and modifying
elements. This being the case, the predicates are usually translated while
the PNs are often transliterated. Examples include F ‫ ر‬-l• for Harlem
River, ‫ي‬02 #‫ ر‬2 ä8 Œ for Normandy Coast, ‫ ن‬¢£™ # (Q# ) for University of
Michigan, 1 ) # ‫ض‬-Q# for Galerie Maeght, ‫ ’ي‬vT‫ ا‬F9PŠ‫‡– أ‬0 ‫ ا‬¤>E™P# for
Saint Anselm’s Charity Hospital, ‫ ن‬93‫و‬- -P) for Brooklyn Bridge, etc.

114
Other things being equal, it can be argued that partial translation is the best
strategy for rendering English EPNs into Arabic.
For its turn, the strategy of transliteration accounts for 23.7%,
lagging far behind partial translation. Examples include 02< ‫ أ‬oŠ 3 for
Coney Island, aŸ+ ‫ س‬PŠ 3 for Kansas City, •2‫ رول ) رد‬3 for Carroll Gardens,
–™ ‫ ن‬93‫و‬- for Brooklyn Heights, etc. It should be noted, however, that
partial translation works much better in these examples than transliteration.
The Arab reader may not be able to access the meaning of the transliterated
predicate in the EPN which will seriously affect the comprehensibility of
the text. For example, the translator could have done better by rendering
Coney Island into oŠ 3 ‫ة‬-[•) and Brooklyn Heights into ‫ ن‬93‫و‬- ‫ ت‬Q>N-#.
Apparently, the translator should render the sense of predicates in EPNs
rather than just transliterate such predicates in order to make the referent
more transparent.
Finally, the strategy of transliteration plus addition occurs in only
four cases (3.2%). These include 12‫زد‬-¥‫ رول و‬3 Ë‫ ر‬Œ for Carroll and
President and o\ ‫ ا‬- L ‫ روا ( ا‬for Maltese Falcon. The addition in these
two examples aims to render the referents more comprehensible. In the
first example, the added generic word Ë‫ ر‬Œ is necessary in order to clarify
the transliterated referent. Without it, the reader may not be able to work
out the type of entity to which the phrase refers. Although the second
example, for its turn, involves the strategy of partial translation, the
referent may remain opaque, hence the addition of the generic word ( ‫روا‬.
Apparently, addition in both cases improves comprehensibility and
naturalness of the text.

5. Thematic Analysis of PNS

Table 5: Distribution of Thematic PNs across Main Categories

Type of Noun Central Converted Extended Total
Personal Names 139/48.60% 4/4.7% 6/8% 149
(33%)
Names of 27/9.44% 22/25.88% 14/18.66% 63 (14%)
Institutions
Bodies of water 1/0.34 0/0% 2/2.6% 3 (.67%)
Locations 20/6.99% 2023.52% 41/54.66% 81 (18%)
Calendarical 11/3.84% 0/0% 0/0% 11 (2.5)
115
Cities/Countries 67/23.42% 5/5.88% ¾% 75 (17%)
Works of Art 6/2.1% 24/28.23% 10/13.33% 40 (9%)
Brands 11/3.84% 0/0% 0/0% 11 (2.5)
Miscellanea 4/1.4% 10/11.76% 0/0% 14 (3%)
Total # of PNs 286 (64%) 85 (19%) 76 (17%) 447

Table 5 shows a considerable degree of thematic variation across

the three categories of PNs. To see the picture more clearly, we shall focus
on the three highest thematic areas both horizontally and vertically.
Horizontally, the thematic areas of personal names, locations, and
cities/countries constitute the majority of PNs (305/68%). This may be
explained by the fact that fictional works deal essentially with people and
their spatial affiliations, e.g. where they live, where they go to, etc.
Vertically, there is considerable variation of thematic areas across PN
categories. While personal names (48.60%), cities/countries (23.42%), and
names of institutions (9.44%) are the most frequent among CPNs
respectively, works of arts (28.23%), names of institutions (25.88%), and
locations (23.52%) receive the highest frequencies among CoPNs
respectively. The variation is also considerable between EPNs and these
two categories, viz. the highest scores are claimed by locations (54.665%),
names of institutions (18.66%), and works of arts (13.33%) respectively.
This large variation of thematic areas across the three categories of PNs is
expected to show clearly in the choice of translation strategies across
thematic areas, as can be seen in Table 6 below.

Table 6: Thematic PNs and Translation Strategies Used

Type of Translite Partial Transliteration Compl- Translati Total
Noun -ration Translation + Addition ete on +
Transla Addition
-tion
Personal 149 0 0 0 0 149
Names (33.3%)
a) Central 139 139
b) 4 4
Converted 6 6
c) Extended
Names of 16 18 15 14 0 63
Institutions (14%)
a) Central 13 0 11 3
b) 3 8 4 7 27
Converted 0 10 0 4 22
c) Extended 14
Bodies of 1 2 0 0 0 3 (.7%)

116
 water
a) Central 1 0 0 1
b) 0 0 0
Converted 2 0 2
c) Extended

Locations 33 33 10 5 0 81
a) Central 16 1 3 (18%)
b) 9 2 4 5 20
Converted 8 30 3 20
c) Extended 41

Calendarical 6 0 0 0 5 11
a) Central 6 0 0 5 (2.5%)
b) 0 0 0 11
Converted 0 0 0 0 0
c) Extended 0 0

City/Countr 75 0 0 0 0 75
y 67 (17%)
a) Central 5
b) 3
Converted
c) Extended

Works of 9 7 2 22 0 40
Art 2 2 2 0 (9%)
a) Central 2 0 0 22 6
b)Converted 5 5 0 0 24
c) Extended 10

Brands 5 0 6 0 0 11
(2.5%)
a) Central 5 6 11
b) 0 0
Converted 0 0
c) Extended

Miscellanea 14
a) Central 4 10 0 (3%)
b)
Converted
c) Extended
Total PNs 291 101 43 7 5 447

Table 6 shows some interesting observations. Firstly, all personal

names in the data (149 names) regardless of their category (i.e. central vs.
converted vs. extended) are rendered by transliteration in Arabic. This
indicates beyond doubt that translators pay attention exclusively to form

117
without any concern for sense when translating personal names whether
they occur as CPNs, CoPNs or EPNs. Among them, there are 139
(93.28%) central, e.g. ’Þˆ ‘Faulkner’, 4 (2.68%) converted, e.g. o®‫را‬
‘Rabbi’, and 6 (4%) extended, e.g. ‫ ’ ) ن‬P ‫‘ ا‬Sir John’. Similarly, all
names of cities/countries (75/17%) receive transliteration in Arabic, which,
again, indicates no connection between form and sense, if any at all.
Among them, there are 67 (89.33%) central, e.g. \B98‫‘ أ‬Atlanta’, 5
(6.66%) converted, e.g. 02< ‫ أ‬Õ2 ‘Long Island’, and 3 extended, e.g.
aŸ+ ‫ س‬PŠ 3 ‘Kansas City’.
In two cases in the data where idiomaticity can be detected in the
use of personal and city/country names, transliteration is employed in one
case, viz. ‫ ن‬+-> ) ‫ س‬# N )- for Virginia of Thomas Jefferson and
transliteration plus substitution (the only instance of lexical substitution in
the data), viz. ‫اط‬- + ‫‘ أ م‬days of Socrates’ for The Athens of Socrates. It
should be noted that the idiomatic use of PNs usually necessitates the
rendition of the import either idiomatically (e.g. /2 #‫¡’ ز‬B; for the Hercules
of his time) or ideationally (Farghal 1994). Therefore, the translator has
done well by substituting the CN ‫‘ أ م‬days’ for the PN ‘Athens’ in the
second example in order to render the sense clearly. However, he fails to
do so in the first example which may be incomprehensible to some readers.
An ideational rendering would give us something like 0U; )- ( =‫و‬
‫ ن‬+-> ) ‫ س‬# N ‘Virginia State during Thomas Jefferson’s time’, which is
readily comprehensible.
Secondly, the relatively common thematic areas of locations
(81/18%) and names of institutions (63/14%) exhibit considerable variation
in terms of category and translation strategy. Locations are distributed over
three strategies: transliteration (40.74%), e.g. ‫ ن‬93‫و‬- ‘Brooklyn’, (partial)
translation (46.91%), e.g. ‫©’ز‬# Œ ‫ رع‬Œ ‘Chambers Street’, and transliteration
plus addition (12.34%), e.g. ‫ ن‬93‫و‬- ã ‘Brooklyn’. A similar pattern is also
true for names of institutions: transliteration (16/40.74%), e.g. ‫ ن‬5PŠ-
‘Princeton’, partial translation (32/50.79%), e.g. ‫ ن‬¢£™ # (Q# ) ‘University
of Michigan’, and transliteration plus addition (15/23.80%), K (Q# )
‘Yale’. In terms of category, extended names of locations stand out as a
118
subcategory that mainly undergoes partial translation (78.94%), followed
by central names of locations (48.48%). Within names of institutions, the
two highest percentages go for central names (81.25%/transliteration) and
converted names (46.87%/partial translation).
Thirdly, the strategy of complete translation is frequently invested
when rendering converted names of works of art (22/91.66%), e.g. ’ #•
’ •L ‫‘ ا‬the Little Prince’ and ‫¡’ق‬M ‫¿ل ا‬Þ ‫‘ ا‬the Burning House’. Apparently,
converted names of works of art bear sense in a straightforward manner,
something which cannot be overlooked by the translator; hence complete
translation predominates. In cases where sense is not transparent enough,
transliteration is opted for, e.g. 2 2 5 = ‘La Vita Nona’ and ‫ = روزا‬N
‘Tabula Rosa’. However, if an item in the name has sense obviously,
partial translation is adopted, e.g. 2 K ‘Havana Night’. The strategy of
complete translation is also employed on a small scale when rendering
names of institutions (14/2.22%), e.g. ( Y[‫ ر‬5 ‫( ا‬n M ‫~ ا‬5.# ‘Bureau of
Historical Preservation’ and names of locations (5/7.93%), e.g. ‚+‫ب •و‬-• ‫ا‬
‘Mid West’.
Fourthly, brands exclusively employ either the strategy of
transliteration (45.45%), e.g. ¾€ "+Ì ‘Scotch’ and = 3 ‘Coke’ or
transliteration plus addition (54.55%), e.g. • # ‫ ع ل‬2 ‘Pall Malls’ and (ˆ‫ ر‬#
‫رد‬ ‘Ford’. One should note that many brands have become familiar
internationalisms and consequently employ transliteration alone, e.g. W>+
‫‘ أب‬7 up’. However, if the internationalism is less familiar or even
unfamiliar to the target reader, transliteration is reinforced by addition for
reasons of comprehensibility, e.g. ¾€ "+ o"P³ ‫(‘ ا‬Whisky) Scotch’ or
naturalness of discourse, e.g. • # ‫ ع ل‬2 ‘(brand) Pall Malls’. In some
cases, the choice between these two strategies is dictated by linguistic
constraints such as the rendition of a possessive adjective alongside the
name of the brand. For xample, the phrase his Jaguar is rendered as /5¥-;
‫ ] ار‬¢T‫ا‬, thus attaching the possessive adjective as a clitic pronoun to the
added generic term because it is not acceptable in Arabic to attach it to the
transliterated brand (‫ )*) ] رﻩ‬although this is the norm in native words,

119
e.g. /N‫ ر‬+ ‘his car’. Such a linguistic constraint necessitates the use of
transliteration plus addition.
Finally, Table 6 shows that the strategy of translation plus addition
is only invested when rendering calendarical terms (namely names of
days), e.g. 1•P ‫(‘ م ا‬Day of) Saturday’ and (QA¢T‫(‘ م ا‬Day of) Friday’.
Apparently, the only motivation for the addition here is to render the flow
of discourse more natural in Arabic. Otherwise, English names of days
have corresponding single items in Arabic, e.g. 1•P ‫ ا‬for Saturday and
(QA¢T‫ ا‬for Friday. In contrast to names of days, names of months in the
data are rendered using the strategy of transliteration plus addition, e.g. -UŒ
–\P]‫(‘ أ‬Month of) August’ and ’©A5•+ -UŒ ‘(Month of) September’. It
should be noted that the transliterated (borrowed) English names of months
are used in many Arab countries (including Kuwait where the translation
under study is published) and constitute a strong rival to the native Arabic
calendar where Arabic names of months are used. This being the case,
some translators may render names of months by translation plus addition
instead of transliteration plus addition, e.g. ‫ آب‬-UŒ ‘(Month of) August’ and
‫ ل‬9 ‫ أ‬-UŒ ‘(Month of) September’. Just like names of days in Arabic
translation, the addition in both cases aims to naturalize the flow of
discourse.

6. Conclusions
PNs cannot be treated uniformly in translation between English and Arabic
because they belong to different categories (CPNs vs. CoPNs vs. EPNs),
and, consequently, they may require different translation strategies
including transliteration, complete translation, partial translation,
transliteration plus addition, and translation plus addition. The translator’s
choice among these strategies is governed by two main factors. Firstly, the
translator should check whether the PN individualizes entities by means of
ordinary language predicates (e.g. common nouns), PNs proper, or a
combination of both. Each type usually requires a different strategy.
Secondly, the translator should pay attention to the degree of
comprehensibility and naturalness of his rendering which may necessitate
consolidating the single strategies of transliteration and translation with
addition in the form of a generic word or even substitution in the case of
idiomatic PNs.

120
 The fitness of a strategy in rendering a PN may be judged in light
of transparency of rendition. Other things being equal, the strategy of
complete translation offers the most transparent output, whereas
transliteration offers the least transparent one, as it essentially involves
zero translation. However, transliteration may involve different versions.
The prototype form focuses on form with basically no regard for meaning,
which is usually a workable option when relaying CPNs where sense, if
any, is irrelevant, e.g. ‫ ) رج‬for George. The second version involves
naturalized borrowings where the transliterated item espouses both form
and sense in the target language, e.g. ’©A5•+ for September. The third
version, which is the least transparent and the least workable in terms of
comprehensibility and naturalness of discourse, involves the transliteration
of CPNs and, sometimes, function words, e.g. aŸ+ ‫ س‬PŠ 3 for Kansas City,
where the CPN ‘City’ should be translated into ‫ س‬PŠ 3 (B 0# rather than
transliterated. In between, the option for combining transliteration as well
as translation with addition aims to improve the comprehensibility and/or
naturalness of the output, e.g. •95u4 ‫( ا‬s- instead of •95u4 ‫ ا‬for the Beatles.
In terms of correlation between category of PNs and translation
strategies, three important facts stand out. First, there is a strong correlation
between CPNs and transliteration, e.g. all personal and city/country names
(which constitute the bulk of CPNs) have been rendered by transliteration.
Thus, translators tend to overlook the rendition of sense, if any, in CPNs by
just looking at them as labels individualizing entities independently of
sense. Second, there is a strong tendency to relay CoPNs by complete
translation because translators feel that the sense of the converted
predicates is clearly relevant. This is mostly so even when the sense is to
be interpreted symbolically in nicknames in examples like ‫ ا ©’ق‬K)‫ ر‬for
Lightning Man and 7 2• ‫ اء‬GT‫ ذو ا‬0 P ‫ ا‬for Mr. Good Shoes. When some
CoPNs are transliterated, problems of comprehensibility and naturalness
often occur. Third, EPNs tend to be rendered by partial translation where
the CPNs in them are transliterated, whereas the converted predicates in
them are translated.
Finally, the analysis of translation strategies in terms of thematic
areas shows some interesting facts. First, transliteration occurs frequently
when rendering personal, institution, location, and city/country names.
Second, partial translation and translation plus addition are quite noticeable
when relaying institution and location names. Third, complete translation

121
is noticeable in institution names and frequent in names of works of art.
Finally, calendarical names are exclusively rendered by transliteration or
translation plus addition. On the one hand, institution and location names
enjoy the richest variation in terms of translation strategies. Institution
names, for example, receive the following percentages: partial translation
(28.57%), transliteration (25.39%), translation plus addition (23.80%), and
complete translation (22.22%). On the other hand, personal and
city/country names receive the least variation as they employ exclusively
the strategy of transliteration.

122
 Literary Translation: A Stylistic Perspective

Mohammed Farghal & Ali Almanna

Abstract
This paper explores a stylistic approach to translating literary texts from
Arabic into English and vice versa. It is held that in order to be in a
position to render literary texts effectively and accurately, one needs to: (1)
analyze and describe varieties of language, (2) identify and discern all
important aesthetic aspects of text in order to interpret and appreciate texts
properly, (3) activate processes and experiences of reading along with
one’s intuitive responses to the text, and (4) activate all aspects of
knowledge stored in one’s mind on language, text-typological demands,
generic conventions, sociological roles of participants in the real world and
in text, cultural environment and so on. Through the analysis of authentic
data, it has been argued that by adopting a comprehensive stylistic
approach, translators, as special text readers, can easily derive a better
understanding and appreciation of texts, in particular literary texts. The
data analysis demonstrates that literary translators, in addition to
possessing other types of competences, need to develop first an analytical
and evaluating competence that enables them to analyze and appreciate
stylistic features, and second transferring/translating competence that
enables them to prioritize the competing elements with a minimum loss.

1. Introduction
Many attempts in the field of TS have been made to touch on the style for
some time now (see for example Nida 1964; Lotman 1970; Venuti 2000;
Zyngier 2001; Ghazala 1996, 2011; Bassnett 2002; Huang 2011; Makokha
et al 2012; Almanna 2013). However, formulating a rigorous definition of
what style exactly is remains ambiguous in nature, and the investigation is
still unsystematic. In this regard, Boase-Beier (2006: 1) comments “From
the earliest writings about translation, such as those of Cicero or Horace,
style has often been mentioned but […] its role has rarely been
systematically explored. Yet style is central to the way we construct and
interpret texts”. Snell-Hornby (1995: 119) holds that any attempt to discuss
style will be considered unsatisfactory, since first “no coherent theoretical
approach is attempted” and second “the problem of style recedes
perceptibly into the background”. The term style is applied to various
spheres of human activities, such as an individual (people have their own
different styles), a distinct personality (the style of Dickens), a period (the
123
Victorian style), an individual tone used while communicating to one
another, a mode of tradition (to live in style), etc.
Style (derived from the Latin word stylus meaning stake or pointed
instrument for writing), obviously, is the object of study for stylistics. But
what does stylistics mean? In order to be in a position to define stylistics,
one needs to define style first as any definition of one concept would
depend on a definition of another. Building on an assumption that within
any language system (phonetics, graphology, semantics, grammar
(morphology and syntax) and pragmatics), the same proposition can be
encoded in various linguistic forms, i.e. styles, one can derive a better
understanding of style. To put this differently, the same idea can be
communicated in more than one way, thereby presenting a variability at the
level of, let us say, intonation, type of writing, word and/or expression
choice, morphological and syntactic organization, and illocutionary force
of an utterance.
Style is defined by Leech and Short (1981: 10-11) as “the linguistic
habits of a particular writer [...], genre, period, school”. Style is seen by
other stylisticians as “the dress of thought” (Hough 1969: 3). Formalists,
however, define style as “a deviation from language norms. It is also
claimed to be an expression and reflection of the personality of the author,
hence the adage 'style is man', by particularly generative stylisticians and
the intentionalists” (Ghazala 2011: 40). Laying more emphasis on the
linguistic approach of style, Abrams (1993: 203; emphasis his) defines
style as “the manner of linguistic expression in prose or verse – it is how
speakers or writers say whatever it is that they say”. Based on these
different schools of thought in defining style, Ghazala (2011: 41) defines
style as a linguistic choice made by a particular author within the resources
and limitations of language/grammar, i.e. within “the total options
available in the syntactic, semantic, phonological and pragmatic systems”.
In a direct link to translation, Nida and Taber (1969) in their
definition of style touch on the patterning of choices as well as the generic
constraints that play crucial roles in determining the author’s style.
However, style in this study is seen as any deviation that occurs within any
language system (phonetics, graphology, semantics, grammar (morphology
and syntax) and pragmatics), thereby creating marked and unexpected
combination of sounds, graphics of writing, meanings, patterns of
structures and so on. Such deviation does not happen randomly, but rather
is driven by a deliberate and conscious selection made by the original
writer. The concept of style indicates that in order to express their own
ideas, feelings, attitudes, etc. authors try to choose among the available

124
resources, thus using certain linguistic resources in preference to others (cf.
McEnery & Wilson 2001; Murphy 2006). This view accords well with the
definition of style provided by Crystal (1989: 66):

Style is seen as the (conscious or unconscious) selection of a

set of linguistic features from all the possibilities in a language.
The effects these features convey can be understood only by
intuitively sensing the choices that have been made [...] and it
is usually enough simply to respond to the effect in this way.

This entails that stylistic features are linguistic features in the first
place, but characterized by markedness and significance. Therefore, such
features place extra burden on the part of translators and require them to
use their utmost effort to reflect such stylistic peculiarities in the target text
(TT) (cf. Boarse-Berse 2006; Ghazala 2011; Huang 2011; Almanna 2013).
However, difficulty arises when the target language (TL) syntactic,
semantic, phonological and pragmatic system rejects the accommodation
of such features. Reading the text at hand with a view to analyzing and
appreciating its salient stylistic features, such as parallelism, repetition,
irony, long vs. short sentences, foregrounding vs. backgrounding, formality
vs. informality, nominalisation vs. verbalisation, passivisation vs.
activisation and so on, the translator's work usually slows down in an
attempt to adopt the most appropriate local strategies that would reflect
such characteristics in the TT. In other words, in addition to the translator
trying to reflect the content of the ST, another type of pressure is imposed
on him/her when attempting to relay stylistic peculiarities in the translation
product.
Having formed a clear picture on what style exactly means, now let
us shift our focus of attention towards the other concept, i.e. stylistics. In
its straightforward meaning, stylistics is the study of style. Having
consulted and discussed a number of definitions of stylistics (for example
Widdowson 1975; Leech and Short 1981; Carter 1982; Brumfit and Carter
1986; Fabb et al 1987; Short 1988; Toolan 1992, 1998; Verdonk and
Webber 1995; Wright and Hope 1996; Harris 2000; Simpson 2004; Boase-
Beier 2006; Ghazala 2011; Yeibo 2011; Makokha, et al. 2012), one can
conclude the following points about stylistics:
It is a branch of linguistics;
It is a language-based approach;
Its major concentration is on the analysis of literary texts of all
genres and classes, whether canonical or non-canonical; however, it
125
 is an approach that can be applied to the analysis of other text
types;
It is a combination of linguistic/structural patterns (i.e. stylistic
features) and the implied meanings (or functions) produced by
them;
It involves all types of stylistic choices at the different levels of
language: lexical, grammatical and phonological, in particular.

2. A Stylistic Approach to Translating

In this study, stylistics is envisaged as an approach which enables us to (1)
analyze and describe varieties of language (linguistic stylistics), (2)
identify and discern all important aesthetical aspects of text in order to
interpret and appreciate texts properly (literary stylistics), (3) activate
processes and experiences of reading along with our intuitive responses to
the text at hand (affective stylistics), and (4) activate the knowledge stored
in our mind on all aspects of language, text-typological demands, generic
conventions, sociological roles of participants in the real world and in text,
cultural environment and so on (cognitive stylistics). Therefore, it is a
combination of four stylistic approaches, namely linguistic stylistics,
literary stylistics, affective stylistics and cognitive stylistics. These four
stylistic approaches do not exclude one another, but rather they
complement one another. This is because text analysts (in our case
translators) heavily rely on (1) their analytical and evaluative competence
as well as their reading experiences and processes in order to identify the
linguistic features that have acquired special status in the text and relate
these linguistic peculiarities to their artistic function by analyzing their
micro-and macro-context, and (2) on their intuitive response to the text by
activating their knowledge on all aspects of language and human life. This
indicates that although stylistics as an approach draws evidence from the
text to support the argument for important stylistic features and their
functions, it loses some of its appeal and becomes rather subjective due to
its inherent nature. The reason is that people (be they readers, analysts,
translators, or critics) are different in terms of their set of skills and
competences, their socio-cultural backgrounds, their political and cultural
commitments, their accumulated value system, the kind of information
stored in their minds, their intuitive response and literary appreciation, and
so on.
By adopting a style-based approach that can draw on the four
stylistic approaches discussed above, translators, as special text readers,
can easily derive a better understanding and appreciation of texts. Not only

126
does stylistics attempt to understand the linguistic foundations of the style
in texts, in terms of the manner of expression, technique or craft of writing,
but also it lays emphasis on the language function of texts, in particular
literary texts (cf. Toolan 1998: ix; Huang 2011: 59). Stylistics, therefore,
seriously tries to “put the discussion of textual effects and techniques on a
public, shared footing – a footing as shared and established and inspectable
as is available to informed language-users” (Toolan, 1998: ix). It provides
us with a linguistic perspective to comprehend and appreciate the linguistic
features that the original writers deliberately and consciously try to invest,
despite the availability of the other alternative options. This attunes well
with Boase-Beier’s (2006: 1) view:

Firstly, in the actual process of translation, the way the style of the
source text is viewed will affect the translator’s reading of the text.
Secondly, because the recreative process in the target text will also
be influenced by the sorts of choices the translator makes, and style
is the outcome of choice (as opposed to those aspects of language
which are not open to option), the translator’s own style will
become part of the target text. And, thirdly, the sense of what style
is will affect not only what the translator does but how the critic of
translation interprets what the translator has done.

3. Discussion of data
To demonstrate how translators, as special text users, can have a better
understanding and appreciation of texts by adopting a style-based
approach that can draw on the four stylistic approaches, i.e. linguistic
stylistics, literary stylistics, affective stylistics and cognitive stylistics, let
us discuss these two examples extracted from Yāsīn’s story W8‫ ا‬# (AL A
Citizen’s Fingerprint (printed in Almanna 2013: 161):

‫ي‬-; W# .. ‫ﻩ‬-; E# ‫ود‬0V W#‫ و‬.. /ÔAr W# ‫ب‬-l¯ ‫ و‬/ V B) ‰5> ‫ أن‬0[- ‫ ا <ذ؟؟‬W ‫( أ‬1)
. ‫ا‬0 ‫ أ‬0V‫ = أ‬... 0V‫ † = أ‬V 79M ‫ أن‬0[- ... /; )‫أو‬
[Where (is) the refuge? He wants to open his (two) wings and flee
from his thirst .. and from the boundaries of his feelings .. from the
nudity of his pains ... He wants to soar where there (is) nobody ...
nobody at all]

127
 In this example, one can easily identify, interpret and appreciate a
number of stylistic features, viz. an elliptical rhetorical question ‫ ا <ذ‬W ‫أ‬
‘lit. where the refuge’, the parallel structures in .. ‫ﻩ‬-; E# ‫ود‬0V W# .. /ÔAr W#
/; )‫ي أو‬-; W# ‘lit. from his thirst .. from boundaries of his feelings .. from
the nudity of his pains’, the repetition of the lexical item 0[- ‘lit. (he)
wants’ and the repetition of the phrase 0V‫‘ = أ‬lit. no one’. These stylistic
features are not used randomly by the original writer, but rather they are
chosen deliberately and consciously; therefore, they are supposed to have
particular functions. Resorting to a rhetorical question, for example, the
original writer might attempt to get her readers physically involved in the
situation or she might try to let them ponder over a particular refuge when
being in a similar situation. Opting for lexical repetition in parallel
structures, the writer might try to invoke in the mind of her readers
different thoughts and images. Further, in an attempt to emphasize the fact
that there will be nobody there at all, she resorts to a phrasal repetition † V
0V‫‘ = أ‬lit. where (is) no one’. Given these stylistic features along with their
functions full consideration, one can render it as follows:

(2) Where to go? He wants to spread his wings and escape from his thirst,
from the boundaries of his feelings, from the nudity of his pains; he
wants to soar where nobody is, nobody at all.

One should note that the suggested translation has preserved the
stylistic features in the ST, viz. the elliptical rhetorical question, the
parallel structures, the creative metaphors, and the functional repetition.
The only modification has taken place in the lexis of the rhetorical
question, that is, the option for synonymy (to go instead to seek refuge) and
verbalizing the noun (to go instead of refuge) in order to preserve the
elliptical structure as well as the tone. A rendering like 'Where is the
refuge?' would sound flat in tone and as a generic rather than a rhetorical
question, while renderings like 'Where can he find a refuge' or even 'Is
there a refuge' would miss the abrupt ellipsis in the source language (SL)
rhetorical question as well as mitigate the despairing tone in that question.
Thus, the preservation of stylistic features can fluctuate between formal

128
equivalence and functional equivalence. The first option, of course, is to
maintain both form and function if that is possible at all. Otherwise,
functional options become necessary.
In the following example, however, the original writer, in an
attempt to invoke different images in the mind of the reader on the one
hand, and to adopt a neutral tone on the other, opts for a circular pattern of
active and passive voice, which is supported by parallel structures as well
as the deictic word ‫ ك‬B 'lit. there'.

ُ ُ
‚[-Œ 7L ‫ وا‬... ‫ ﻩ‬ALQ# 0 s ‫ و‬... ‫ى‬- = o" ‫ا‬0 ) ‫ ﻩ‬A.V‫ < أ‬0B# / ; IJ; ‫ ا‬Q!‫( و‬3)
.(‫ ك‬B ) Ij‫ إ‬/ ‫ ا‬:#‫ و‬... /A ‫ ق‬-[-;
[They put a handkerchief on his (two) eyes(;) they tightened it well so he
can't see ... His wrists were tied ... And a wide strip was stuck on his
mouth ... And they took him (there)]

In addition to the parallel structures and the dynamic shift from

active to agentless passive and back to active, the deictic Arabic word ‫ ك‬B
‘lit. there’ refers to an assumed location in the mind of the speaker/writer,
which is different from 'there' in the mind of hearer/reader, as well as it
invokes different memories and/or images. So, it is an open invitation to
every reader in every location on the earth to enliven this moment of there-
ness. Taken into account these stylistic features, one can readily produce a
version that reflects the tone of voice and attitude, parallel structures and
the deictic word 'there' at once, as in:

(4) They covered his eyes with a handkerchief, tightening it so that he

couldn't see anything. His wrists were shackled; his mouth was
covered with a wide piece of tape. And they took him 'there'.

Again, the only stylistic modification here has to do with textual

preferences between Arabic and English. In this case, the English
preference to use a non-finite clause 'tightening ...', rather than a finite
clause 'they tightened ...', is the main reason for such a textual
restructuring.
To demonstrate the impact of failing to, and/or succeeding in,
reflecting certain stylistic features in authentic translation practice, let us

129
consider the following example quoted from Greene’s (1980: 9-10) The
Bomb Party and translated into Arabic by Ali Sālih (1989: 7-8):

(5) I think that I used to detest Doctor Fischer more than any other man I
have known just as I loved his daughter more than any other woman.

1•4V‫ أ‬A9…# ،o€ V /5 -; -6‫ ن آ‬PŠ‫ إي إ‬W#’Áˆ‫أ‬-E ‫ ر‬5ˆ0 ‫ﻩ ا‬-ˆ ‫ت‬05;‫ ا‬až2‫ أ‬Wr‫( أ‬6)
.‫[ ت‬-6• ‫ ء‬P ‫ ا‬K3 W#’Áˆ‫ أ‬/5 ‫ا‬
[I think I used to hate Dr Fischer more than any other human I have known
in my life, as the way I loved his daughter more than all other women]

It is clear that the original writer uses parallelism: (I used to detest

Doctor Fischer more than any other man/I loved his daughter more than
any other woman). Such parallel structures need to be reflected in the TT,
provided that such a reflection would not distort the TL linguistic and
stylistic norms. Further, Greene, introduces two pairs of antonyms, i.e.
‘detest’ vs. ‘love’ and ‘man’ vs. ‘woman’ in a very short extract. As these
antonyms fall in parallel structures, they acquire stylistic features that need
to be maintained in the TT. Given these stylistic features full consideration,
the translator could have produced a rendering as in (7) below:
ً
1Bˆ Aˆ # AN ،o€ V /5 -; -6‫ آ‬K)‫ أي ر‬W# ’Áˆ‫ أ‬-E ‫ ر‬5ˆ0 ‫ﻩ ا‬-ˆ‫ أ‬1Bˆ až2‫ أ‬Wr‫( أ‬7)
ّ
.‫ى‬-6‫أة أ‬-#‫ أي ا‬W#’Áˆ‫ أ‬/5 ‫~ ا‬V‫أ‬
[I think I used to hate Dr Fischer more than any other man I have known
in my life, just as I used to love his daughter more than any other
woman]

An attempt is also made to deliberately use antonyms in our

suggested rendering: ‫ﻩ‬-ˆ‫ أ‬vs. ~V‫أ‬ ّ ‘lit. hate vs. love’ and K)‫ ر‬vs. ‫أﻩ‬-#‫‘ ا‬lit
man vs. woman’. It is also worth noting that the main reason for opting for
the lexical item ‫ﻩ‬-ˆ ‘i.e. hate’, rather than -•p ‘i.e. hate + hostility’ or 1 #
‘i.e. hate + censure’ is to make up for the alliteration utilized by the
original writer, i.e. detest Doctor. Besides, the suggested translation
captures the lexical stylistic feature relaying emphasis in the SL, viz. the
combination of just as ‘lit. Aˆ # AN’ rather than as Aˆ alone, by rendering it

130
 ً
into the Arabic combination Aˆ # AN ‘just as’, which accounts for the said
stylistic feature.
Let us now consider the following example where the translator has
not preserved the cleft structure, which brings one constituent to marked
focus and marked tone of discourse:

(8) But it was not for his money that I detested Doctor Fischer. I hated him
for his pride, his contempt of the world, and his cruelty. He loved no
one, not even his daughter. He didn’t even bother to oppose our
marriage, ...

A¢T ‫ رﻩ‬5V‫ وا‬/5r n ‫ورﻩ و‬-] ~•Pp K / ‫ ا‬#‫•~ أ‬Pp -E ‫ ر‬5ˆ0 ‫ ا‬-•p‫ أ‬F ažB. (9)
ً
... ، B)‫وع زوا‬-E# IJ; ‫;¡’اض‬Ì ‫ ول‬M F ‫ و‬./5 ‫ ا‬µŸV ‫ا‬0V‫~ أ‬M W. F .‫ س‬B ‫ا‬

[But I didn't detest Doctor Fischer because of his money rather (it was)
because of his pride and his cruelty and his contempt of all people. He
didn't love anyone, even his daughter. And he didn't try to oppose the
project of our marriage]

In this excerpt, the original writer, in an attempt to lay emphasis on

the feeling of hatred that the narrator has towards Doctor Fischer, resorts to
a cleft-structure in the negative form. Such an emphasis is however
completely lost in the nexus of translation. Had the translator taken into
account such a feature, he could have suggested a rendering such as ‫اء‬-Z W.
... ~•Pp / -ˆ‫ أ‬1Bˆ 0 ،/ aŸ # ~•+ W. F -E ‫ ر‬5ˆ0 ‫‘ ا‬lit. But the (huge)
wealth of Doctor Fischer was not the reason for my detesting him, (in fact)
I was hating (hated) him because ...’. Further, although the translator has
managed to deal with the thematic progression in ‘he loved …. He didn’t
...’ when opting for ‫ ول‬M F ‫ و‬... W. F ‘lit. he wasn't ... and he didn't try’, he
has changed the meaning of 'He didn’t even bother to oppose our
marriage' dramatically when lingering himself within the bounds of the
superficial level of the sentence, thereby producing a neutral, flat rendering
B)‫وع زوا‬-E# IJ; ‫;¡’اض‬Ì ‫ ول‬M F ‘lit. He didn't try to oppose the project of
our marriage’. Taken into consideration the thematic progression and
probing into the deep symbolic level of the discourse, he could have
ً
produced something like ‫ار‬-s IJ; µŸV ‫;¡’اض‬Ì ‫ ول‬M F ‫ و‬،/5 ‫ ا‬µŸV ‫ا‬0V‫~ أ‬M F

131
 B)‫‘ زوا‬lit. He didn't love anyone, (not) even his daughter, and he didn't try
to (bother to) oppose even our decision to get married’. This translation
captures the repetition of 'even' in the SL. Besides, the translator’s option
for two short sentences goes against the stylistic preferences in Arabic,
hence combining the two short sentences into one in the suggested
translation.
To witness translators’ successes and failures while prioritizing the
competing elements prior to finalizing their drafts, let us consider the
following example quoted from Hemingway’s novella The Old Man and
the Sea (1952: 10) and translated by Munīr Ba‘albaki (1985: 31), which
involves several stylistic issues:

(10) They picked up the gear from the boat. The old man carried the mast
on his shoulder and the boy carried the wooden box with the coiled,
hard-braided brown lines, the gaff and the harpoon with its shaft.

‫ ا •<م‬KAV‫ و‬،/>5ˆ IJ; ([‫ ر‬P ‫ ½ ا‬E ‫ ا‬KAV‫ و‬.‫ ا رب‬W# ‫ة‬0Q ‫ ا‬QA)‫( و‬11)
ً
‫ا‬->! ‫> رة‬: ‫>( ا‬59 ‫اء ا‬-AP ‫ ط ا‬vT‫ ا‬IJ; ‫\ ي‬B ‫ ا‬a´EvT‫وق ا‬0BL ‫ا‬
ً
.‫ ن‬¥-GT‫ وا‬،W¢å ‫ وا‬، A.M#
[And they gathered the equipment from the boat. The sheikh carried the
mast on his shoulder, and the (servant) youth/guy carried the wooden box
(which was) coiled on the tightly-braided dark lines, and the gaff, and the
harpoon]

First, this example involves lexical repetition which needs special

attention. The lexical item ‘to carry’ is used in juxtaposed parallel
structures and joined by the connector ‘and’: ‘The man carried the … and
the boy carried the …’, thereby acquiring a stylistic feature that needs to be
reflected in the TT, provided that this does not distort the TL linguistic and
stylistic norms. Paying attention to these stylistic features at the syntactic
level, the translator has managed to reflect them in the TT. However, he
has seriously failed in handling the stylistic features at the lexical level.
First, the English word ‘boy’ may potentially be translated into Arabic by a
number of items, such as 0 ‫و‬, a´x, ‫]<م‬, etc. This requires translators to do
their best to analyze and comprehend their both denotative and connotative
meanings prior to rendering it. To start with, the English lexical item ‘boy’
and the Arabic word ‫ ]<م‬proposed by the translator are different in their

132
both denotative meanings (i.e. one of the sense components of the lexical
item ‫ ]<م‬is [+ adult] while the lexical item ‘boy’ is [– adult]) and
connotative meanings (i.e. the Arabic word ‫ ]<م‬invokes in the mind of the
TL reader the idea of ‘servitude’). As for 0 ‫و‬, its semantic features overlap
with a 'male adult' (in Saudi Arabia, for example, a man is called 0 ‫ و‬and
'children' in its plural form (i.e. the plural ‫ أو=د‬covers both 'boys' and
'girls'). From a stylistic point of view, translating the English lexical item
‘boy’ into a´x will create a sort of alliteration ( …‫وق‬0BL ‫ ا‬a´L ‫ )… ا‬in the
TT, which would enhance the TT while preserving its denotative and
connotative features. Second, the translator has employed an unacceptable
Arabic color collocation, viz. ‫اء‬-AP ‫ ط ا‬vT‫ا‬, thus personifying and/or
euphemizing a noun inadvertently and awkwardly. One should note that
the Arabic color adjective ‫اء‬-A+/-A+‫ أ‬is mainly used denotatively (i.e. to
refer to an olive complexion) or euphemistically (i.e. to refer to a black
complexion). There is no stylistic reason that would motivate its use to
modify ‫ ط‬vT‫ا‬, as the English open collocation 'brown lines' can be readily
ّ
rendered into ( 4 ‫ ط ا‬vT‫ا‬, thus avoiding unmotivated stylistic nuances.
By contrast, to see how a translator can successfully handle the
main stylistic features of lexis and structure in the ST, let us consider the
example below quoted from Abid’s (2010) story the Passion of Lady A and
translated by Erick Winkel (2010):

‫ ن‬V W. ‫ و‬0UE ‫ﻩ ا‬-Gw 0 ،‫د‬0M# ‫ء‬abep’ .>5 ‫ ا‬0[- W. F (12)

َ َّ َ
ٍ FUA A¥‫ ور‬،‫اء‬0QL ‫ ا‬K)- ‫>– ا‬BN ‫ ن‬N0} ; N‫ار‬05+‫ا‬
F ‫<م‬.
(p. 63) .‫ﻩ‬-ˆ 5 0Q‡
[He wasn't wanting (didn't want) to think of any specific thing, as the scene
intoxicated him and but when they turned going back the man heaped a
sigh of relief, and perhaps he mumbled some speech he no longer recalled]

(13) He didn’t want to think of anything in particular. The vision had

intoxicated him. But when they turned around to go back, the man
sighed deeply. He may have mumbled some words he couldn’t recall
later. (p. 62)

133
 In this example, the translator has effectively managed to relay a
comparable degree of emotiveness in the translation by employing the
appropriate lexical chain 'intoxicated ... sighed deeply ...mumbled'. In
addition, he has ably split the Arabic sentence into three English sentences,
thus complying with the stylistic norms in the TT. The only small stylistic
mishap one could notice is the translator’s use of the active rather the
passive voice with a verb like 'intoxicate' as English tends to utilize the
passive with this verb and other similar verbs like 'enchant' and 'captivate',
which might well be employed in this context.
However, the same translator has failed to capture some stylistic
features in the following excerpt:
ً
(4[-• ‫ ا‬UU)‫ و‬‰#<#‫ و‬9Qp (‫ ر )ع‬:V ‫ أن‬/.¥‫ ا ي أر‬./5 GT l”5B# W. F (14)
ّ
F9"Nُ ˜‫ د}( و‬U ‫ ا‬lm.G FZ ،(BN > ‫ ا‬lmˆ-V‫ د وا ¡¿از و) د و‬+• -QŒ ،‫ ل‬A¢T‫ا‬
ُ
K /9vH6 ُ
‫ﻩ‬Ž) 0UE ‫ ا‬W. UQ# ‫<م‬.9 /Q 0 ‫ ن ~ أن‬3 ‫ ذ‬K3 ،‫اء‬- E ‫ ا‬lm6‫أ‬
ً
(p.65) .. 4[- N ‫ء‬abc = /9Q)‫ و) دﻩ و‬I¬ ‫أ‬

[He didn't pay attention to his condition. What confused him was the
presence of Lady A with her height and her face's features (which are)
extraordinarily beautiful, her black hair and her shaking presence and
her seductive movement, then her calm laugh while talking to her blond
sister, all that would have pushed him to talk to her but the scene took
him by surprise(,) disjointed him(;) rather it cancelled his existence and
made him almost nothing]

(15) He wasn’t aware of his condition. What muddled him was the lady’s
height, good looks, attractive face, and beauty, her enticing presence
and seductive walk. Then she laughed quietly while chatting with her
fair sister. All of that would have pushed a man to talk with her, but
seeing her suddenly disjointed him, shook off his being and made
him almost disappear. (p. 64)

As can be seen, the translator has changed the relationship between

the first sentence and the following one dramatically when opting for the
connector 'then' in 'What muddled him was the lady’s height, good looks,
attractive face and beauty, her enticing presence and seductive walk. Then

134
she laughed quietly while chatting with her fair sister'. First, the action of
laughing was excluded from what muddled him, and second, the sequence
of the events was changed. He could have used the connector 'as well as' as
in 'as well as her quiet laughter while she was chatting with her blond
sister'. From a stylistic viewpoint, there is an example of climax, i.e.
arranging words, phrases, clauses according to their increasing importance
(cf. Corbett 1971: 476; Al-Rubai’i 1996: 86). Such a stylistic feature needs
to be given full consideration by the translator, but unfortunately he has
paid no attention to the arrangement of the clauses/sentences in an order of
increasing importance. Further, the climax is accompanied by a deliberate
omission of some of the connectors, i.e. asyndeton ‫ و) دﻩ‬I¬ ‫ أ‬K /9vH6 ‫ﻩ‬Ž)
4[- N ‫ء‬abc = /9Q)‫‘و‬lit. took him by surprise disjointed him rather cancelled
his existence and made him almost nothing’, as well as a lack of
punctuation marks among these clauses/sentences. The omission of
punctuation marks is on purpose; it is one of the rhetorical devices
employed by the writer to “hasten psychologically the pace of the
experience depicted” (Shen 1987: 186). Had the translator taken such
stylistic features into account, he could have produced a rendering such as
'But the sight surprised him … rocked him … rather obliterated his
existence and made him almost nothing'.
To further demonstrate how not taking into account the deliberate
and conscious selections made by the original writer may create a
misleading mental image in the minds of the TL readers, let us consider the
following excerpt (16) quoted from Choukri’s novel GT‫©¿ ا‬vT‫( ا‬2000: 171-
172; 6th edition) and translated by Bowles into For Bread Alone (2000:
128):

: j ‫ ل‬s‫ دل و‬B ‫~ ا‬G«Š‫( ا‬16)

.‫ ت‬# oŠ‫ا‬04. ‫ ا‬-
ً ً
:aæ ‫ا‬-] ،až ; MN ،X Q! ‫ ت‬L 19s
‫ ت؟‬# -
./ 9; ‫( ﷲ‬AV‫ ر‬.‫ ت‬# FQŠ -
[The waiter retreated and said to me:
- Kebdani died.
I said in a weak vice, opening my eyes, pushing my
mouth open:

135
 - Died?
- Yes died. Allah's mercy on him]

(17) After he had gone away, Kandoussi resumed talking.

“Poor Kebdani. He’s dead”.
My eyes and mouth opened widely. “Dead” I repeated weakly.
“Yes”, he said. “He’s dead. Allah irhamou.

Drawing a direct comparison between the ST and TT, one can

easily put a finger on the translator’s failure to interpret and appreciate the
original stylistic features, such as the repetition of the Arabic verb ‫ ت‬#
‘died’, which is unjustifiably changed into an adjective in the TT, i.e.
‘dead’, along with its function in such a dialogue. Changing parts of
speech through the nexus of translation, which is labeled by Vinay and
Darbelnet (1958/1995) ‘transposition’ and later by Catford (1965) ‘class
shift’, needs to be avoided as much as possible, in particular when it leads
to a different mental image on the one hand, and alters the text-type focus
on the other. Besides, the effect of suddenness in the parallel structure
ً ً
aæ ‫ا‬-] ،až ; MN is best relayed in English by inchoative finite clauses,
viz. 'My eyes opened, my mouth gapped. - He died? I repeated weakly'.
More seriously, however, the translator has resorted to transliteration in his
rendition of the formulaic expression / 9; ‫( ﷲ‬AV‫ر‬. This decision has
marred the style of the English text. The translator could have chosen
between foreignization, viz. 'May Allah have mercy on him' or
domestication, viz. 'May his soul rest in peace'. Both options would fit
nicely in the TT, albeit they embrace different styles.
Sometimes, the translator opts for a style that is not congruent with
the style of the original author. For example, in his translation of
Hemingway's The Old Man and the Sea, Munīr Ba‘albakī has chosen an
elevated style that does not reflect the simple narrative style adopted by the
author. One could sense this outright from the translation of the title into
-M4 ‫ ½ وا‬E ‫‘ ا‬lit. The Sheikh and the Sea’, rather than the straightforward
title -M4 ‫ ز وا‬¢¸ ‫ ا‬K)- ‫‘ ا‬lit. The Old Man and the Sea’. It is worth noting
that the Arabic term ½ E ‫‘ ا‬sheikh’ brings to mind many connotations in the
Arab culture including religious, political, social, educational, and old age
connotations. Among these, it is only the old age connotation that is

136
relevant to Hemingway's work. To shed more light on the difference in
style, let us consider the following excerpt, along with its Arabic
translation:

(18) He [the fish] took the bait like a male and he pulls like a male and his
fight has no panic in it. I wonder if he has any plans or if he is just as
desperate as I am?

W# ‫ء‬abc IJ; U :2 ‫\ ي‬B –u ‫ و‬،-ˆ‫ ذ‬l•Žˆ 0E€ ˜‫ و‬،-ˆ‫ ذ‬l•Žˆ FQ\ ‫ ا‬1 ‫ و‬BN 0 (19)
‫ ؟‬2‫ أ‬J…# (Pá ‫د‬- # l•‫ أم أ‬، # (\6 U+‫ رأ‬K ،‫ي‬-QŒ 1 =‫ أ‬.-; ‫ا‬

[She took the bait as if she were a male, and she was pulling as if she were
a male, and her struggle doesn't contain any panic. Where's my verse (if
only I knew), is there a certain plan in her head, or is she merely desperate
as I am?]

Apart from the modification of the fish's gender (from male to

female, which has been adopted throughout the translation of the novella),
Munīr Ba‘albakī has employed two highly elevated expressions here, viz.
U :2 and ‫ي‬-QŒ 1 =‫أ‬, which are not congruent with the simple narrative
style in the ST. The first expression is highly formal corresponding to 'her
struggle' in English, which does not describe the situation at hand; it could
simply be rendered as lmˆ-Q# 'her fight'. The second expression is more
problematic as it is taken from Arabic classical poetry (wondering by
invoking one's own verse), which does not reflect the ST simple style that
can be simply rendered into ... ‫ ن‬3 ‫ ءل إن‬P€‫ أ‬or ... ‫ ن‬3 ‫ف إن‬-;‫= أ‬. In fact, the
Arab reader of Ba‘albaki’s translation gets a wrong impression of
Hemingway's style. The two styles are completely different: the
translation's style is highly elevated and largely stilted, whereas the
original's style is that of a simple narrative and is highly readable.
The following example, taken from Victims of a Map – a group of
selected poems by M. Darwish, S. Al-Qasim, and A. Adonis, and
translated by Abdullah Al-Udhari (1984), demonstrates how making small
changes, perhaps inadvertently, can seriously affect poetic symbols, which
are a key feature of style. The excerpt comes from Darwish's poem j ‫ ن‬3 ‫إذا‬
( ‫ا‬04 ‫ ا‬0 ;‫' أن أ‬If I Were to Start All Over Again'.

137
 UP>2 o€ \6 Ij‫ وإ‬UP>2 o€‫ ورد‬Ij‫ إ‬،‫ أن أ; د‬j ‫ ن‬3 ‫( أ; د إذا‬20)
.(48-s Ij‫ = أ; د إ‬ažB. ‫و‬
[I return if I were to return, to my rose itself and to my step
itself
(and) but I don’t return to Cordova]

(21) I will return if I have to return, to my roses, to my steps

But I will never go back to Cordova.

In (21), the translator has failed to deal with the symbolic

representation in two serious ways. Firstly, he has destroyed the symbolism
embodied in the uniqueness of the referents which the poet employs, that
is, o‫ـ‬€‫' ورد‬my rose' and o€ ‫\ـ‬6 'my step' when rendering them as 'my roses'
and 'my steps', respectively. One should note that the poet utilizes these
common nouns in reference to unique entities, viz. 'my rose' symbolizes
'Palestine (his occupied homeland)' and 'my step' symbolizes 'his infancy'.
Unfortunately, the translation relegates these poetic symbols to mere
reference to common belongings. Secondly, the modality of the discourse
presented by the translator is significantly different from that entertained
by the poet. To explain, the translation views 'the return' in terms of
general obligation 'if I have to return', thus calling into question the
cherished desire to return to occupied land, whereas the poet envisions 'the
return' as a remote possibility ‫ـ أن أ;ـ د‬j ‫ـ ن‬3 ‫' إذا‬if I were to return' while
maintaining this long-cherished desire. As is clear, we have two different
styles which embrace considerably diverging discourses and worlds.
Let us now consider our last example of stylistic features in which
ideological moves are presented at the level of poetic cohesiveness rather
than socio-cultural reality. The stanza below is extracted from a poem
titled -¢‫ـ‬£ ‫' ا \ ـ ن وا‬The Flood and the Tree', which was written in the
aftermath of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War by the Palestinian woman poet,
Fadwa Tūqān, and was translated into English by Ibrahim Dawood
(1994:44-45):
‫ة‬-¢£ ‫ م ا‬5+ (22)
‫ ن‬L]•‫ة و‬-¢£ ‫ م ا‬5+

138
 -:YN‫– و‬AE ‫ ا‬AB™+
‫ة‬-¢£ ‫" ت ا‬GÂ ‫ رق‬5+‫و‬
–AE ‫ ا‬/)‫و‬
’ \ ‫ ا‬o€Ž +‫و‬
’ \ ‫ ا‬o€Ž + 0 =
’ \ ‫ ا‬o€Ž +
’ \ ‫ ا‬o€Ž +
[The tree will rise
The tree and the branches will rise
(It) will grow in the sun and green
And the laughs of the tree will leaf
in the face of the sun
And the bird will come
The bird must come
The bird will come
The bird will come]

(23) This fallen Tree will rise again

with green branches in sunshine.
Her smiles will be her leaves
That will appear in the sunlight.
The Bird will come; it will most surely.
The Bird will come, the Bird will come.

It can be readily seen that the translation in (23) transforms an

episode of inflamed agitation and fury by the poet into a state of deep
serenity. Given the psychological turbulence the poet is experiencing after
the tragic defeat of the Arabs in the 1967 Six-day War, she bombards the
reader with a series of actions, viz. ‫ م‬5‫ـ‬+ 'will rise', AB™‫ـ‬+ 'will grow',
-‫ ّـ‬:YN 'will green', ‫ رق‬5‫ـ‬+ 'will leaf', and o€Ž ‫ـ‬+ 'will come', where there is no
room for serene states. However, the translation betrays this stylistic
feature by disrupting it with states that involve minimal action, if any at all,
viz. with green branches in sunshine, Her smiles will be her leaves, and
that will appear in the sunlight. This, in effect, seriously damages poetic

139
cohesion and coherence. To appreciate the importance of maintaining this
stylistic feature, the following translation is offered as a mere suggestion:

(24) The Tree will rise again;

Her branches will grow and green in the sun;
Her smiles will leaf in sunshine;
The Bird, the Bird shall surely come;
The Bird will come, the Bird will come.

4. Conclusion
The discussion of the above examples along with their translations clearly
shows the effects of the translator's appreciation of stylistic features on
his/her work. The moment translators identify and appreciate stylistic
features, they start pondering over the available strategies, on the one
hand, and the amount of loss that may occur through the nexus of
translation, on the other. To work smoothly and effectively through
stylistic nuances, translators need first to develop an analytical and
evaluating competence that enables them to analyze and appreciate stylistic
features, and second to demonstrate a transfer competence that enables
them to choose appropriately between the competing elements with a
minimum loss. It has been shown that in order to be in a position to render
literary texts effectively and accurately, translators need to:

i. analyze and describe varieties of language;

ii. identify and discern all important aesthetical aspects of text in order
to correctly interpret and appreciate texts;
iii. activate processes and experiences of reading along with our intuitive
responses to the text at hand; and
iv. activate all aspects of knowledge stored in their minds on language,
text-typological demands, generic conventions, sociological roles of
participants in the real world and in text, cultural environment and so
on.

Further, it has been shown from data analysis that translators can
have a better understanding and appreciation of texts, in particular literary
texts, when adopting a style-based approach that can draw on the four
stylistic approaches, viz. linguistic stylistics, literary stylistics, affective
stylistics and cognitive stylistics. It has been also shown that stylistics as
an approach draws evidence from the text to support arguments for the
importance of stylistic features and their functions. However, it loses some

140
of its appeal and becomes rather subjective as people are different as to
their socio-cultural backgrounds, their political and cultural commitments,
their ideologies, their skill competences, the kind of information stored in
their minds, their intuitive responses and literary appreciation, and so on.

141
 A book is read from its title: English Fiction
Titles in Arabic Translation

Mohammed Farghal & Hiba Buzzi

Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to explore the translation procedures that are
followed when rendering English fiction titles into Arabic. On hundred
English fiction titles are collected and set against their Arabic counterparts.
The quantitative analysis shows that the translation procedure employed in
59% of the sample is literal translation, whether in the form of one-to-one
correspondence proper (58%) or when it is combined with a generic word
(1%) or transliteration (1%). The other translation procedures feature
adaptation (20%), use of related words (12%), paraphrase/explication
(5%), and transliteration alone (3%). Qualitatively, the analysis reveals that
literal translation works very well when the title is lexically and culturally
transparent. By contrast, adaptation is called for when the title includes
culture-bound references or allusions. With regards to related words, they
are employed when the title is lexically intricate or when a related word
would render the title more attractive. The analysis also indicates that
while explication may render a title more natural and attractive, paraphrase
may produce flat and unnatural titles. Transliteration, for its part, is shown
to work well with proper nouns although it may need to be supplemented
by other procedures in some cases. Other things being equal, commercial
and marketing factors need to be taken into consideration when
formulating as well as when translating a title.

1. Introduction
A familiar Arabic proverb that enjoys a wide metaphorical application tells
us that “What is written is read from its title”. According to this proverb,
one does not have to look into the details of something in order to know
what is going on, e.g. the way someone looks, behaves, etc. would
transpire what is happening inside him/her the way a title of some written
material would transpire its content. In this spirit, titles function as the
minimal discourses that represent a macro-text, for written works are
identified, remembered, and referred to by their titles. In fact, it is titles
that a reading journey begins with. Titles, as linguistic signs, introduce the
entire work and set the expectations of the potential reader. They are the
gates through which one passes to enter some work.

142
 Titles and their functions have been investigated by theorists and
specialists in various fields of study. Leonardi (2011) states that titles were
defined as promises, interpretive hints, and text guides by the French
philosopher Jacques Derrida, Italian novelist Umberto Eco, and German
linguist Uriel Weinreinch (cited in Sidiskyte & Tamulaitiene, 2013). Also,
Leo Hoek (1973), the founder of titrologie, the science of titles, views
titles as an “artifact created for reception or commentary” (cited in Genette
1988: 693). Similarly, Levinson (1985) refers to the title as a “capstone of
an arch” and a “presumptive guide” since it determines the “perceivable
face” of the work. Hence, the title is more than a label through which a
work of art can be distinguished and referred to. The title significantly
contributes to determining the character of the work. A poem, for example,
cannot be well understood and thought of without a title. Also, two
identically composed musical works can be listened to and felt differently
depending on their titles. Titles, in general, have the capacity to affect the
properties of a work of art through setting a particular scene for the
receiver. Put differently, titles are complementary elements of works of art
in that they have a certain effect on the perception of the object they
represent.
Genette (1988) asserts that the author starts the writing by choosing
a title, and continues to produce text to justify it. He further quotes Ricatte
(1969): “If I write a story without having found a title, it generally aborts,”
and, “A title is needed, because the title is a sort of flag toward which one
directs oneself. The goal then is to explain the title” (cited in Genette 1988:
701). In contrast, Taha (2009) claims that a title is chosen retrospectively
to become a true reflection of the text and the author’s intention. The first
argument is more supported in literary studies. All the same, Genette
clarifies that the initially chosen title, whether before or after writing, may
get changed once the work is completed or even published, the reason
being that the author has to deal with the editor, the public, and sometimes
the law. On few occasions the editor chooses the title in the first place.
Also, in the case of an edited book, the title on the cover is attributed to the
editor and not to the author, unless the reference is made to one particular
chapter. Nevertheless, Adams (1987) uses the term “true title” jointly to
stress that a true title is the choice of an author and not the publisher, the
editor, or any other external party. Taha (2009) also states that the
implicitness inherited in the title is explicit in the text where the author’s
intentions are revealed and motivated. Levinson (1985) also underscores
the effect of a true title on the process of text interpretation and suggests a
simple exercise of replacing and comparing the original title with other

143
titles to test their validity and power. Viezzi (2013) further argues that any
change in the title directly affects the perception and interpretation of the
product.
Levinson (1985) provides a general classification of titles into
referential, interpretive, and additive ones, which may include
subcategories. Referential titles simply label the work without adding
much of meaning, thus including neutral titles. Interpretive titles are key to
exploring the content of a work as they are subject to interpretation; hence
they may be underlining, focusing, disambiguating, or allusive titles.
Additive titles, for their part, form a “semantic puzzle”, as they call for
interpretation but do not provide keynotes of the content, such as opposing
and mystifying titles. Taha (2009) challenges Levison’s use of the term
‘neutrality’ to refer to titles whose selection is automatic. He affirms that
even a simple title is somehow related to the text and/or the author and at
least carries meaning of reinforcement and focusing. According to
Hollander (1975), “a basic designative or even ontological power” is
embedded in any title (cited in Taha 2009: 5).
Genette (1988) classifies titles into thematic and rhematic titles. A
thematic title designates or symbolizes a central theme or object of the
work literally or even by way of irony. In fact, thematic titles, whether
transparent or ambiguous, are dominantly used today and are open to
interpretation. Rhematic titles, on the other hand, are not widely used. They
mainly designate the work by a generic qualification such as Glossary,
Dictionary, Autobiography, Journal, Essays, Short Stories, etc. In many
cases, especially in non-fiction works, authors combine rhematic and
thematic elements in titles such as Study of Women, Introduction to
Philosophy, Essays on Human Development, etc. Both rhematic and
thematic titles are denotative and connotative in that they announce
something about the book and its form or style of writing. Genette also
tackles the intangible function of seduction. A title is seductive when it
arouses the potential reader’s interest in exploring the content. Furetiere
(1981) proclaims that “A beautiful title is the real procurer of a book”
(cited in Genette, 1988: 718). Nevertheless, the function of seduction is
ambiguous as one person may find a certain title beautiful and attractive
while another may find it neutral.
Researchers seem to have deeply explored the functions of titles,
and different dichotomies have been proposed and explained. Most works
of art invite a variety of titling options and each title, according to Viezzi
(2013), at least has the capacity to perform the naming, identifying, and
phatic functions. Put differently, every title is assigned to a unique cultural

144
product to give it identity and existence and the right of recognition by its
audience. In titling non-fiction works, a great emphasis is placed on
providing information about the content, with other functions only
sparingly coming into play. By contrast, in fiction, the priority is given to
appealing to the potential readers with an eye-and-mind catching titles. In
fact, fiction titles can be placed on a continuum ranging from totally
transparent to partially transparent to metaphorical to opaque (Viezzi,
2013). Even totally transparent titles, which Levinson refers to as being
neutral, can turn out to be disorienting or mystifying based on Genette’s
classification of titles. After all, the semantics of titles determines the
functions they perform in relation to the content they represent.
Taha (2009) assumes a relationship between the title, the text, the
reader and other external factors such as culture and history. Interestingly,
he refers to the title as the “melting pot” of the text and the other
surrounding factors. The deepest of all relations is that between the title
and the potential reader. Titles establish the first contact between the
potential reader and the work. The selected title should be able to arouse
the interest of the potential reader. Therefore, marketing and distribution
are major determinants during the process of titling. Kellman (1975)
highlights this aspect when discussing literary titles: “literary titles are,
after all, a form of advertising, and, assuming the product is both
distinctive and appealing, a sample can be an extremely effective publicity
device” (cited in Taha, 2009: 8). Thus, considerations are usually given to
choosing a title that can tempt the potential reader to buy a book through
predicting the content and establishing a relation with the text prior to
exploring it. In fact, a dramatic or an odd title has the power to seduce the
public, particularly in science fiction, romance, and detective novels.
Genette (1988) remarks that more people are audience of the title rather
than of the text as a whole. A large category of buyers may partially read,
or may even not read, a book after finding the content not interesting or
irrelevant to the title. Only those who make a complete reading can be
referred to as readers of the book, those who receive and are able to
transmit the core content.

2. Translation of Titles
Titles have not received much attention in the area of translation studies
since its development in the 20th century. Newmark (1988) tackles the
translation of titles by distinguishing between descriptive and allusive
titles; the former describe the topic of the text, whereas the latter have
some kind of referential or figurative relationship to the topic. He suggests

145
that both descriptive and allusive titles should be literally kept in serious
imaginative literature. He further justifies replacing an allusive title by a
descriptive one or a target culture relevant allusion, when necessary, to
avoid cultural misunderstandings and to offer an idiomatic title translation.
This option is mainly available in the translation of non-authoritative texts.
Newmark argues that the translated title "should usually bear some relation
to the original, if only for identification", but it should also "sound
attractive, allusive, suggestive" to attract the target language reader (p. 57).
Nord (1995) views titles as "representatives" of STs in the target
culture. She classifies six functions of titles into two groups: essential
(distinctive, metatextual, and phatic) functions and optional (referential,
expressive, and appellative) functions. The distinctive function
differentiates the cultural product from other existing works. The
Metatextual function implies that a title has to be in line with the norms
and conventions of the culture it appears within. The phatic function
supplements the metatextual function in that a long relationship is
established between the hearer and the title upon recognizing a culturally
acceptable title. Nord justifiably labels the referential, expressive, and
appellative functions as optional ones. The referential function has to do
with the content of the work it is attached to. The expressive function is
performed when the title is evaluative in nature in that it expresses an
opinion in relation to the values of the culture it belongs to. An appellative
title, as the name indicates, is seductive and serves a commercial purpose.
However, Nord stresses the importance of the acceptability of an
appellative title in the culture where it is produced. Her classification of
titles clearly sets the rules for producing a culturally acceptable and
effective title. Translators, in fact, can use the functions proposed by her as
a checklist to test the adequacy and acceptability of the title they choose
for a translation.
More recent studies conducted by researchers from Asian countries
underscore the cultural component in translating titles of novels and films.
Most of these studies emphasize the preservation of the functions of titles
while considering the cultural factor. According to Kelan and Xiang
(2006), the cultural background of the TL should be consulted and the
translated title should relay the informative, aesthetic, and commercial
functions of the original title. Yin (2009) also asserts that cultural factors
play a major role in choosing an attractive, concise, and meaningful title in
the target culture. In fact, culture is embedded into its people's thoughts,
language, and behavior. In the sense of Lefevere (1999: 237), translations
"nearly always contain attempts to naturalize the different culture to make

146
it conform more to what the reader of the translation is used to". Therefore,
the translator needs to be equipped with an in-depth knowledge of the
ideas, beliefs, and values that govern a certain society in which the
translation will be produced and circulated (Munday 2008). This is
particularly true and important in the translation of book titles since they
constitute micro-texts whose main function is to speak for the macro-text,
the book.
There are a few case studies which investigate the translation
procedures employed in translating book or film titles. Marti and Zapter
(1993), who look at the translation of film titles from English into Spanish,
reiterate Newmark’s suggestion that literal translation is the most
preferable procedure when the target language and culture genuinely
accept the source title. The authors further affirm that the procedure of free
translation is inevitable when the process of translation is conditioned by
linguistic and cultural gaps. Similarly, Mei (2010) states that literal
translation is the most common procedure for rendering English film titles
into Chinese. Following Skopos Theory, he stresses the aspect of fidelity
and loyalty to the original if the title contains direct information about the
text such as the genre or the plot, which are easy to translate. He also
indicates that the procedure of free translation may be utilized to meet
some commercial aesthetic skopos. Yin (2009) evaluates the translation of
English film titles into Chinese and groups the most common procedures
of literal translation, explication, and transliteration into one category that
shows respect to the original title. He presents adaptation and the use of
new titles as procedures that account for any existing cultural differences
and other commercial and aesthetic considerations.
Sidiskyte & Tamulaitiene (2013) analyze the translation of Comedy
and Thriller English film titles into Lithuanian and Russian with reference
to Vinay and Darbelrnet’s (1958) model of translation procedures. The
findings of the study reveal that literal translation is the most frequently
used procedure in rendering English titles into the two TLs. Viezzie (2013)
also writes about the translation of titles in general and discusses examples
of different pairs of languages. He identifies literal translation as one of the
common procedures for translating titles across languages and describes
the process as the “accurate reformulation of the source title’s semantic
content” (p. 379). Viezzi also talks about introducing a new title in the TL
that is absolutely unrelated to the original title, which is a practice often
referred to as adaptation or substitution. The selection of a new title is
governed by two dimensions: the core content of the work and the potential

147
reader in the target culture. These two considerations should be kept in
mind during the process of re-choosing a title, when it is necessary.
Not only linguistic and cultural differences call for the use of
different translation procedures, but also the commercial needs. Leonardi
(2011) asserts that the procedures used to translate titles are justified by
commercial needs in the first place. According to Lodge (1994), “Novels
have always been commodities as well as works of art, and commercial
considerations can affect titles, or cause them to be changed” (cited in
Viezzi, 2013: 378). The publishing houses only approve of titles that can
sell easily by meeting particular criteria of seduction and representing a
worthwhile reading content. While the procedure of literal translation is the
perfect choice when the SL title is prestigious and well-known, other
translation procedures are equally effective in marketing the book in the
target culture. According to Viezzi (2013), the target title may be more
explicit, indicative of the genre, suggestive, and seductive. In fact, each
time a title is changed, a new promise is born.

3. Objectives and Procedure

The translation of book titles between English and Arabic is virgin ground
that has not yet received due attention. This paper aims at exploring the
translation tendencies in reproducing English book titles in their Arabic
editions. A total of 100 English bestseller fiction titles is collected along
with the Arabic translated editions (see Appendix). The corpus is analyzed
both quantitatively (in terms of frequency of translation procedure) and
qualitatively by examining a select sample of titles representing each
procedure in order to critique their effectiveness.

4. Analysis and Discussion

Fictitious literature is characterized by imagination and narration. Short
stories and novels are works of this class. In the genre of fiction, people
and events are fabricated through creative writing to portray stories that are
not necessarily based on facts. The imaginary production may be further
classified under the category of science, romance, thriller, classics, etc.
Every production is an intellectual property entitled to a title of its own.
Like the work itself, the title can be imaginatively chosen to serve a
particular function intended by the author. As has been mentioned earlier,
cultural and marketing considerations usually apply to the process of
titling. The translation of fiction titles assumes all the obligations of titling,
yet to a greater extent. The analysis of the corpus and its Arabic

148
counterpart sheds some light on the factors affecting the translation of
titles. The translation choices are rationalized and critiqued in light of
relevant guidelines. Below is a Table indicating the distribution and
frequency of translation procedures in the corpus.

Table: Distribution and Frequency of Translation Procedures.

Number of
Procedure Subcategory Occurrences Percentage
Literal
Translation
60 60%
One-to-one
Correspondence
Proper 58 58%
One-to-one
Correspondence
+ Generic Word 1 1%
One-to-one
Correspondence
+ Transliteration 1 1%
Adaptation 20 20%
Adaptation
Alone 19 19%
Adaptation +
Transliteration 1 1%
Employment of
Related Words 12 12%
Explication 3 3%
Paraphrase
Paraphrase Alone 1 1%
Paraphrase +
Transliteration 1 1%
Transliteration
Alone 3 3%
Total 100 100%

4.1 Literal Translation

Literal translation is utilized when formal correspondence is readily
available between two languages in terms of semantics and, relatively, in
terms of structure. Unlike word-for-word or gloss translation, this
procedure entails conveying the denotative meaning of the ST to the target

149
reader while taking linguistic mismatches such as word order into
consideration (Farghal & Shunnaq, 2011; Farghal 2012). The fact that
English and Arabic are highly lexicalized furnishes a variety of translation
options that are capable of capturing the referential as well as the emotive
meaning encapsulated in the ST. Out of the six translation procedures, the
highest percentage (60%) goes for the literal translation procedure. Literal
translation appears to be the most frequently used procedure in rendering
English fiction titles into many languages, i.e. it is not limited to Arabic.
The procedure, as suggested by Newmark (1988), is preferable in the
translation of descriptive and allusive titles. Literal translation adequately
preserves the features of many titles in the corpus. The procedure accounts
for titles whose one-to-one equivalents are easily and directly retrievable
from the TL system. A one-to-one corresponding rendition may also
feature the employment of a generic word and a definite article in some
cases. Sample titles from the literal translation category will be analyzed
and evaluated below.

4.1.1 One-to-one Correspondence Proper

Lexical equivalents for many English titles are easily accessed and utilized.
It is characteristic of languages that a single lexical item may be used to
express different meanings in various contexts (Larson, 1983/1998). This
is evident in the representation of the semantics and different senses of a
word entry in a well-prepared dictionary, whether monolingual or bilingual
(Farghal and Shunnaq, 2011). In fact, most words in both languages can be
used to denote one primary meaning, which easily comes to the mind when
said in isolation, and additional secondary meanings, which are retrievable
from the context in which the word occurs. Therefore, an effective
translation of a lexical item entails examining the context in order to
determine and relay the accurate corresponding sense in the TL.
One-to-one correspondence proper claims 58/60 cases of literal
translation (58%). By way of illustration, Sisters, an action novel by
Danielle Steel, is translated into ‫ ت‬E ‫[ ا‬the sisters]. The novel revolves
around four sisters who have led completely different life styles and have
to collaboratively solve many problems when they reunion under one roof
with their parents. The title is referential and descriptive in the sense that it
makes reference to the main characters of the novel and the kind of
affectionate kinship through which one can overcome fragility and life
difficulties. According to the plot, ‘sisters’ is used in its primary sense to
refer to the existing blood relation between the four girls rather than to

150
denote a secondary meaning such as ‘nuns’ or ‘nurses’. The translator
formally rendered the title into its Arabic corresponding counterpart
‫ ت‬E ‫ا‬. The literal rendition adequately relays the features of the English
title to the target reader. One can also note that the translator justifiably
employs the definite article to individualize and familiarize the title in the
Arab market, though the plural noun 'sisters' is not prefaced with the
English definite article in the original title but rather with a zero article
which can perform the same function, unlike Arabic in which the zero
article cannot usually perform the same function with common nouns.
Therefore, the addition of the definite article in Arabic is obligatory in such
cases. Formally translating the title into ‫ ت‬Œ with a zero article would
sound very unnatural. The tendency to precede common nouns in Arabic
title translation by the definite article is high in the corpus. Examples
include translating titles such as Coma, Digital Fortress, and Betrayal into
(¥ 4 • ‫[ ا‬the coma], aæs- ‫ ا‬WLGT‫[ ا‬the digital fortress], and (2 vT‫[ ا‬the
betrayal], respectively.
The rendition of Dan Brown's thriller novel titled The Lost Symbol
into ‫• ا > د‬#- ‫[ ا‬the lost symbol] is another example of successful literal
translation. The one-to-one corresponding Arabic title sounds natural and
preserves the features of the original title. It successfully signals the plot of
the novel: Robert Langdon, Harvard symbologist and professor receives a
fake invitation to give a speech at the US Capitol Building. Upon his
arrival, an object − artfully encoded with five mysterious symbols − is
discovered and he needs to decipher it in order to save his kidnapped
mentor, Peter Solomon. So basically, the lexical constituents of the title are
used in a primary sense that can be directly reproduced in Arabic. The
Arabic title, just like the source one, invites the potential reader to
experience a thrilling story full of secrets and untruths. Another aspect that
makes the literal translation a good choice is that the famous movie
adaptation of the novel bears the same title. Therefore, the literal
translation procedure here also serves a commercial purpose on the long-
run since the Arabic potential reader would easily relate the title of the
novel to the movie, and vice versa. Moreover, the title and its translation
can be classified under Levinson’s category of interpretive titles as they
call upon the potential reader's imagination and analytical skills.
Thirty Umrigar’s The Weight of Heaven is also beautifully
translated into ‫ ء‬AP ‫ة ا‬Ž8‫[ و‬weight of heaven] by recognizing and rendering
the accurate one-to-one correspondence of the title’s constituents. The
151
original title encompasses the intensified pain and struggle the two main
characters have to live through upon the death of their only seven-year-old
child. Frank and Ellie Benton’s dreams are shattered and they need to heal
their wounds and start over. A job offer from India comes at the very right
time for them to lead a new life away from the wrenching memories.
Nevertheless, there in India, their life takes an ever-darkening direction.
The original title is a figurative expression that captures the overwhelming
theme of the novel, the harsh power of fate. Similarly, the Arabic title
conveys the same sense metaphorically. The translator must have read the
novel thoroughly to decode the title and transfer it accurately to the target
reader. In the title, the noun ‘weight’ is used in a secondary sense to mean
“something that makes you worry” while ‘heaven’ is used literally to mean
“the sky” (Summers, 2004). The title figuratively makes reference to the
severity and impact of the fate coming from above by utilizing the
secondary sense of the word ‘weight’. The translator formally renders the
primary sense of ‘heaven’ into ‫ ء‬AP ‫ا‬, and the secondary sense of ‘weight’
into ‫ة‬Ž8‫و‬, a formal rendition that is listed in Al-Mawrid English – Arabic
Dictionary. The result is a faithful title that aesthetically designates the
theme of the content and tempts the potential reader to explore the drama.
A one-to-one corresponding rendition does not necessarily follow
the word count of the ST. The “packaging” of different meaning
components in lexical items differs from one language to another (Larson,
1983/1998). These differences can be traced in the translation of English
titles into Arabic. For example, The Running Man by Stephen King
appears on the Arabic edition as ‫ رب‬U ‫[ ا‬the fugitive]. The translator has
relayed one of the many secondary senses of the adjective form of the
word ‘run’, which is in turn listed in the Reader’s Digest Great
Encyclopedia Dictionary with more than fifty-four meanings (cited in
Larson 1998: 7). The totality of the meaning of the title builds from the
plot. In the novel, the author draws a futuristic view of the United States
being dominated by increased violence and collapsed economy. Bin
Richards is a cop unfairly accused of murdering almost one hundred
starving protestors. Bin individually attempts to break out of prison but is
later captured. Damon Killian is the host of the gruesome TV game show,
The Running Man. The show gives a number of convicted criminals the
chance to escape from prison by risking to get killed harshly if caught by
the stalkers. Bin is forced to appear on the TV show with other convicts
following his first failure. The escapees bid to broadcast the secrets of the
savage government. The writer takes the reader into a world of absolute
152
suspense. In line with the plot, the novel is titled after the name of the TV
show being the central theme of the work. Therefore, the Arabic translation
should give prominence to the name of the TV show on which the story
elaborates. Accordingly, the translator formally renders the title into ‫ رب‬U ‫ا‬,
which effectively captures the totality of the meaning of the original title
and sounds like an appropriate name for the TV show depicted in the
novel. The deficit in the word count has to do with the morphology of
Arabic. The fact that Arabic nouns, verbs, and adjectives are inflected for
number, gender, and case explains the rendition of the three constituents of
the original title into one word in Arabic bearing the meaning components
of masculinity, singularity, and the central meaning of escaping.
Nevertheless, opting for the adaptation procedure (see below) to produce a
more catchy and seductive title such as ‫وب‬-U ‫( ا‬4Q [game of fleeing] or (4Q
‫ي‬0M5 ‫[ ا‬game of challenging] would also be a good choice.
The literal translation procedure proves to be effective in
reproducing the meaning and features of many source titles in the corpus.
However, there will always be times when opting for a one-to-one
correspondence, even when available, is not the best choice. In some cases,
the procedure produces unnatural Arabic titles. By way of illustration, the
filmed crime novel Presumed Innocent is rendered into ‫[ ا ©’يء ا >¡’ض‬the
presumed innocent] following the words of the original. The result is an
overt translation that would give the potential reader an impression that the
entire content of the novel is not transferred adequately and smoothly.
Therefore, the style and semantics of the original can be compromised for
the sake of producing a title that functions well in the target culture. The
translator can employ the procedure of adaptation to relay the pragmatics
of the original title in the Arabic edition of the novel. As the novel opens,
Carolyn, a young lawyer, has been murdered by a rapist. Rusty, who has
had an affair with the victim a few months before the murder and is still in
love with her, is now asked to lead the investigation. After he digs deep
into the case, he finds himself guilty of a crime he did not commit.
Undoubtedly, there was a crime and there was a victim, but the judge
dismissed the case for lack of evidence. Soon after the trial, Rusty unfolds
the identity of the killer who turns out to be someone very close to him. In
the light of the plot, a new title such as ‫ م‬l{Ì k>s ‫يء‬- [an innocent in
the accusation cage], E ‫ة ا‬-}‫دا‬ ‫يء‬- [an innocent in a circle of suspicion],
or /52‫ إدا‬1•…N µŸV [till proven guilty] as an ellipsis for the law principle Flm ‫ا‬

153
 /52‫ إدا‬1•…N µŸV ‫يء‬- [the accused is innocent till proven guilty] would
capture the meaning of the original title and suggest what the novel is
about while sounding idiomatic and attractive in the TL. The suggested
titles would also preserve the seductive function of the original title
through symbolizing the main investigatory theme of the novel.

4.1.2 One-to-one Correspondence with Generic Word

There is only one example of one-to-one correspondence with a generic
word. Adding a generic word to a literal rendition basically serves the
purpose of identifying a possibly unfamiliar word or proper noun in the
target culture. In the corpus, Sad Cypress, another work of detective fiction
by Agatha Christie, falls under this category and is an intricate example of
allusive titles. The work was a great success and it was adapted to a TV
episode in the series of Agatha Christie’s Poirot and was also broadcast on
BBC radio as a five-part series. Moreover, the novel was translated into
more than twenty different languages. A glance at the plot will support the
discussion of its translation.A happily engaged couple, Elinor Carlisle and
Rody Welman, are expecting to inherit a large fortune from Mrs. Laura
Welman who is partially paralyzed due to a stroke. Elinor is niece to Mrs.
Welman and Rody is nephew to her late husband. They receive an
anonymous letter warning that someone is making the way to get to Mrs.
Welman’s bank account and possessions. Elinor and Rody go over to Mrs.
Welman’s place to check on what is happening. Elinor is suspicious of
Mary Gerrard, the lodge keeper’s daughter. Also, Rody falls in love with
Mary and consequently ends his engagement with Elinor. Following a
second stroke, Mrs. Welman wants to write a will and make provision to
Mary. However, she dies before the attorney comes. Mrs. Welman’s
substantial estate goes to Elinor being the only known surviving blood
relative. Elinor sells the house and while packing to move, Mary dies of
Morphine poisoning. However, Nurse Hopkins has encouraged Mary
earlier to write a will in which she named her aunt Mary Riley as a
beneficiary. Later, the results come back indicating that Mrs. Welman died
of the same thing. Elinor is convicted of the murders; Mary being her rival
in love and Mrs. Welman being her wealthy aunt. Peter Lord, who admires
Elinor and believes in her innocence, brings detective Poirot to investigate
the case. After connecting the clues, Nurse Hopkins is found guilty of the
murders. Nurse Hopkins in England is Mary Riley in New Zealand, the
aunt of the deceased Mary. Her sister, Eliza Riley, has claimed to be
Mary's mother. The truth is that Mary Gerrard is an illegitimate daughter of

154
Mrs. Welman and the lodge keeper. Knowing so, Nurse Hopkins has
poisoned Mrs. Welman and later the young Mary, the motivation being
money. The title of this wonderful mystery is drawn from a song in
Shakespeare’s play, Twelfth Night, or what you will. Thus, the title is
allusive as it establishes a relation between the novel and another cultural
product. Potential readers, who can recognize the title as an allusion
derived from Shakespeare’s play, may even guess some aspects of the plot.
The author indirectly hints at the plot happenings by opening the novel
with the song:

“Come away, come away, death;

And in sad cypress let me be laid;
Fly away, fly away, breath;
I am slain by a fair cruel maid.
My shroud of white, stuck all with yew
O prepare it;
My part of death no one so true;
Did Share It”
(Twelfth Night, Act 2, Scene 4)

The choice of such an allusive title enriches the aesthetics of the

novel and gets the reader increasingly involved in connecting the dots
between the play and the novel. Sad Cypress is also a mystifying title
according to Levinson’s classification as it does not materially relate to the
content. One would long wonder about the choice of the title until the
reference to the play is made clear. As far as title translation is concerned,
the translator follows Newmark’s (1988) suggestion in literally translating
the title since it belongs to serious imaginative literature. In addition, the
translator has prefaced the literal translation with a generic word to identify
‘Cypress’ as a type of tree despite the fact that it does grow in some parts
of the middle east where Arabic is the official spoken language. So, the
title appears on the Arabic edition as W[•GT‫و ا‬-P ‫ة ا‬-¢Î [the sad cypress
tree]. One could also suggest the count noun ‫وة‬-P ‫ ا‬instead of the collective
noun ‫و‬-P ‫ا‬, thus dispensing with the generic word ‫ة‬-¢Î, viz. (B[•GT‫وة ا‬-P ‫ا‬
[the sad cypress].

155
4.1.3 One-to-one Correspondence with Transliteration
This procedure is exemplified by one title in the corpus which involves
changing the grammatical class of one-to-one correspondence
(transposition according to Vinay and Darbelnet 1958), as well as
transliterating the personal name. It is very common for literal renditions to
undergo word class changes/transposition and for transliteration to undergo
phonological adjustment. This is demonstrated in the translation of Agatha
Christie’s detective novel Parker Pyne Investigates into W -ˆ‫[ ت ر‬-MN
[investigations (of) Parker Pyne]. Firstly, the shift from the verb ‫ى‬-M5 ,
which corresponds to ‘investigates’, to the plural noun ‫[ ت‬-MN renders the
title more idiomatic and suggestive of the content as the novel is a
compilation of different cases and investigations led by Parker Pyne, who
considers himself a detective of the heart. In the absence of transposition,
the title would be rendered into ‫ى‬-M5 W -ˆ‫[ ر‬Parker Pyne investigates],
which does not read as a title of fiction work in Arabic. Secondly,
transliterating English personal names takes account of phonetic gaps in
Arabic. Hence, the /p/ is rendered as /b/ in Arabic in -ˆ‫ ر‬and W , a fact
which may cause problems when back-translating into English. To offer a
natural Arabic edition, therefore, the translator has chosen to
phonologically naturalize the name of the main character in the novel and
to maintain the totality of the meaning of the title through transposing the
verb ‘investigates’ to the plural noun ‫[ ت‬-MN [investigations].

5. Adaptation
The procedure of adaptation corresponds to the free translation method
where both the words and the sense of the source text are forsaken in the
TL product (Munday, 2008). Translators, in certain situations, explicitly
opt for providing a title in Arabic that is completely different from its
English counterpart. Nevertheless, adaptation can be placed on a
continuum between extreme departure from the source text and minor
deviation from its semantics. As Dickins, Hervey, & Higgins (2002: 17)
put it, “the degrees of freedom are infinitely variable”. Table 1 shows that
the second most frequently employed procedure in translating English
titles into Arabic is Adaptation. Twenty titles (20%) out of the corpus are
rendered by the procedure of adaptation. Opting for adaptation should be
minimized and restricted to translation situations constrained by cultural or

156
lexical gaps and commercial considerations. Otherwise, the procedure of
literal translation would be more valid and ethical. The procedure of
adaptation may diminish the author’s voice and affect the perception of the
novel by potential readers. Therefore, a successful adaptation should
mirror the intentions of the author and reflect the content of the work in
one way or another.
By way of illustration, the translator of Sam Christer's The
Stonehenge Legacy has opted for the adaptation procedure to produce a
comprehensible target title that would easily sell. In the novel, there is a
mystery behind the ancient site of Stonehenge. A renowned treasure hunter
shoots himself and leaves a cryptic letter to his son, young archaeologist
Gideon Chase, to unlock the mystery of Stonehenge. Gideon discovers that
there is a secret cult of worshipers who perform ritual human sacrifices.
The novel is an absolute thriller driven by codes, symbols, and historical
facts. The original title highlights the prominent place in the novel without
giving any hints about the genre featuring mystery and thriller. A literal
translation of the title into ÕBl• 5+ ‫[ إرث‬legacy of Stonehenge] would be
unnatural as the combination does not sound familiar in Arabic. Therefore,
the translator gives the Arabic edition a new title that builds from the plot
ÕBl• 5+ GÂ •• [the riddle of Stonehenge victims]. The title sounds
idiomatic and goes a further step in revealing the theme of mystery
revolving around a series of murders. The title is appealing and
straightforwardly targets readers interested in thrillers. However, potential
readers may not have heard of Stonehenge. To recognize it as a prehistoric
monument, the translator could have prefaced the transliterated site with
the generic word ‫ رة‬¢Ä [stones] or ‫ ر‬Z‫آ‬, [ruins] or truncated the title to ••
ÕBl• 5+ ‫ رة‬¢Ä [the riddle of Stonehenge stones]. In fact, the translator could
have chosen a general title such as ÕBl• 5+ ‫ رة‬¢Ä [stones of Stonehenge] or
ÕBl• 5+ ‫ ر‬Z‫[ آ‬ruins of Stonehenge] in correspondence with the neutral and
referential source title. After all, the selected target title sounds idiomatic
and serves a marketing purpose.
Kane and Abel, a novel written by Jeffrey Archer, was titled in
Arabic ‫اء‬0;• ‫ ة‬6• [the enemy brothers]. The translator of this novel chose
to adapt the title based on the plot. The novel revolves around two main
characters who share nothing but the date of their birth; they were born on
opposite sides of the world and have been raised in completely different
circumstances. The fate brings them together to lead against each other a

157
battle fuelled with hatred and endless ambition for triumph and power.
Accordingly, the allusive source title can be categorized as an opposing
one since Kane and Abel are not siblings; however, the theme of the novel
is rivalry over power and wealth which usually happens to be the case of
heirs. The translator of the novel completely ignored the words of the
source title and chose a new title that maintains the functions of allusion
and opposition in the TL. However, adapting the title into ‫ر‬0 ‫( ا‬4Q [game
of destiny] would be a more appropriate choice. The suggested translation
reflects the theme of the novel and presents it in an attractive and daring
utterance. Moreover, rendering the title formally into its corresponding
allusion in Arabic, i.e. K ‫ و‬K s [Kane and Abel], would be an equally
good choice which maintains the semantics and allusive force of the source
title.
The Arabic translation of Silks, a crime novel featuring sports and
law authored by Dick Francis and Felix Francis, also follows the
adaptation procedure. The word ‘Silks’ in English is defined by Merriam
Webster Dictionary as “the colored cap and blouse of a jockey or harness
horse driver made in the registered racing color of the employing stable”.
In fact, silks and their colors are symbols of identity and loyalty in horse
racing. This term constitutes a lexical gap between English and Arabic; the
experience is present in both cultures but is lexicalized differently. A
descriptive title translation such as K vT‫ ت ا‬s 4+ ‫[ ز ّي‬uniform of horse races]
or ‫ ن‬+-> ‫– ا‬p<# [clothes of horsemen] would sound inartistic. Therefore,
the translator has chosen a new title, viz. ‫ان‬0 ‫ ء ا‬#‫[ د‬bloods in the field],
which is reflective of the murder that takes place in the novel. Geoffrey
Mason, a barrister and also an amateur jockey, is reluctant to defend a
fellow jockey, Steve Mitchell, accused of fatally spearing a rider with a
pitchfork. The evidence against Mitchell is overwhelming but Mason finds
himself involved in defending the case under intensive threats and
violence. Hence, the Arabic title bears strong reference to the content. Both
titles are appealing; however, each performs a different function in relation
to the content. The source title is tangential to the work and therefore can
be labeled as a mystifying title in that silks have little to do with the
novel’s major bloody and investigatory theme. Nevertheless, the potential
reader who is aware of the genre and author’s writings would predict from
the cover page that the novel fictionalizes a murder that has to do with
horse riding. As for the Arabic title, it readily provides the potential reader
with information about the murder taking place in the racing field. So, the
158
Arabic title designates the content in an aesthetic manner. Nevertheless, the
word ‫ان‬0 ‫[ ا‬the field] may falsely denote that there is a battle in the plot. A
title such as o#‫ا‬0 ‫ ق ا‬4P ‫[ ا‬the bloody race] would be more precise and
appropriate.
The translator needs to be wary of presenting the work in the target
culture with a completely new title. Some adapted titles may not reflect a
good word choice on the part of the translator. For instance, Danielle
Steel's Big Girl appears on the Arabic edition as W. ‫( و‬Ô[- [innocent but].
The Arabic title, though attractive, is by no means reflective of the content;
it has a negative connotation and triggers the reader to think about the main
character being an ill-behaved girl. While in reality, the protagonist,
Victoria, is a smart disciplined girl whose achievements always go
unnoticed by her parents who place a big value on money, prestige, and
appearance. In fact, the author titled her novel Big Girl in reference to
Victoria who is always receiving belittling comments from her parents for
being overweight, which in turn makes her become a comfort-eater with
low self-esteem. After a long time of constant disapprovals and neglect,
Victoria ends up with the perfect man who loves her for what she is and
she finally learns to love herself and be proud of her accomplishments. In
the light of the plot, an appropriate adapted title could be ‫ة‬0# L ‫[ ا ات ا‬the
steadfast self] or even ( # LQ ‫ ة ا‬5> ‫[ ا‬the self-made girl], which both
reflect the moral of the story and sound attractive to the potential reader.
One should note that the potential Arab reader may not appreciate an
unappealing literal rendition of the original title as (B 04 ‫ ة ا‬5> ‫[ ا‬the fat girl].
This may be due to the potentiality of the word big in English, viz. it can
have both positive (psychological) and negative (physical) connotations. In
contrast, the Arabic word W 0 can only have negative (physical)
connotations.
The rendition of one of Stephen King's best novels, The Green
Mile as ‫ ’ة‬6• (nGH ‫[ ا‬the last moment] also lessens the aesthetic and
connotative value of the original title. To walk the green mile is an English
idiom that means ‘heading towards the inevitable’. In American English,
the mile also refers to the short distance which feels like a mile for a
prisoner walking towards the execution point by the force of law. In the
novel, as well as in the movie adaptation, the distance which the prisoner,
John, walks from his cell to the electric chair is painted in green. John is a

159
powerfully built African American who is accused of raping and
murdering two young sisters. Over time, Paul, the death-row supervisor
comes to realize John's inexplicable healing and empathetic abilities and
acquires an immaterial proof of John's innocence, but he is unable to help
him. John walks the mile peacefully and is ready to escape the cruelty of
the world. Therefore, the Arabic rendition needs to be as distinctive and
expressive as the original English title. Since the original title involves a
socio-cultural marker that is alien to the Arab culture, a literal translation
as -:6• K ‫[ ا‬the green mile] would be ambiguous and unappealing.
Alternatively, an adapted title such as ‫ ’ة‬6• ‫\ ات ا ت‬6 [the last steps of
death], ‫ ’ة‬6• ‫\ ات‬vT‫[ ا‬the last steps] or ~Qx• ‫\ ات‬vT‫[ ا‬the hardest steps]
would capture the features of the SL title while describing the content
factually and accurately.

6. Employment of Related words

In the corpus, 12% of title renditions follow the procedure of employing a
related word. By way of illustration, Danielle Steel's Matters of the heart
appears in its Arabic edition as ~9 ‫ م ا‬A [concerns of the heart]. The
translator successfully renders the secondary sense of the original title into
Arabic by employing a synonym. In the novel, Hope, one of the world's
best photographers, falls for a famous writer, Finn, while doing the cover
for his upcoming book in London. Hope loves her ex-husband who ends
their marriage to keep her away while he dies slowly from his illness. Finn
seems to love Hope as much and convinces her to move back with him to
Ireland. As time goes by, Hope starts to discover Finn's lies. She becomes
hesitant and tries to deal with the matters of her heart. According to the
plot, the word ‘matters’ is used in a secondary sense as it refers to the main
character’s confused thoughts and undetermined feelings. Relaying the title
with the primary sense of the plural noun ‘matters’ as ~9 ‫ ا‬K} P# [matters
of the heart], for example, would not precisely capture the intended
meaning. Consequently, the translator successfully employs the synonym
‫ م‬A [concerns]. The choice is well motivated as it naturally mirrors the
semantics of the original title. The plot here also suggests that an adapted
title such as ~GT‫[ ; اب ا‬the torment of love] would also make reference to
the romance and drama nature of the novel since an association is usually
made between love and suffering in the Arab culture. After all, the

160
produced Arabic title aesthetically hints at the theme of the novel and
spotlights the genre of drama.
Another example of a successful translation of an English title is
‫د‬-E™ ‫ ’ ا‬2 9 ‫[ ا‬the homeless millionaire] for the masterpiece novel by Vikas
Swaup and later produced movie Slumdog millionaire. The title in English
seduces the public in its paradoxical utterance and gives an indication
about the content. In fact, the title summarizes the novel which talks about
Jamal who is raised in the slums of India and suddenly finds his way out of
poverty and misery when he goes on "Who Wants to be a Millionaire" and
wins the grand prize. In fact, Jamal recalls his life struggles in the slums of
India to figure out the answers to the questions. ‘Slumdogs’ is a term used
to refer to extremely poor people who live in the slums of India and are
considered inferior to human beings. The translator has approximated the
term to ‫د‬-E™ ‫[ ا‬the homeless], a synonym which adequately preserves the
most important meaning component of homelessness and reflects the
struggles and miserable nights that Jamal had faced prior to becoming a
millionaire. The Arabic title, as a whole, successfully captures the
pragmatics of the original title and preserves the ironic and paradoxical
tone which calls upon the potential reader to explore the details and unpack
the meaning of the somewhat opaque title.
The employment of a synonym can be effectively used to relay the
most important aspect of a title in the absence of appropriate one-to-one
correspondence. This point can be illustrated by analyzing the title
translation of one of the volumes of Suzanne Collins’ The Hunger Games
Trilogy. The trilogy belongs to the category of science fiction adult novels.
The marketing aspect is a major determinant in the titling of science
fiction. The focus should be placed on choosing a title that would target
readers interested in this category. Seduction is clearly a function which
titles of this category need to perform in order to fulfill marketing goals.
For example, the title of the first edition of the trilogy, The Hunger Games,
is seductive as it presents the novel with a great deal of adventure and
challenge. The plot revolves around two main characters, Kateniss and
Peeta, who are repressively sent to an arena with twenty-two tributes from
another eleven districts to fight against one another in the annual hunger
game. The game only ends with one survivor whose district gets showered
with food upon the victory. Thus, the title does not only fulfill the
marketing demands by performing the function of seduction but also
indicates the content of the novel. However, the Arabic rendition ‫ ر[ ت‬4#

161
‫ ع‬¢T‫[ ا‬matches of hunger] may not evoke the same response in the target
culture. The noun ‘game’ is a superordinate that includes several literal and
metaphorical uses. Rendering ‘games’ into the plural Arabic synonym
‫ ر[ ت‬4# [matches] is not motivated in this case. Although the rendition is
within the semantic domain of the word ‘game’, it sounds flat and is not
justified since a direct literal translation perfectly does the job. A formal
one-to-one correspondence such as ‫ ع‬¢T‫( ا‬4Q [the game of hunger] would
be more indicative of the rules involved in the death game, the core idea of
the novel. The suggested translation also renders the plural noun ‘games’
into the singular noun (4Q , which is a language-imposed stylistic choice,
i.e. the metaphorical use of the Arabic noun dictates the employment of the
singular (4Q [game] rather than the plural ~Q [games],which can be used
only in the literal sense.
On the other hand, the second work in The Hunger Games Trilogy,
catching fire, is beautifully translated into ~U9 ‫( ا‬BP ‫[ أ‬tongues of flames]
by employing a synonym and changing the word class of the title
constituents. The story starts where the first novel ends. The main
character, Kateniss, is facing the dilemma of whether to get married to
Peeta (whom she does not actually find herself with) or to place her family
at the risk of getting killed by the Capitol for deceiving the hunger game’s
authorities. This fuels a rebellion in the districts against the Capitol. In the
first part of the trilogy, Kateniss faked a love story which initially saved
her and Peeta in the hunger game. The President now foresees that
Katiness is the “spark” that will incite the oppressed citizens into “flames”.
However, the President proves that he is still in control by changing the
rules of the next hunger game to forcefully reenroll Kateniss and Peeta in
the game. The translator employs a synonymous Arabic compound of a
genitive construct to render the source title naturally and idiomatically. The
Arabic rendition translates metaphorically back into the seductive and
attractive phrase tongues of flames. Thus, the procedure adequately
preserves the functions and semantics of the original title. The result is an
Arabic title that is both seductive and indicative of the genre of thriller and
adventure.
The common hyperonymy-hyponymy relationship that exists
between lexical items is also utilized. This can be illustrated by the
translation of one of Agatha Christie’s well-known detective novels,
Murder in Mesopotamia into W 0 ‫ا‬- ‫<د ا‬ (A[-) [a crime in lands of

162
Mesopotamia]. In line with Genette (1988), the title is thematic since it
signifies, prior to exploring the inner pages, that the text reveals a murder
taking place in Mesopotamia. The title clearly performs a referential
function and describes the content. According to Newmark (1988), such a
descriptive title should easily lend itself to the target language by the
procedure of literal translation. The Arabic translation maintains all
features of the original title. Nevertheless, the translation justifiably
involves a degree of under-specification. While ‘Murder’ is a hyponym
that denotes an act of unlawful killing, the Arabic counterpart (A[-) [a
crime] is a hyperonym to it, i.e. it is more general as it does not specify the
type of crime. A semantically-based rendition would unpack the noun
‘murder’ into two predicates K5s (A[-) [a crime of killing], which is a
common Arabic collocation. Maintaining the level of specificity would
entail rendering the title into W 0 ‫ا‬- ‫<د ا‬ K5s (A[-) [a crime of killing in
lands of Mesopotamia]. However, brevity is a feature of titling and such a
choice would not make a difference in the perception of the potential
reader. In fact, the same choice of employing a hyperonym is made in
translating Agatha Christie’s Murder on the Orient Express into (A[-)
³-P ‫ق ا‬-E ‫\ ر ا‬s [a crime on the orient express]. On the other hand, The
Murder at the Vicarage by the same author is translated into K5s (A[-)
04Q ‫[ ا‬a crime of killing in the temple]. However, all the three translations
are produced by the same publishing house and the same translator. In this
way, employing a related word may sometimes involve a degree of under-
specification which does not affect the overall meaning of the original.
Furthermore, lexical items of a language enter into a network of
associated meanings. The relationship may not be that of similarity in
meaning but that of relevance to a particular semantic field. For example,
Appointment with Death, a detective novel by Agatha Christie, is translated
into o#‫ا‬0 ‫ ا‬0; ‫[ ا‬the bloody appointment]. Besides belonging to the same
semantic field, ‘blood’ and ‘death’ are related words in the sense that they
are grouped in the minds of people as such. Death happens naturally or as a
result of an act of killing which, in most cases, involves bloody scenes. The
Arabic title preserves the sense and semantics of the source text and brings
to the fore the murder scene depicted in the novel in an attractive and
aesthetic manner. Nevertheless, the one-to-one rendition ‫ ا ت‬# 0; # [an
appointment with death] would also make reference to the main theme of

163
the plot, which is the timely planned murder of a family member during a
trip to Petra. The difference here is that the published translation renders
the implicit information of killing explicit on the cover page rather than in
the inside pages. This emphasis may be motivated by commercial and
marketing considerations.

7. Paraphrase/Explication
There are only few examples (5 cases) where the paraphrase/explication
procedure is employed. The paraphrase procedure involves translating a
text through an elaborate act of interpreting and lexical unpacking, an
undertaking which goes against the principle of economy in titling. It
makes explicit the form and/or the function of the communicated message,
especially when dealing with culture-specific items. Nevertheless, what
works for a stretch of discourse does not necessarily work for titles, and
vice versa. The procedure does not seem to be appropriately used to render
titles in the corpus. For instance, Charlie Higson's The Enemy was
translated into ‫و‬0Q ‫ ا‬W# ‫وب‬-U ‫ ا‬B.A = [you cannot flee from the enemy].
The rendition is very flat and can be simply truncated to ‫و‬0Q ‫[ ا‬the enemy]
in correspondence with its original English title. In fact, brevity is an
important feature of contemporary titles. In addition, the source title does
not constitute a word that is alien to the target culture. Paraphrasing the
title is unjustified as the procedure does not seem to fulfill any marketing
purpose. The Arabic rendition does not read like a title. By contrast, the
ambiguity of the original title motivates the potential reader to explore the
content and is capable of identifying the genre of the work. A one-word
Arabic title ‫و‬0Q ‫ا‬, however, could be made more attractive by adding a
modifier, e.g. ‫س‬-E ‫و ا‬0Q ‫[ ا‬the fierce enemy].
Explication, on the other hand, is effectively employed to render a
number of titles in the corpus. The procedure involves a minor degree of
elaboration to relay the source message in an “intact manner” (As-Safi,
2011: 54). By way of illustration, Dave Pelzer's A Man Named Dave was
rendered into X ‫ د‬/A+‫ ا‬K)‫" ( ر‬V [the tale of a man named Dave]. The
output is an attractive, acceptable, and informative rendition. The added
noun ( "V [a tale] renders the title natural in Arabic. The transliteration
procedure (which is subjected to phonological adjustment, viz. Dave
becomes X ‫ د‬due to the absence of the sound /v/ in Arabic) is also
employed in this rendition. In line with Genette’s dichotomy of titles, the

164
source title is thematic while the target title falls under the category of both
thematic and rhematic titles; it does not only signify an aspect of the
content, but also labels the work as a tale.
Similarly, Nicholas Sparks’ The Notebook, a first rated romance
fiction, is successfully rendered into Arabic by the explication procedure.
According to Levinson’s (1985) classification, the source title is neutral
since it simply refers to an object in the novel. However, the notebook is a
core scene in the novel as well as in the film adaptation. This proves
Taha’s (2009) assertion about the simplest title carrying meaning of
reinforcement and focusing. The novel opens with Duke reading a love
story to his fellow patient who has Alzheimer and is getting treatment at a
nursery home. Throughout the novel, Duke reads the story from the
notebook which he has placed on his lap: In the 1930’s, Noah and Allie fell
in love with each other. Noah shows Allie the old house which he wishes
to buy and renovate. There, they dream and make promises. Allie’s parents
disapprove of their romance since Noah belongs to a lower social class.
They make every effort to distance them away from each other. Allie
moves with her parents and Noah writes her 365 letters in one year but she
never receives any. Some time later, World War II begins and Allie works
as an army nurse. She meets a wealthy injured soldier to whom she gets
engaged following the war. Allie sees Noah’s and his dream house sale ad
in the newspaper. She goes to check on him and their love for each other
echoes. Now she has to choose between Noah and her fiancé. Her mother
gives her the 365 letters which she kept from her. Allie made the choice
that day. As the elderly man reaches the end, elderly Allie recovers her
memory; he was telling the story of their legendary love. He was actually
reading from her notebook. In line with the plot, the translator decides to
explicate the source title into ~V ‫ات‬-ˆ # [memoires of love]. In fact, a one-
to-one corresponding rendition, i.e. ‫ة‬-ˆ ‫[ ا‬the memoir] would sound flat
and vague. The target title differs from the original in that it adds
information about the genre of the novel through specifying the kind of the
notebook as one of a love diary. Moreover, this is a case of rendering a
singular noun into plural as a language-preferred stylistic choice. However,
the sense of the original is adequately transmitted to the target reader. This
example reestablishes titles as an inseparable part of the work. In the case
of The Notebook, the story starts from the title and ends where its starts.

165
8. Transliteration
Transliteration refers to the act of transferring the SL word phonologically
to the target language. A total of 3 Arabic titles involve the use of
transliteration alone. The three titles in the corpus whose constituents are
exclusively personal names, viz. Christine by Stephen King, Zoya by
Danielle Steel, and Alfred and Emily by Doris Lessing, are rendered into
Arabic as ، [‫ زو‬،‫ ن‬5P³-ˆ and J #‫د وإ‬-> ‫أ‬, respectively. The procedure of
transliterating titles made from proper names into Arabic does not always
seem to be the best choice. Transliterated titles of unpopular proper names
do not sound appealing and informative. Leonardi (2011) asserts that
proper names are usually kept in English or transliterated when the name is
known to the target audience. However, new titles or descriptive phrases
need to be provided in cases where the source title features unpopular
names. Otherwise, the potential reader would have to look beyond the
cover page for insights about the content before deciding to read the novel
or not.
One of Stephen King’s horror novels is titled Christine after a
vintage car. The title here is a familiar personal name whose referent is an
object rather than a person. The title is semantically empty and does not
reflect any qualities of the car. In fact, the potential reader would naturally
perceive Christine as the name of a female character in the novel.
Nevertheless, Christine’s identity is revealed soon after reading the very
first few pages, which makes the title a mystifying one. In the novel,
Christine is a fictional car around which the plot revolves. On the way back
from school with his friend, Arnie passes past Christine and stops to see it.
Dennis gets in the car while Arnie signs off the papers to buy it for a few
dollars from an elderly man, Ronald Lebay. Meanwhile, Dennis has a
strange view of the car and gets out of it frightened. Arnie takes Christine
to the garage to turn it into the car of his dreams. However, Christine turns
out to be possessed by supernatural forces. Lebay’s daughter died in the
back seat inside Christine choked by a hamburger and her mother
committed suicide in its front seat by carbon monoxide poisoning. Time
starts to repeat itself. Arnie starts going out with Leigh, an attractive girl in
his high school. While on a date with Arnie, she gets choked by a
hamburger but is saved from death. Later, a guy who has always targeted
Arnie gathers with a gang and vandalizes the car. Christine repairs itself
the minute it gets into the garage. Arnie is now obsessed with Christine and
is taking on Lebay’s violent traits. A number of deaths occur taking
revenge on all those who are involved in vandalizing Christine. Now,

166
Dennis and Leigh are dating and they are on the top list of Christine.
Knowing so, they destroy Christine while Arnie is out of town. Arnie and
his mother are killed in an unrelated car crash. Few years later, Christine
seems to have restored itself and is again driven by rage. The translator
chooses to transliterate the title, thus offering an opaque Arabic title. In
line with the plot, the translator can effectively employ the transliteration
procedure along with a descriptive phrase, e.g. (2 "P ‫ رة ا‬P ‫ ا‬:‫ ن‬5P³-ˆ
[Christine: the haunted car] to designate the content and attract the
potential reader. Nevertheless, the potential reader’s response to the
transliterated title could be similar to that of the source culture reader since
Christine is recognized as a personal name in both cultures.
Transliteration of personal names independently of other
procedures is sometimes motivated by the text-type. Alfred and Emily, the
winner of the Noble Prize in 2007 by Doris Lessing, is a combination of
fiction and memoir. In the first fictional part, Lessing imaginatively
portrays her parents’ life without the consequences of the First World War.
The second section is a reflection of the reality her parents lived. The work
combines two lives; the one which the author’s parents wanted for
themselves and the other is the life they actually led. Since the novel
involves real characters and a memoir section, the original author chose to
present the work in a memoir-like title. Therefore, the translator justifiably
transliterates the title into J #‫د وإ‬-> ‫[ أ‬Alfred and Emily] to keep the names
of the real characters at the fore. The author’s titling intention and the
referential function are preserved in the Arabic edition. By way of
assumption, the Arabic potential reader would identify the work as a love
story of the couple. In fact, romance is one of the main aspects in the
novel.

9. Conclusion
The paper has shown that book title translating constitutes a significant
aspect of the promotion of a work within a host foreign culture because it
speaks for the entire book the way it does in its source culture. In addition
to linguistic and cultural considerations, commercial and marketing factors
usually play an important role in the choice of a title in the target culture.
This is particularly so when it comes to fiction titles, the category under
investigation, because several of fiction works are likely to be adapted to
movies, which are supposed to bear catchy and seductive titles.
The examination of the sample in this study has uncovered several
translation procedures for rendering fiction titles. Literal translation

167
presents itself as the most frequent procedure which aims to preserve the
linguistic and cultural nuances of the title. However, the translator needs to
consider other procedures including adaptation, use of related words,
explication, and transliteration in cases where literal translation may not
work. Adaptation, in particular, should be considered when the title is
culture-laden with references or allusions, in order to offer a title that is
comprehensible as well as attractive. In some cases, the adherence to the
literalness of a title may produce awkward or unnatural outputs, hence the
need to consider related words that would render the title both natural and
attractive. The paper has also shown that paraphrase usually produces flat
and wordy titles, whereas explication often offers better titles in terms of
linguistic use and acceptability.

168
 English Focus Structures: A Translational Critique

Mohammed Farghal & Bushra Al-Kalkh

Abstract
The present paper aims to examine the translation of English focus
structures into Arabic. The textual data is extracted from Gibran Khalil
Gibran's The Prophet, being a good example of creative writing that may
instantiate sufficient data of such structures. The extracted data (88
examples) feature four categories of focus structures: fronting (27),
fronting plus subject-verb inversion (23), fronting plus subject-auxiliary
inversion (28) and It-clefts (10). The findings show that English focus
structures constitute a problematic area which requires a high degree of
expertise on the translator's part. In addition to accounting for fronting as a
major syntactic device for focusing a certain sentence constituent, which is
successfully achieved in about two thirds of the examples, inversion and
clefting as second-layer emphatic elements are largely missed in Arabic
translation. The critical discussion of sample examples shows that such
second-layer emphasis can be catered for by the use of both grammatical,
e.g. pronouns or lexical, e.g. adverbs, Arabic emphatic markers, which can
effectively support fronting and achieve a comparable degree of focus.

1. Introduction
Language is a flexible means of communication in which the manipulation
of grammar plays a major role in expressing what goes on the producer’s
mind. Although language is governed by a set of rules, it still shows
variation and deviation from these rules in several ways for emphatic and
aesthetic purposes. Because translators are the primary agents behind
shifting tongues, they are assumed to pay due attention to grammatical
maneuvers between languages in order to ensure successful delivery of
encoded messages.
According to Merriam-Webster's dictionary, grammar is defined as
"the study of the classes of words, their inflections, and their functions and
relations in the sentence". It is a key tool in the hands of a writer, which is
used to express ideas and create intended effects on the readers. One
dynamic syntactic process is to bring some elements into focus or
prominence for contextual reasons. Such variations within the field of
grammar come under the title of stylistic features. Literature is one area
which abounds in varied structures that serve various rhetorical purposes.

169
Literary writers depend on their style to communicate aesthetically by
employing a number of constructions that would not normally occur in
other genres.
It is highly important to be aware of the fact that translation is
basically an act of form changing, including change of the actual words,
phrases, clauses, sentences or paragraphs of the language (Larson 1998:3).
Clearly then, grammar plays an important role in the job of a translator.
Translators build sentences by placing words within certain structures that
are dictated by ST. Literary translators have a heavier burden on their
shoulders because they work in the thorny area of literature with all its
creativity and artistic value. Thus, the translator's task necessitates
sensitivity to the ST in order to produce "the closest natural equivalent to
the source-language message" (Nida 2003:166). However, achieving this
goal in translation entails basic adaptations in grammar and lexicon. These
are guided by the translator's ability to recognize and appreciate similarities
and differences between the relevant language pair, particularly in the area
of grammar. Hence, literary translation requires full awareness of the
grammatical components of the writing style in the SL as well as TL. This
enables translation to properly target some literary-modified uses of
structures that languages offer to influence readers.
This paper aims to show how translators deal with marked focus
structures that involve shifts in word order in English-into-Arabic
translation by looking at such structures in Gibran Khalil Gibran's novel
The Prophet. The Arabic translation was made by Jamil Elabed and
published in a bilingual book in 2010. The paper will explore changes in
word order and check whether the rendering of such structures succeeds in
transferring the intended effect or, otherwise, blurs or weakens it.

2. Style
Literature is an arena where writers produce the essence of their
experiences and feelings toward the world. Each author adopts a personal
style within the textual and contextual parameters that are followed. In
other words, "style… is not a property of the language system as a whole
but of particular language users in particular (kinds of) settings" (Hatim
and Mason 1990:10). It reflects the writer's personality, emotions and
creativity (Hatim 2004:231). Thus, Hatim argues "...translators are also
urged to take interest in 'translating' not only what the original has to say
but also, when appropriate, how this is said" (Hatim 2004: 233). Style
supposedly verbalizes what the TT carries by means of word choice, word
order or other stylistic features found in a literary piece. Insofar as

170
grammar is concerned, Rochemont and Culicover (1990) state that
grammar acknowledges a number of ‘stylistic constructions’ that identify a
specific phrase as a focus in the sentence. In other words, focus can be
achieved through syntactic manipulations that authors stylistically opt for.

3. Word Order and Markedness

Word order is one dynamic feature of the grammatical system in human
languages. It involves moving constituents to certain places in order to
perform particular functions. Word order serves the progression of
information and usually results in some tension between surface structure
and information flow and may result in achieving rhetorical purposes.
Whereas grammarians study word order in terms of correctness,
rhetoricians/discourse analysts look into it in terms of textual and
contextual considerations (Battat 2004). Literary writers, as is well known,
deviate from familiar word orders to reach intended artistic effects,
emphasize specific information, or communicate in a logical order.
Recognizing these intentions implies understanding unmarked and marked
structures in any given language.
"Markedness relates to a choice or patterns of choices that stand
out as unusual and may come to the reader's attention" (Munday 2012:96).
This can be present at the word, clause or text structure level, or even in
entire styles, genres or mediums (Hatim 2004:230). An unmarked word
order follows the communicatively normal/familiar order of constituents in
a sentence, while a marked word order communicatively manipulates the
ordering of sentence constituents. Languages may have different word
order patterns and they, consequently, differ in signaling various degrees of
markedness. In terms of communicative value, for example, it is held that
the unmarked English word order is Subject-Verb-Object/Complement
(SVO/C, while the unmarked Arabic word order is Verb-Subject-
Object/Complement (VSO/C). Typologically, however, some languages
are more stable in the ordering of sentence constituents and are termed
‘configurational languages’, e.g. English, while others are termed ‘non-
configurational languages’ because they enjoy more word order options
whose communicative values are signaled by inflectional case markers,
e.g. Arabic.
To explain, an English sentence like ‘Zayd bought a book’
represents the unmarked word order and may not lend itself to other word
orders by just swapping the position of the constituents in the sentence, viz.
‘Zayd a book bought’, ‘Bought a book Zayd’, and ‘A book Zayd bought’
are all ill-formed. By contrast, due to its inflectional nature, Arabic

171
practically allows the swapping of the position of all the constituents in the
ٌ ً ً
above sentence for communicative purposes, viz. 0[‫¡’ى ز‬Œ‫ ا‬5ˆ, 5ˆ ‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ا‬
ً ً ً
0ٌ [‫ز‬, 5ˆ ‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ ا‬0[ٌ ‫ز‬, ‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ ا‬5ˆ 0[ٌ ‫ز‬, and ‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ ا‬0[ٌ ‫ ز‬5ˆ.
Apart from changing the position of sentence constituents only
linearly, both languages employ other syntactic processes such as fronting,
clefting, thematization, etc. to assign a certain sentence constituent
focusing or prominence for communicative ends. For example, the subject
‘Ali’, which is only assigned prominence by unmarked thematization in
‘Ali called the manager’, is given a focus position in ‘It was Ali who called
the manager’ or in ‘Ali was the person who called the manager’. Similarly,
‘Ali’ is given prominence by unmarked thematization in the Arabic
sentence - 0 KLN‫ ٌ ا‬J;, while it is assigned a focus position in W# ٌ J;
- 0 KLN‫ ا‬or in ٌ J; - 0 KLN‫ ا‬W#.
Consequently, translators between Arabic and English are faced
with the challenge of capturing or, at least, approximating rhetorical effects
resulting from focus-structures. In this respect, Hatim (2004) argues that
marked structures should be rendered dynamically rather than formally by
investing the available resources in the relevant language pair. Languages
can express a particular effect using their own methods without necessarily
abiding by a given marked structure in the SL. He writes (p. 244) "What
should be conveyed, then, is not 'linguistic markedness' as such, but an
ultimate effect".

4. Theme and Rheme

Since sentences are made up of clauses and each clause carries a message,
Halliday (1985) sees that a message consists of a theme combined with a
rheme. He (p. 38) defines theme as "the element which serves as the point
of departure of the message". It is with which the clause is concerned and it
is prominent by being positioned first. By contrast, rheme is what remains
of the message or the part in which the theme is developed. Similarly, the
Prague school (e.g. Danes 1974; Firbas 1975; Deyes 1978) argues that a
clause has a communicative dynamism accomplished through the
progression of information from older to new information (also see Battat
2004). Different authors may use varying labels such as 'topic',
'background' or 'given' for theme, and 'comment', 'foreground' or 'new' for
rheme. In this sense, thematic structures communicate messages in an
orderly manner, giving local prominence to themes and an overall
discourse-level prominence to rheme (Baker 1992; Larson 1998). The

172
Grammar of different languages controls the choice and ordering of themes
in translation in order to keep the naturalness of the TT. However,
according to Hatim and Mason (1990: 217),"… if theme-rheme analysis is
to have any relevance to translators, it must provide an account of thematic
progression in the service of particular rhetorical purposes". In this way,
understanding how themes and rhemes concatenate directs the translator's
choice to preserve the thematic structure as long as it sounds natural in the
TL, or abandon it if it does not, within the pragmatic parameters of
different languages.

5. Marked Focus Structures

As part of coding and receiving information, grammatical organization
emerges as an important communicative vehicle. Certain structures may
highlight certain messages and draw attention to them in a marked manner.
Focus in sentences relates generally to new information which is normally
given at the end of an information unit and attained within a context of
given information. Put differently, focus corresponds to rheme or what is
said about the theme. Focus can be natural or marked. Halliday looks at
structures in three ways: unmarked, partially marked, or marked. It is only
when we foreground new information that we achieve marked focus
(Greenbaum and Quirk 1990). Marked focus structures select a certain
clause element as theme. Fronting of the main clause elements, which are
subject, predicator, object, complement and adjunct, is then considered
thematic (Baker 1992). Some choices are more meaningful than others, and
that is what makes them more marked. Halliday defines a marked theme as
something other than a subject in a declarative sentence (Halliday 1985).
Mona Baker (1992) states that Hallidayan linguists recognize three main
types of marked theme in English:

1. Fronted theme: It involves moving unusual items to initial position,

such as time or place adjuncts, object, complement or predicator.
2. Predicated theme: It involves using an it-structure to place an element
near the beginning of the clause.
3. Identifying theme: It involves using a wh-structure to place an element
in theme position.
According to Halliday (1967), focus is a grammatical category that
determines which part of the sentence contributes new, non-derivable, or
contrastive information. Focus structures are termed by Rochemont and
Culicover (1990) as "stylistic constructions" and are explained within the

173
theory of focus. Based on the syntax of the English sentence, they identify
six focus constructions as shown in Table 1 below.

Table 1. Focus Structures by Rochemont and Culicover (1990)

Focus Structure Example
1. Heavy Noun Phrase Shift construction John invited to the party his
(HNPS) closest friends.
2. It-cleft construction It was a brand new fur coat that
John purchased for his wife.
3. Relative Clause and PP Extraposition A man came into the room with
from NP constructions blond hair.
4. Directional/ Locative Adverbial
Into the room walked John.
Preposing constructions (D/L inversion)
5. Preposing around be constructions Standing in front of her was
(PAB) Mary.
6. Presentational there insertion (PTI) There walked into the room a tall
man with blond hair.

As for Arabic, Ford (2009) summarizes focus structures in terms of

the linear presentation of sentence elements, as is shown in Table 2 below.

Table 2. Arabic Focus Structures (Ford 2009)

Summary
Word Focused New
description of Example
order element information
construction
ً ٌ
Topic-focus 5ˆ 0AM#
SOV Object O
construction .‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ا‬
ً
Narrow focus of ‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ ا‬5ˆ
OVS Object O ٌ
object .0AM#
ً
Contrastive focus 5ˆ ‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ا‬
VOS Object O ٌ
of object .0AM#
‫¡’ى‬Œ‫ ا‬0AM# ٌ
SVO Subject S Focus of subject ً
. 5ˆ

Tables (1) and (2) give the impression that the two languages
largely differ in how they show marked focus, which allows for
communicative dynamism to play a crucial role in a successful translation
of these structures. On the one hand, Table (1) indicates that English can
focus a variety of sentence elements which goes as far as breaking the
conditions of constituency, viz. the prepositional phrase within the subject

174
NP in ‘A man with blond hair came into the room’ may be extracted and
post-posed to highlight it as a focus element in ‘A man came into the room
with blond hair’. Table (2), on the other hand, restricts focus structures to
the constituents in the VSO word order, thus giving the false impression
that Arabic can only capture the focus elements in English clefts by freely
moving sentence elements in the VSO order. A closer look into focus
structures in Arabic unravels the fact that it manages to employ a variety of
focus structures which, just like English, may go as far as violating
constituency norms. For example, it is possible to extract a prepositional
phrase out of its subject NP for focus purposes the way it is done in
English, viz. one may say the sentence - Œ• ‫ﻩ‬-QEp ( -• ‫ ا‬Ij‫ إ‬K) ٌ ‫ ر‬K6‫د‬
ٌ ‫ ر‬K6‫د‬.
instead of ( -• ‫ ا‬Ij‫ إ‬- Œ• ‫ﻩ‬-QEp K)

6. Material and Procedure

This is a case study of Gibran Khalil Gibran's novel; the Prophet, which
was published in 1923. It represents the genre of prose poetry, which is
expected to include a variety of focus structures resulting from word order
marked options. The Arabic translation by Jamil Elabed (2010) will be
examined to see how the translator has dealt with the focus structures in
the English original. The paper will look into the different types of English
focus structures and their Arabic counterparts in an attempt to explore the
translation procedures employed and critically check how successful they
are.

7. Data Analysis
The novel contains 88 examples of marked focus structures involving
changes in word order. The collected data is categorized according to the
type of focus structure employed. Focus constituents are found to be
complements, objects, and adverbial adjuncts. Table 3 shows the
frequency and percentage of each type of focus structures.

Table 3. Distribution of Marked focus structures

frequency percentage

27 30.68%
Fronting
23 26.14%
Fronting + subject-verb inversion

175
 28 31.82%
Fronting + subject-auxiliary inversion
10 11.36%
It-clefts
88 100%
Total

The following discussion will furnish a critical evaluation of the

Arabic procedures that need to be employed to capture the communicative
value sought by the English focus structures.

7.1 Fronting
Out of the 27 fronting cases, the communicative value of fronted elements
have been preserved 18 times in Arabic (see Appendix 1). Fronting
achieves marked theme by moving into initial position an item which is
otherwise unusual there (Greenbaum and Quirk 1990). The fronted
elements are either complements or adverbial adjuncts. Baker (1992)
rightly notes that fronting adjuncts (adverbials/prepositional phrase) is less
marked than fronting complements because complements have a fairly
fixed place in the sentence. This observation is borne out in fronted
elements as there are only 2 examples where we have fronted
complements, the remaining 25 examples featuring fronted adjuncts. A
quick look at Appendix 1 shows that the function of focus structures has
been maintained in 18 cases (66.67%), while it has been missed in 9 cases
(33.33%).
To start with fronted complements, the two cases are given in (1)
and (2) below:
(1) …and together you shall be for evermore.(p.22)
ً ‫ ن‬4N ً Q#‫ و‬...
-#
(23 ‫ )ص‬.‫ ن‬BP ‫ا‬
(2) True it is that I have climbed the hills and walked in remote places.
(152)
ً
(153 ‫ )ص‬.‫" ن‬# 0Qp‫ أ‬1#‫ ور‬V ‫<ل‬5 ‫ت ا‬0Qx

As can be seen, the translator has succeeded in capturing the

communicative value of the fronted verb complement in (1) by opting for a
fronted verb complement in Arabic. By contrast, he has failed to follow the

176
 ً
same procedure in (2) as he has kept the Arabic adverbial element V,
which functionally corresponds to the English verb complement ‘true’, in
its unmarked position in Arabic. To achieve the communicative function of
the English fronted complement, one needs to offer something like (3)
below, where the adverbial is fronted:
ً
(3) ‫" ن‬# 0Qp‫ أ‬1#‫<ل ور‬5 ‫ت ا‬0Qx V

As for fronted adjuncts (25 cases), the data shows that the translator
has managed to relay the communicative function of marked fronted
adverbials in 17 cases (68%), but has failed to do so in the remaining 8
cases (32%). The sample examples below attest to this finding:

(4) Like sheaves of corn he gathers you unto himself. (p. 18)
(19 ‫ )ص‬./ ‫ إ‬Fˆ0EM ‫وراق ذرة‬Žˆ
(5) And together we shall rejoice through all the seasons. (38)
ً
(39 ‫ )ص‬.‫ ل‬L> ‫ ل ;©’ا‬5Y2 Q#‫و‬
(6) To you the earth yields her fruit, (p. 58)
(59 ‫ ر )ص‬AZ F. ‫ح •رض‬-\N
(7) For the bee a flower is a fountain of life, (p. 122)
(123 ‫ )ص‬،‫ ة‬V ‫ ع‬4 (9MB9 ‫ة‬- •

One can readily note that the emphasis achieved by the fronted
adjuncts in (4) and (5) above is successfully relayed by fronting the
corresponding Arabic adjuncts. However, the translator has missed the
emphasis obtained by such adjuncts in (6) and (7) because he has opted for
the unmarked Arabic word order in (6) and has changed the focus element
in (7), viz. ‘the flower’ rather than ‘the bee’ has taken the focus position.
To relay the emphasis by maintaining focus structures in (6) and (7) above,
(8) and (9) below need to be offered, respectively:
(8) ‫ ر‬AZ ‫ح •رض‬-\N F.
(9) ‫ ة‬V ‫ ع‬4 ‫ة‬- • ‫( ا‬9MB99

7.2 Fronting + Subject-Verb Inversion

Fronted focus structures that involve subject-verb inversion occur 23 times
in the novel. This category (Appendix 2) shows that the focus function has

177
been preserved in 6 cases (26%), partially preserved in 10 cases (43.47%),
and missed in 7 cases (30.43%). Fronting in this category naturally carries
with it the inversion that puts the subject in final position to achieve end-
focus (Greenbaum and Quirk 1990). Thus, the fronted constituent in such
sentences functions as a marked theme and receives a marked initial focus.
The data in this category involves fronting verb complements (20 cases)
and adjuncts (3 cases only), alongside subject-verb inversion.
Let us first examine three examples where the focus function has
been maintained:

(10) But even in their foregoing is their pleasure. (120)

(121) .‫ون ة‬0 FUQBAN µŸV Fl±.
(11) In the depth of your hopes and desires lies your silent knowledge of
the beyond; (p. 136)
(137 ‫ )ص‬.~ • 1# L ‫ ا‬F.A9; WA. F.s‫ ا‬Œ‫ أ‬7 Gw‫ و‬F. #‫ آ‬7 A;
(12) That which seems most feeble and bewildered in you is the
strongest and most determined. (p. 158)
ً ً ً
(159 ‫ )ص‬. #•;’Áˆ•‫ ى و‬s• ‫ ’ا‬MN‫> و‬Q! F. ‫و‬04 #’Áˆ‫إن أ‬

In (10), the translator has managed to maintain the position of the

focus English complement in Arabic and has appropriately supported it by
the employment of the lexical verb ‫ون‬0 , which performs the second-
degree focus obtained by the use of inversion in English. Without this verb,
the focus function in the sentence would be seriously reduced, viz. µŸV W.
Fl{ FUQBAN , which is less emphatic and dynamic than the rendering in
(10) above. The same procedure is applied in (11) where the Arabic
complement occupies the focus position and is duly supported by the
lexical verb WA. , which renders the utterance more emphatic. A stative
rendering such as ~ • 1# L ‫ ا‬F.A9; F.s‫ ا‬Œ‫ أ‬7 Gw‫ و‬F. #‫ آ‬7 A; would
not capture the high degree of focus in the English utterance, where focus
is doubly achieved by fronting and subject-verb inversion. As for (12), the
Arabic fronted complement is supported by the emphatic pronoun ,
ً
which renders the focus element more emphatic (cf. >Q! F. ‫و‬04 #’Áˆ‫إن أ‬
ً ً
#•; ’Áˆ•‫ ى و‬s• ‫ ’ا‬MN‫و‬, which is less emphatic than the Arabic rendering in
(12)). Apparently, in addition to fronting proper, the use of Arabic lexical

178
verbs and pronouns constitutes an important supporting resource for
capturing the doubly focus structure featuring fronting and inversion in
English. Failure to duly invest this resource would result in partial
preservation of focus (see below).
Partial preservation of focus, which is the most frequent in this
category, usually results in stative utterances which are deficient in
emphasis and dynamism despite the fact that fronting has been
implemented in them. Following are three illustrative examples:

(13) Long were the days of pain I have spent within its walls, (p. 4)
(5 ‫ )ص‬،‫ران‬0¢T‫ ن ﻩ ا‬lm :#‫ أ‬F • ‫( أ م‬9[ 8
(14) Brief were my days among you, and briefer still the words I have
spoken. (p. 140)
(141 ‫ )ص‬.F. o€ A93 l±# Ks‫ وأ‬،F.Bu o# ‫( أ‬9 9s
(15) In your longing for your giant self lies your goodness: (p. 112)
(113 ‫ )ص‬Fˆ’ 6 ‫©’ى‬. ‫ ا‬F.N‫ ا‬F.s N

In (13) and (14), the translator has failed to render the focus
element relayed by inversion in English although he has applied fronting as
a focus device. One should note that the unmarked English word orders
corresponding to the renditions in (14) and (15) are stative, viz. ‘My days
among you were brief, and the words I have spoken still briefer’ and ‘Your
goodness lies in your longing for your giant self’ respectively. However,
their stative nature becomes more emphatic and dynamic by inversion, a
nuance that needs to be accounted for in Arabic translation. Thus, taking
care of fronting alone in such structures would only do the job partially and
would, erroneously, offer stative sentences par excellence. As has been
mentioned above, both pronouns (13 and 14) and lexical verbs (15) should
be employed to cater for the inversion focus element. Following are the
respective renderings which preserve the focus realized by fronting as well
as inversion:

(16) ‫ران‬0¢T‫ﻩ ا‬ ‫ ن‬lm :#‫ أ‬aŸ ‫ ا‬o# ‫( ˜ أ‬9[ 8

(17) lm9s aŸ ‫ ا‬o€ A93 ˜ l±# Ks‫ وأ‬،F.Bu o# ‫( ˜ أ‬9 9s
(18) Fˆ’ 6 0) /WA. F.N‫ ا‬F.s N

179
 More seriously, in some cases (7/23), the translator has missed the
function of the focus element altogether, thus rendering a marked word
order into an unmarked one. The following examples are illustrative:

(19) Like a giant oak tree covered with apple blossoms is the vast man
in you. (p.146)
(17 ‫> ح )ص‬N F;‫ا‬- P.N ‫ ن‬0B+ ‫ة‬-¢Î F. ’©ˆ• ‫ ن‬PŠÀ
(20) Ready am I to go, (p. 6)
(7 ‫ )ص‬،K V-9 ~ Ž5# oŠ‫إ‬
(21) Only when you are empty are you at standstill and balanced. (p. 48)
(49 ‫ا] )ص‬- =‫ إ‬2‫ ¿ا‬# ‫ ي‬5P‡ =‫ و‬A} s F 5P‡ =

As can be noted, the translator has opted for unmarked Arabic word
orders in (19)-(21). In fact, the renderings correspond to the following
unmarked English versions respectively:

(22) The vast man in you is like a giant oak tree covered with apple
blossoms.
(23) I am ready to go.
(24) You are at standstill and balanced only when you are empty.

Consequently, the focus function in the English structures is

completely lost in the renderings. To capture the intended meaning, the
translation needs to cater for both fronting and inversion as focus devices.
Following are suggested Arabic renderings:

(25) F. ’©ˆ• ‫ ن‬PŠÀ ‫> ح‬N F;‫ا‬- P.N ‫ ن‬0B+ ‫ة‬-¢£ˆ

(26) 2‫ أ‬K V-9 ~ Ž5#
(27) 2‫ ¿ا‬# ‫ ي‬5P³‫ و‬A} s F 5P‡ ]‫ا‬- =‫– إ‬u

To explain, the focus function in (25) is achieved by fronting as

well as the use of the pronoun . In (26), it is obtained through fronting of
the adjective as well as placing the first person pronoun in a marked
position at the end of the utterance. As for (27), focus is attended to by
fronting as well as the employment of explicit negation in Arabic.

180
7.3 Fronting + Subject-Auxiliary Inversion
This fronting structure involves fronting a sentence constituent plus
subject-auxiliary inversion, which adds end-focus to the main verb. It is the
most frequent focus structure in the data, accounting for 28 cases
(31.82%). This kind of inversion is different from subject-verb inversion
(section 7.2 above) by the fact that it involves inverting an auxiliary verb
rather than a main verb with the subject where the main verb is usually a
lexical rather than a stative verb and it naturally (i.e. unmarkedly) occurs in
interrogative sentences. However, it is also used as a rhetorical device
which co-occurs with fronted verb complements as well as adjuncts. Below
are some illustrative examples:

(28) Too many fragments of the spirit have I scattered in these streets,
(p. 4)
(5 ‫ )ص‬،‫ ت‬s-\ ‫ﻩ ا‬ IJ; l{’Á2 ‫وح‬- ‫ ا‬nŒ ‫ة‬0 0;
(29) All these things shall love do unto you that you may know the secrets
of your heart, (p. 18)
(19 ‫ )ص‬F.¥ 9s ‫ار‬-+‫ ا أ‬-Q5 F. ~GT‫ ا‬/9Q> ‫ ا‬K3
(30) Much have we loved you. (p. 10)
(11 ‫ )ص‬.‫ ك‬B•4V‫ أ‬F.
(31) And alone and without his nest shall the eagle fly across the sun.
(p.4)
(5 ‫ )ص‬.’ \ ‫– أن‬AE ‫ ا‬-P ‫را‬0s /E; <¥‫ﻩ و‬0V‫وو‬

As can be seen, (28) and (29) involve fronting verb complements,

namely direct objects, along with subject-auxiliary inversion in order to
mark a sentence element as a focus structure. The unmarked counterparts
would appear in the normal object slot, viz. 'I have scattered too many
fragments of the spirit in these streets' and 'Love shall do all these things
unto you that you may know the secrets of your heart', respectively. The
translator has done well in (28) and (29) by fronting the Arabic verb
complements to cater for the focus element. One may argue, however, that
the element of emphasis conferred by inversion has been lost in the Arabic
renditions. The question here is: How can this focus element be captured if
subject-auxiliary inversion is non-existent in Arabic? The answer is to look
for another evaluativeness correlate (see Farghal 1991) to support fronting,
whether it be grammatical or lexical. In this way, (28) can be further

181
emphasized by the employment of a reflexive pronoun, viz. nŒ ‫ة‬0 0;
‫ ت‬s-\ ‫ ﻩ ا‬IJ; abÒ>B l{’Á2 ‫وح‬- ‫ ا‬and an emphatic adverbial in (29), viz. K3
ً
F.¥ 9s‫ار‬-+‫ ا أ‬-Q5 F. ~GT‫ ا‬/9Q> V ‫ ا‬.
For their part, (30) and (31) feature fronted adjuncts plus subject-
auxiliary inversion. These marked adjuncts are placed at the end of the
utterance in the unmarked versions, viz. 'We have loved you much' and
'The eagle shall fly across the sun alone and without his nest', respectively.
Again, the translator succeeds in bringing the adjuncts to focus position
but, as in (28) and (29), does not capture the second-layer emphasis
introduced by inversion. To capture such an extra focus nuance, a subject
pronoun can be employed in (30), viz. ‫ ك‬B•4V‫ أ‬WM2 F. and a negative
mitigating marker in (31), viz. –AE ‫ ا‬-P ‫ \ ’ ا‬+ ’ ] = /E; <¥‫ﻩ و‬0V‫وو‬.
One should note that the translator in (31) has brought another constituent,
that is, –AE ‫ ا‬to a focus position, something that is not found in the
English sentence.
Examining the renditions in this category (Appendix 3), we can
observe that no renditions take account of inversion as a second-layer
focus device. Apart from that, however, the translator has failed to capture
the focus structure in 14 instances, which makes 50% of the examples in
this category. Following are some illustrative examples:

(32) Empty and dark shall I raise my lantern, (p.8)

(9 ‫ )ص‬،‫ ء‬:#’ ] [‫ و‬6 /Q ‫ أر‬ã 4L#
(33) Only when you drink from the river of silence shall you indeed
sing. (p 138)
(139 ‫ )ص‬.‫" ن‬P ‫ا‬-l• W# ‫¡’; ا‬N µŸV ‫ ء‬B• ‫ ا ا‬-Q€ W
(34) And not unlike the mist have I been. (144)
(145 ‫ )ص‬.‫ ب‬4: ‫ ن ا‬3 #’ ] Wˆ‫ أ‬F ‫و‬

To start with (32), the translator has brought the direct object ‫ ح‬4L# rather
ً
than the adjunct ‫ ء‬:# ’ ] [‫ و‬6 to focus, thus changing the focus structure,
which is the adjunct 'empty and dark' in the ST. To capture fronting plus
ً
inversion as focus devices, one can offer abÒ>B ã 4L# ‫ ء أر‬:# ’ ] [‫ و‬6.
Note that the Arabic reflexive pronoun is meant to relay the element of
emphasis achieved by inversion in English. For its part, the English

182
sentence (33) involves fronting a constituent containing implicit negation.
Although the translator has recovered negation in his rendering, he has
failed to employ a marked Arabic word order where the negation part is
brought to focus. To do this, a rendering such as -l• W# ‫¡’; ا‬N ‫ ن‬V =‫– إ‬u
ً
V ‫ ء‬B• ‫ ا‬F52‫ ن أ‬-Q5+ ‫" ن‬P ‫ا‬. Finally, the translator has missed the subject
complement as a focus structure in the Arabic rendering by opting for the
unmarked Arabic word order. To bring the complement to focus, the
Arabic sentence should read 2‫ أ‬Wˆ‫ أ‬F ‫ ب‬4: ‫ ن ا‬3 #’ ].

7.4 It-clefts
It-cleft structures are the least frequent in the data (10 cases/11.36%). They
give divided focus by breaking the sentence into two clauses (Greenbaum
and Quirk 1990). They use the subject pronoun it as a dummy theme,
followed by the verb be and a focus constituent. Examples show focus on
post-copular subjects, objects and adjuncts.
Examining It-cleft structures (Appendix 4) shows that the translator
has managed to capture the focus achieved by the It-cleft in 5 cases,
whereas he has missed it in the other 5 cases. Below are illustrative
examples:

(35) It is when you give of yourself that you truly give. (p. 30)
(31 ‫ )ص‬.‫ دق‬L ‫\ ء ا‬Q ‫ ا‬F.N‫ ذا‬W# Fˆ‫;\ ؤ‬
(36) it is thy will in us that willeth. (p. 116)
(117 ‫ )ص‬.‫ ء‬E€ aŸ ‫ ˜ ا‬B 5ç E#
(37) It is in exchanging the gifts of the earth that you shall find
abundance and be satisfied. (p. 58)
(59 ‫ )ص‬. !- ‫> ( وا‬. ‫ وا‬- > ‫ •رض ا‬FQŠ ‫ دل‬4N
(38) It was but yesterday we met in a dream. (p. 162)
(163 ‫ )ص‬.F9V BQA) ‫– م‬#‫ ن أ‬3

On the one hand, examples (35) and (36) show that the translator
has successfully relayed the emphasis in the cleft structures by employing
emphatic pronouns. Thus, the emphatic pronoun marks the topic of the
sentence F.N‫ ذا‬W# Fˆ‫ ;\ ؤ‬as a focus element. Similarly, the relativized
emphatic pronoun ˜ in (36) turns the topic into a focus element. On the

183
other hand, the translator has missed the cleft structure emphasis in (37)
and (38). In (37), he opts for a relatively unmarked structure where the
comment precedes the topic. However, this humble structural maneuver
does not cater for the strong degree of emphasis introduced by the English
cleft structure. To relay a comparable degree of emphasis, one may employ
ّ
the emphatic grammatical marker ‫إن‬, viz. ( >. ‫ وا‬- > ‫ •رض ا‬FQŠ ‫ دل‬4N ‫إن‬
ّ
!- ‫ وا‬or may use a lexical verb to turn the stative sentence into a dynamic
one, viz. !- ‫> ( وا‬. ‫ وا‬- > ‫ون ا‬0 N ‫ •رض‬FQŠ ‫ دل‬4N . As for (38), the
translator has opted for an unmarked word order that misses the emphasis
altogether. To capture the focus element, a relativized emphatic pronoun
can be used, viz. F9V BQA) ‫– ا م ا ي‬#‫أ‬.

8. Conclusion
In terms of the translator's success in capturing English focus structures in
Arabic translation, the following quantitative picture obtains:

Table 4. Types of Renditions in terms of Accuracy

partially
Preserved missed
preserved

Fronting 18 / 66.67% - 9 / 33.33%

Fronting + Sub-Verb
6 / 26% 10 / 43.47% 7 / 30.43%
Inversion
Fronting + Sub-Aux
- 14 / 50% 14 / 50%
Inversion

It-clefts 5 / 50% - 5 / 50%

Based on the above Table, it can be concluded that English focus

structures constitute a problematic area for translators into Arabic, viz.
only 29 cases (33%) properly preserve the emphasis achieved by them vs.
59 cases (67%) in which the emphasis is either only partially preserved or
completely missed. While mishaps relating to the translator's failure to
capture emphasis introduced by focus structures may not affect the
propositional content of ST sentences, they seriously impact the author's
style and the communicative value of packaging information in different

184
ways in discourse. Hence, student translators as well as professional
translators need to be alerted to the subtleties involved in this area.
While fronting may present several problems as the above Table
indicates, English Subject-Verb and Subject-Auxiliary inversion as a
second-layer focus element is the most challenging to capture in Arabic
translation. It has been suggested that if fronting in Arabic is supported by
either a grammatical or a lexical emphatic marker such as a pronoun, an
adverb, or a verb, the Arabic sentence will achieve the two layers of
focusing. One should note that the most serious error in dealing with a
marked word order introducing a focus structure is to turn it into an
unmarked word order in the target language, thus doing away with the
focus structure altogether. The Table shows that the translator has
committed this serious error in 34 cases (38.63%), a fact which confirms
how sensitive focus structures are.
Finally, as a focusing device, It-clefts present themselves as a
problematic structure, viz. the translator has missed the emphasis in 5 out
of the 10 cases in the data. Again, to capture the focus structure in an It-
cleft the fronted element in Arabic needs to be supported by an emphatic
marker, be it a pronoun, an adverb, or a verb. Fronting a constituent
without employing an emphatic marker to relay the emphasis in an It-cleft
would result in a stative Arabic structure whose comment-topic order lacks
the dynamism included in an English It-cleft or in an unmarked Arabic
word order.

185
Appendix 1
Fronted Focus Structures
Fronted
# p. Focus Structure Translation ‫ص‬ Focus
Constituent
In your aloneness # 14s‫ را‬N0V‫و‬
1 14 you have watched 15 adjunct Preserved
، B# ‫أ‬
with our days,
and in your
wakefulness you 1 •x‫ ك أ‬GÖ ‫و‬
have listened to the
2 14 B E ‫ و‬B.G‹ 15 adjunct Preserved
weeping and the
laughter of our . B# 2
sleep.
Like sheaves of Fˆ0EM ‫وراق ذرة‬Žˆ
3 18 corn he gathers 19 adjunct Preserved
./ ‫إ‬
you unto himself.
and together you ‫ ن ﱠ‬4N ً Q#‫و‬
-#
4 22 shall be for 23 complement Preserved
.‫ ن‬BP ‫ا‬
evermore.
Through the hands
5 32 of such as these ‫ ﷲ‬F9"5 Fl¯0 Ž 33 adjunct Preserved
God speaks,
and from behind
their eyes He Fl• ; X96 W#‫و‬
6 32 33 adjunct Preserved
smiles upon the .F ‫ •د‬IJ; BM
earth.
And together we ً
shall rejoice ’©; ‫ ل‬5Y2 Q#‫و‬
7 38 39 adjunct Preserved
through all the .‫ ل‬L> ‫ا‬
seasons.
Together they ً
8 48 ،‫ ن‬NŽ Q# 49 adjunct Preserved
come,
In their fear your
forefathers ‫ب‬-s FU 6
9 50 51 adjunct Preserved
gathered you too .F.Bu # Fˆ‫اد‬0)‫أ‬
near together.
To you the earth
10 58 F. ‫ح •رض‬-\N 59 adjunct Missed
yields her fruit,

186
 ، ‫ ر‬AZ
To such men you ‫) ل‬- ‫ ا‬W# /9… ‫ و‬/
11 58 59 adjunct Preserved
should say: ،‫ ا‬s
And in the
sweetness of KQ)‫ ا‬،‫ ا د‬F QŠ ‫و‬
friendship let there
12 98 ‫" ت‬GÂ ‫ ك‬B 99 adjunct Preserved
be laughter, and ً
sharing of .‫ة‬-PA9 A+ N‫و‬
pleasures.
For in the dew of
little things the /V 4x 0 ~9
13 98 heart finds its ‫ى‬02 /8 EŠ‫و‬ 99 adjunct Missed
morning and is .~}‫ ء وا وا‬Œ•
refreshed.
In the bosom of
such as these the –>B™N ‫ر '=ء‬0x
14 100 101 adjunct Preserved
spirit dwells in .1# x ‫ ع‬t ‫وح‬- ‫ا‬
rhythmic silence.
Of time you would ‫ ن‬9Q N W#• ‫ ا‬W#‫و‬
make a stream ً
IJ; ‫ ن‬P9 N =‫و‬0)
15 104 upon whose bank 105 adjunct Preserved
‫ ن‬4s‫ا‬-N‫ و‬/ >!
you would sit and
watch its flowing. ./ PŠ‫ا‬

Of the good in you = ،F. ’ vT‫ ا‬W;

16 108 I can speak, but \5+‫أ‬-E ‫ ا‬W; 109 adjunct Preserved
not of the evil. .‫<م‬. ‫ا‬
For to the fruit ‫ة‬-A…9 ‫\ ء‬Q
17 110 111 adjunct Missed
giving is a need, ،() V
And in their fear of †M4 ‫ ا‬W# FU 6
seeking and ‫ ن‬4B 5 -ˆ 5 ‫ وا‬121
18 120 adjunct Preserved
remembering they
shun all pleasures, U93 ‫ ات‬9 ‫ا‬
Oftentimes in IJ; ‫ ة‬9 ‫" رك ا‬2‫إ‬
denying yourself
19 122 (4]- ‫¡¿ن ا‬YN P>2 123 adjunct Preserved
pleasure you do
but store the desire .‫ ن‬. ‫ ا‬7A;

187
 in the recesses of
your being.
For the bee a ‫ ع‬4 (9MB9 ‫ة‬- •
20 122 flower is a 123 adjunct Missed
،‫ ة‬V
fountain of life,
And to the flower ‫ ل‬+‫ة ر‬- •9 (9MB ‫وا‬
21 122 a bee is a 123 adjunct Missed
~V
messenger of love,
And to both, bee
‫ ة‬9 ‫وأن ;\ ء ا‬
and flower, the
giving and the ، Alß9" 6‫وأ‬
22 124 125 adjunct Missed
receiving of ،‫ة‬- • ‫( وا‬9MB ‫ا‬
pleasure is a need .‫ور‬-+‫ )( و‬V
and an ecstasy.
‫<م‬V‫ أ‬12‫< أ‬
For in reverie you
cannot rise above ‫ك‬-Z„# ‫ق‬ 5n
23 134 your achievements ‫ و= دون‬0; x 135 adjunct Missed
nor fall lower than IJ;‫ در‬s s >6‫إ‬
your failures. .‫ ط‬4U ‫ا‬
For in adoration
‫ م ق‬U ‫ ا‬12‫< أ‬
you cannot fly
higher than their ‫ و= دون‬79M# FU #‫آ‬
24 134 135 adjunct Missed
hopes nor humble P>2 ‫ ل‬# FU8 Bs
yourself lower .‫ ط‬Bs
than their despair.
Even while the (A} 2 ‫ و•رض‬µŸV
25 140 earth sleeps we 141 adjunct Preserved
.’ PŠ
travel.
In the stillness of
the night I have 1>8 K 9 ‫أة ا‬0
26 144 145 adjunct Preserved
walked in your ،F.;‫ ار‬Œ
streets,
True it is that I ً
have climbed the V ‫<ل‬5 ‫ت ا‬0Qx
27 152 153 complement Missed
hills and walked in .‫" ن‬# 0Qp‫ أ‬1#‫ور‬
remote places.

188
Appendix 2
Fronting + Subject-Verb Inversion Structures
Focus Fronted
# p. Translation ‫ص‬ Focus
Structure Constituent
Long were the
F • ‫( أ م‬9[ 8
days of pain I
Partially
1 4 have spent ‫ ن ﻩ‬lm :#‫ أ‬5 complement
preserved
within its ،‫ران‬0¢T‫ا‬
walls,
and long were j (9[ 8‫و‬ Partially
2 4 the nights of 5 complement
‫ة؛‬0V ‫ا‬ preserved
aloneness;
too many are
the children of ‫ ت‬B ‫ة‬0 0;‫و‬
my longing Partially
3 4 ([‫ ’ ; ر‬P€ Ü Œ 5 complement
that walk preserved
naked among ،‫<ل‬5 ‫ن ا‬
these hills,
Ready am I to ~ Ž5# oŠ‫إ‬
4 6 7 complement Missed
go, ،K V-9
ٌ
A seeker of †V =‫ إ‬2‫ أ‬#
5 8 9 complement Preserved
silences am I, ،1AL ‫ ا‬W;
No stranger ~[-•p 12‫ أ‬#
6 10 are you among 11 complement Missed
us, ،B
But speechless
7 10 ‫س‬-6‫ أ‬B4V ‫ ن‬3 11 complement Missed
was our love,
Deep is your
s Œ 7ٌ A;
longing for the
Partially
8 12 land of your N [-ˆ‫ ذ‬0U 13 complement
preserved
memories and ، 2 #‫ أ‬F n;‫و‬
the dwelling-

189
 place of your
greater
desires;
Only when F 5P‡ =
you are empty
‫ ى‬5P‡=‫ و‬A} s
are you at adjunct
9 48 49 Missed
standstill and =‫ إ‬2‫ ¿ا‬#
balanced.
. ]‫ا‬-
In your
longing for F.N‫ ا‬F.s N Partially
10 112 your giant self 113 complement
lies your Fˆ’ 6 ‫©’ى‬. ‫ا‬ preserved
goodness:
But even in µŸV Fl±.
their foregoing
11 120 ‫ون‬0 FUQBAN 121 complement Preserved
is their
pleasure. .‫ة‬
“And with her
cries came the ‫ ح‬L ‫ ا‬#‫و‬
sound of
hoofs, and the ،- ‫ ا‬V ‫ ت‬x
12 126 127 adjunct Preserved
beating of ،(MB)‫ أ‬7>x‫و‬
wings and the
roaring of
.‫ د‬+‫وز} ’أ‬
lions.”

In the depth of
F. #‫ آ‬7 A;
your hopes 7 Gw‫و‬
and desires
13 136 WA. F.s‫ ا‬Œ‫ أ‬137 complement Preserved
lies your silent
knowledge of 1# L ‫ ا‬F.A9;
the beyond; ‫• ~؛‬
14 140 Less hasty am (9¢¶ Ks‫ أ‬oŠ‫ إ‬141 complement Partially

190
 I than the W. ،‰[- ‫ ا‬W# preserved
wind, yet I
must go.
J; K V- ‫ا‬
.F5V
Brief were my
days among o# ‫( أ‬9 9s
you, and
15 140 l±# Ks‫ وأ‬،F.Bu 141 complement Partially
briefer still the preserved
words I have .F. o€ A93
spoken.
And to my
silence came F. >8‫ح أ‬-#
the laughter of
your children aŸAx Kx‫و‬
16 144 145 adjunct Missed
in streams, and ‫ ق‬Œ‫ و‬،‫اول‬0)
the longing of ً
your youths in
.‫ا‬-l•‫ أ‬F. 4Œ
rivers.
Like a giant
oak tree ’©ˆ• ‫ ن‬PŠÀ
covered with ‫ة‬-¢Î F.
17 146 apple 147 complement Missed
blossoms is P.N ‫ ن‬0B+
the vast man .‫> ح‬N F;‫ا‬-
in you.
And in this
lies my honor oá‫ا )•ا‬ ‫و‬ Partially
18 150 151 complement
and my ،aŸ#-.#‫و‬ preserved
reward,
W; X>Q5 ‫ˆ… ’ا‬
Too proud
indeed am I to ، 2‫ •) ر أ‬o 9N
19 150 151 complement Preserved
receive wages, o 9N W; –u ‫و‬
but not gifts.
.‫\ ء‬Q ‫ا‬

191
 That which
seems most ‫و‬04 #’Áˆ‫إن أ‬
feeble and ً
bewildered in >Q! F.
21 158 ً 159 complement Preserved
you is the ‫ ى‬s• ‫ ’ا‬MN‫و‬
strongest and ً
most
. #•;’Áˆ•‫و‬
determined.
Patient, over
patient, is the ‫ ن‬¥- ’©L ‫ ل ا‬8 Partially
22 160 161 complement
captain of my .aŸB >+ preserved
ship.
and restless ‫اع‬-E ‫وا‬
23 160 161 complement Missed
are the sails; ‫اب؛‬-\!‫ا‬

Appendix 3
Fronting + Subject-Auxiliary Inversion
Focus Fronted Word
# p. Translation ‫ص‬
Structure Constituent order
Too many
nŒ ‫ة‬0 0;
fragments of
Partially
1 4 the spirit have IJ; l{’Á2 ‫وح‬- ‫ا‬ 5 complement
preserved
I scattered in ،‫ ت‬s-\ ‫ﻩ ا‬
these streets,
Fain would I K3 KAV‫ أ‬až5
2 4 take with me 5 adjunct Missed
all that is here. ، Å# B #

Alone must it ‫ أن‬/ 9; ‫ﻩ‬0V‫و‬ Partially

3 4 5 adjunct
seek the ether. .’ Z• 7E‡ preserved
And alone and /E; <¥‫ﻩ و‬0V‫وو‬ Partially
4 4 without his 5 adjunct
-P ‫را‬0s preserved
nest shall the

192
 eagle fly .’ \ ‫– أن‬AE ‫ا‬
across the sun.
Only another ‫ة‬0V‫ة وا‬-#
breath will I Partially
5 6 ‫ا‬ W# ~;Ž+ 7 complement
breathe in this preserved
still air, ،Wˆ P ‫ اء ا‬U ‫ا‬
Only another
winding will ‫ول‬0¢T‫ا ا‬ ‫ م‬#‫أ‬
6 6 7 complement Missed
this stream ،’ 6‫ أ‬X\QB#
make,
Empty and
dark shall I /Q ‫ أر‬ã 4L#
7 8 9 adjunct Missed
raise my ،‫ ء‬:#’ ] [‫ و‬6
lantern,
A noontide B# ‫ أ‬7P]
8 10 have you been ً 11 complement Missed
in our twilight, ،IÆ! B 1Bˆ
Much have we Partially
9 10 .‫ ك‬B•4V‫ أ‬F. 11 adjunct
loved you. preserved
and with veils / >Y ‫ ب‬¢Ä Partially
10 10 has it been 11 adjunct
.‫ ب‬¢Ä X96 preserved
veiled.
And ever has
it been that ~GT‫ف ا‬-Q‡ F
love knows ً
µŸV / A; #
11 12 not its own 13 adjunct missed
depth until the (; + K¢¸€
hour of .‫اق‬-> ‫ا‬
separation.
long have you
searched the ;‫ا‬-E BuBV
12 12 13 adjunct Missed
distances for .‫ ل‬8
your ship.
13 18 All these /9Q> ‫ا‬ K3 19 complement Partially

193
 things shall F. ~GT‫ا‬ preserved
love do unto
you that you
‫ار‬-+‫ ا أ‬-Q5
may know the F.¥ 9s
secrets of your
heart,
Often have I F.5QA+ F. Partially
14 44 heard you say, 45 adjunct
،‫ن‬ N preserved
A little longer ً
KL>5+ B V‫و‬
shall your city
walls separate F.5 0# ‫ران‬0) Partially
15 50 51 adjunct
your hearths W; F. V preserved
from your
fields.
.Fˆ‫ ر‬2 – ~2 )
And for that ً
#‫ •ا‬‰4L
wrong
committed # ‫اء‬-) F. 9;
must you ‫ق‬-8 F5 ’¡s‫ا‬
16 62 knock and 63 adjunct Missed
wait a while ‫ ن‬GT L ‫أ اب ا‬
unheeded at < ‫ ر‬n52Ì‫و‬
the gate of the
.‫ ن‬GT ~ #
blessed.
And of the ‫ ن‬PŠÀ W;‫و‬
man in you Partially
17 62 ‫ أود أن‬F. 63 adjunct
would I now preserved
speak. .‫ث ا م‬0MN‫أ‬
Oftentimes ً
F.5QA+ # ‫ˆ… ’ا‬
have I heard
you speak of FZ‫ آ‬W; ‫ ن‬Z0M5N Partially
18 64 65 adjunct
one who –u /2Žˆ‫و‬ preserved
commits a
wrong as
،F.B#

194
 though he
were not one
of you,
Unbidden K 9 ‫ ا‬³•
19 68 shall it call in 69 adjunct Missed
the night, ،‫اء‬02 < o€Ž
Only then
shall you
know that the ‫ ن‬-Q5+ l± M
erect and the ‫ ي‬P ‫أن ا‬
fallen are but
0V‫‚ وا‬s P ‫وا‬
one man
Partially
20 70 standing in 7P• ‫ ا‬X 71 adjunct
preserved
twilight /N‫ رذا‬l• ‫ن‬
between the
night of his /N‫ ذا‬K ‫ ( و‬U À
pigmy-self ،‫ا •م‬
and the day of
his god self,
Only when
you drink ‫ ء‬B• ‫ ا ا‬-Q€ W
from the river
21 138 W# ‫¡’; ا‬N µŸV 139 adjunct Missed
of silence shall
you indeed .‫" ن‬P ‫ا‬-l•
sing.
Aˆ ‫ ن‬Ls’¡+
then shall you
22 138 ‫ أن‬ks- ‫ر‬0 139 adjunct missed
truly dance.
.‫" ن‬
And with a
‫اء‬-Z’Áˆ‫~ أ‬9 ¥‫و‬
richer heart
23 142 and lips more ،F.48 6Ž+ 143 adjunct Missed
yielding to the ’Áˆ‫> ﻩ أ‬E®‫و‬
spirit will I

195
 speak. ً
.‫وح‬- + PV‫إ‬
And not in o€0EŠِ ‫" ن‬N W ‫و‬
24 142 vain will I ً 143 adjunct Missed
seek. . …4;
And not unlike #’ ] Wˆ‫ أ‬F ‫و‬
25 144 the mist have I 145 complement Missed
been. .‫ ب‬4: ‫ ن ا‬3
Less than a 0;‫ و‬W# Ks‫أ‬ Partially
26 150 promise have I 151 complement
،1#0s preserved
given,
and yet more
generous have F]‫ ر‬Å# F5Bˆ‫و‬
27 150 ً 151 complement Missed
you been to . #-ˆ ’Áˆ‫ا أ‬
me.
For often have
I put my
finger in my ً
own wound ‫ت‬-]‫ أو‬# ‫… ’ا‬.
that I might ã- Å4x‫إ‬ Partially
28 156 have the ً 157 adjunct
greater belief 2 A ‫’إ‬Áˆ‫ ن أ‬3Ð preserved
ً
in you and the .F. ( -Q#‫و‬
greater
knowledge of
you.

Appendix 4
It-cleft structures
Focus Focused Word
# p. Translation ‫ص‬
structure constituent order

1 30 It is when F.N‫ ذا‬W# Fˆ‫;\ ؤ‬ adjunct preserved

31

196
 you give of .‫ دق‬L ‫\ ء ا‬Q ‫ا‬
yourself
that you
truly give.
For in truth
it is life
o\Q€ ‫ ة‬GT‫ ˜ ا‬A2‫إ‬
2 34 35 subject preserved
that gives -‫ ة‬GH
unto life-
It is in ‫ •رض‬FQŠ ‫ دل‬4N
exchanging
( >. ‫ وا‬- > ‫ا‬
the gifts of
the earth . !- ‫وا‬
3 58 that you 59 adjunct missed
shall find
abundance
and be
satisfied.
It is the o>E‡ / - ‫واء ا‬0 ‫ا‬
bitter
K 9; F. ~u4\ ‫ا‬
potion by
which the .F.N‫ذا‬
4 88 89 object preserved
physician
within you
heals your
sick self.

5 116 it is thy aŸ ‫ ˜ ا‬B 5ç E# 117 subject preserved

197
 will in us .‫ ء‬E€
that
willeth.
"It is thy ‫ا ي‬ B s Œ‫و‬
desire in us
6 116 .‫ ق‬5E‡ 117 subject preserved
that
desireth.
"It is thy B (B# " ‫ ا‬N‫إراد‬
urge in us
، .9# ‫ و‬B9 K MN
that would
ً ً
turn our . : ‫ أ‬.9# ‫ را‬l•
nights,
7 116 117 subject missed
which are
thine, into
days,
which are
thine also.
It is in the W# =‫ إ‬F. V‫ ر‬#
vast man
8 144 .‫ ن‬PŠÀ ‫ ب ذ‬V‫ ر‬145 adjunct missed
that you
are vast,
And it is ‫ ن و ﻩ‬A À ‫ ا‬l—‫و‬
with this
،‫ ل‬s‫ ( أ‬-Q ‫ا‬
9 156 belief and 157 adjunct missed
this
knowledge

198
 that I say,
It was but BQA) ‫– م‬#‫ ن أ‬3
yesterday
10 162 .F9V 163 adjunct missed
we met in
a dream.

199
 Elite (Foreign) Language in Arabic Media
Discourse: Impacts and Implications

Mohammed Farghal & Adnan Georges

Abstract
The objective of this paper is to examine the spread of the use of English
expressions in Arabic media as a symbolic marker of elite discourse. The
bulk of the data consists of Kuwaiti newspaper headlines including foreign
language segments. These headlines are examined with an eye to checking
whether the incorporation of English items in them is justified and whether
the messages intended are effectively conveyed to the public audience at
large (Arab readers in general and Kuwaiti readers in particular). To
systematize the data, English segments are classified into five categories:
code-switching, culture-bound expressions, acronyms/abbreviations,
idiomatic expressions, and blended forms. The discussion shows clearly
that the media writers' attempt to sound elite and gain more prestige by
employing English in Arabic discourse fires back in terms of
comprehensibility on the readers' part and the naturalness of Arabic texts.
The implications of this phenomenon can be far-reaching on two accounts.
Firstly, the promotion of a hybrid Arabic discourse would affect the
integrity of the Arabic language as well as contribute to the decline of
Arabic language competence in the young generations. Secondly, the
intrusion of English expressions on Arabic texts would render many of
them incomprehensible to a large sector of Arab readers.

1. Introduction
With the evolution of the global digital revolution came the basic modern
necessity for all citizens of the world to become media literates. Media
Literacy is defined as an informed, critical understanding of the mass
media which involves examining the techniques, technologies and
institutions involved in media production. Media Literacy enables citizens
to critically analyze media messages and recognize the role audiences play
in deriving meaning from those messages (Shepherd, 1993). It empowers
citizens and makes them capable of active, critical engagement to
challenge the traditions and structures of a privatized, commercial media
culture, and find new avenues of citizen speech and discourse (Bowen
1996).
One major outcome of this global revolution was the proliferation
of foreign expressions derived mainly from English in the Arabic media

200
texts, which is a phenomenon representing one manifestation of Master
Discourse, i.e. English presenting itself as a de facto international lingua
franca. Thus, English has become a well-known medium for educated
Arab journalists, editors, TV presenters, celebrities and intellectuals,
especially those educated in the west, to employ in their writing or speech
in order to maintain a certain degree of priority and prestige over the public
and their own peers in the specific field of knowledge, albeit at the expense
of the native language text and a sizeable sector of Arab readers. In this
way, the Arab journalists’ employment of English expressions in Arabic
media discourse functions symbolically as a marker of identity (i.e. by
embodying eliteness, power, and prestige). However, such symbolic
loadings work against instrumentality (the primary function of language).
If the media are a form of mass communication, the use of English for the
symbolic purposes of display and posture cuts out many Arab readers from
the reach of mass communication, making the switch to English as a
communicative act self-defeating (for more on this, see Suleiman 2003,
2011).
Arab educated elite have tended to employ culturally exotic phrases
and literally interpreted English catch phrases and expressions in the
Arabic oral and written contexts through a variety of means including
Code-switching, Culture-bound Expressions, Acronyms, Idiomatic
expressions and Blended forms. This practice, in many cases, indirectly
affects the Arabic text and renders it incomprehensible by the public, the
majority of whom has a slight acquaintance with foreign language forms of
discourse. English words/phrases such as charisma, scoop, nominee,
prime, hit, album, super star, star academy, agenda have become very
common in the writing and speech of the educated Arab elite. In this
article, we shed light on some of these techniques in order to show how
inappropriate this form of intertextuality is and how taxing it is on Arab
readers vis-à-vis capturing the meaning intended by writers. We suggest
that these readers and the Arabic language alike would be in a better
position linguistically and culturally if the original Arabic equivalents of
these expressions were used instead.
One central idea of contemporary literary and cultural theory is
intertextuality, which has its origins in 20th-century linguistics, particularly
in the work of the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913). The
term itself was coined by the Bulgarian-French philosopher and
psychoanalyst Julia Kristeva in the 1960s. Intertextuality is defined as the
interdependent ways in which texts stand in relation to one another (as well
as to the culture at large) to make meaning. It is claimed by theorists that in

201
the Postmodern epoch, originality or the uniqueness of the artistic object in
a painting or a novel no longer exists since every artistic object is so
clearly assembled from bits and pieces of already existent art (Allen,
2000).
According to Daniel Chandler (1995), meaning has a continuum
that ranges between determinate meaning and completely open
interpretation as follows:
• Objectivist: Meaning entirely in text (transmitted);
• Constructivist: Meaning in interplay between text and reader
(negotiated);
• Subjectivist: Meaning entirely in its interpretation by readers (re-
created).

In formalist theories meaning resides in texts (Olson, 1977); in

dialogical theories meaning is a process of negotiation between writers and
readers (Holquist, 1983). For experienced readers, reading is a continued
process of making inferences, evaluating the validity and significance of
texts, relating them to prior experience, knowledge and viewpoint, and
considering implications. Hence, for them meaning resides in their
interpretation of the text in view of their knowledge and experience. In this
way, one can generally argue that a text does not speak for itself; it needs
both a writer and a reader.
The process of making meaning may be illustrated by the following
schemata:

WRITER

TEXT READER

INTERPRETATION

According to this diagram, a text does not have a single,

unchanging meaning; individual readers may either accept, modify, ignore
or reject a certain preferred reading for a text in light of their experience,

202
attitudes and purposes (Bartlett, 1932). This whole attitudinal spectrum
towards meaning making in texts parallels that which is pertinent to the
nature of reality: ranging from objectivism, via intersubjectivity, to
subjectivism.
In addition, two major principles related to psychology are of
relevance in the context of meaning making. One follows the Sapir-Whorf
Hypothesis (1958 [1929]), which argues that “the language we use
influences our perception”, thus rendering language as a pair of glasses
through which we see the world in a particular way. Another principle
relates to the mechanism of information retrieval by the human memory,
which works like the memory of a computer in the sense that 'you cannot
retrieve information from memory if it was not stored in it'. A major
important concept here is to see how language users recognize a lexical
item’s meaning, which is a main concern for models of lexical access in
cognitive psycholinguistics which attempts to explain how individuals
access words and their related meanings in their mental lexicons. Two of
these models are Forster’s 1976 Autonomous Search Model and Morton’s
1969 logogen model (Morton and Patterson 1998). In these two models of
lexical access, individuals use all available input (i.e. orthographic,
phonological) in order to recognize targeted words, and a major principle
here is that high-frequency words are accessed more quickly than low-
frequency ones.
The massive advancement of technology and its various tools and
applications have recently introduced the concept of Media Literacy (ML)
as a basic requirement for people of all age groups. In other words,
following the mechanism of 'Supply and Demand', there has been a
growing demand for ML. This demand has created a proliferation of
excessive use of foreign language (i.e. English) in the media at the expense
of Arabic, which has become a global phenomenon in most languages. In
this paper, we examine this excessive use of English expressions mainly in
newspaper headlines and commercial advertisements in private and public
daily newspapers published in Arabic in Kuwait such as Al-Qabas, Al-
Watan, Al-Siyasah, Al-Jarida, etc. We focus on five major linguistic
practices implemented by writers in these newspapers which involve the
following:

1. Code Switching
2. Culture-bound expressions
3. Acronyms and Abbreviations
4. Idiomatic expressions

203
 5. Blended forms

2. Code Switching
One of the most common phenomena in Arabic newspapers in Kuwait is
the intensive use of code-switching. Code switching mainly involves the
practice of moving back and forth between two different languages, though
the concept is extended to cover shifting between two dialects or registers
of the same language, which is often referred to as code-mixing. It can be
motivated by different reasons including gap filling, solidarity, prestige,
emotional status, professionalism, etc. (For more details, see Holmes
2008). Typically, code switching occurs far more often in Arabic
conversation than in writing, but what is surprising these days is the rapid
spread of this phenomenon in the Arabic written media. Let us consider the
following newspaper advertisement:

Obviously, this advertisement targets readers who are bilingually

fluent in both English and Arabic as the advertising company moves back
and forth between Arabic and English selectively in the text. The main
segment (the type of job advertised) is given in both Arabic and English in
large fonts. The producer of this advertisement does not seem content with
using Arabic alone and, consequently, supplements it with an English

204
version. This kind of twinning between the two languages is probably
motivated by the company's need to sound professional and to gain more
prestige by the use of English, a highly valued language in Arab countries.
As for the other supplementary segments in the advertisement, they are
mainly given in English. While gap filling is a justifiable motivation for
using the English version of the electronic address because Arabic does not
possess one (the English version being internationally used), there is no
good reason for the employment of English when referring to the
confidential treatment of CVs by the company. It is more effective to offer
this kind of information in Arabic in order to render it interpretable by a
wider Arab audience. Excluding the gap filling case, therefore, the use of
code switching in the above advertisement may be motivated symbolically
rather than instrumentally by pointing to prestige and professionalism in
the company's psychology.
Following is another advertisement extracted from a Kuwaiti
newspaper Arts page:

.... Blackthorn ‫ رد‬4uŒ ‫ م‬+

ّ K)‫ر‬
/N‫ا‬-# •# Ij‫ د إ‬Q‡ WP#
ِ
‫ ن‬# 2 -–u #
Days F9 abÒ #‫و‬- ‫ ا •ارع ا‬/}‫ أدا‬0Qp ABuP ‫ ا‬F ; Ij‫ رة رزة إ‬L ‫ رد‬4uŒ ‫ م‬+ K6‫د‬
ً
‫ ا‬0 x‫ ر‬.( G¦ ‫ ر وا‬UA¢T‫ى ا‬0 ‫ى إ‬0x o ‫ ا ي‬، # –Š’ 5 of Heaven
ً ً ً
0P)) ( 2 ‫ أدى أدوارا أ‬.1978 ‫ ; م‬/A 2 ‫\ ع‬+ B# • 2‫ ; أ‬B5# A9 40 K…A ‫ا‬
ً
‫• ’ة‬x ‫ وأدوارا‬،(The Right Stuff F9 ،‫ ع‬¢£ ‫ ا‬a´[- 5 ‫ ا \ ر ا‬،-• ‫ ك‬E€ ‫دور‬
‫ ر‬#Ž# ( LvÎ ‫ أ <م ˆ… ’ة‬0P)‫و‬ ‫ ﱠ‬،(Fair Game F9 F < ‫ ’ي‬0 ‫ دور وا‬K…#)
.(8-E ‫ا‬

Two code switching phenomena can be observed in this

advertisement. Firstly, the advertiser makes no effort in translating into
Arabic the names of the films being referred to; s/he simply gives the
names in English, leaving many Arab readers bewildered as to what they
mean in English. It should be noted that these converted proper nouns lend
themselves readily to translation, e.g. ‫ داء‬P ‫ ˆ( ا‬E ‫ ا‬for 'Blackthorn' and ‫أ م‬
F QB ‫ ا‬for 'Days of Heaven' (for more details, see Al-Hamly and Farghal

205
2013). While it is justifiable to supplement the Arabic name with the
English one to cater for the needs of an elite audience, it is not acceptable
to keep many Arab readers in the dark as to the import of the English
names. Secondly, while it is acceptable to transliterate central proper nouns
(e.g. names of people and names of cities), it is not so in the case of words
which classify things and should be translated unless they are familiar
borrowings in Arabic such as ‫ ص‬and ‫راد‬. In this way, the producer of the
text above has been misguided when transliterating the English adjective
'iconic' into ( 2 ‫أ‬. We believe that most Arab readers would be unfamiliar
with this rendition. It would even be better to employ the English word
'iconic' as it would reach an elite audience, but the transliteration would
confuse both the elite audience as well as the wider sector of audience.
The excessive employment of transliteration (borrowing English
words using Arabic alphabet) has become a growing phenomenon in
Arabic media discourse. Consider the following telephone advertisement
coming from Orange in Jordan:

The Arab reader would be shocked by the use of the Arabized verbs
ّ in this advertisement and many readers would not be able to
ّ and ‫•ك‬#
Ç«#
get the message. This transliterated code switching affects both varieties of
Arabic: the High variety (Standard Arabic) and the Low variety
(vernacular Arabic). This text can be written much more effectively in both
Standard as well as Vernacular Arabic without switching to English in
disguise. One would wonder what motivates this kind of code switching.
The only explanation would perhaps lie in the notion of innovation which,
supposedly, would attract more readers. But innovation has its own rules
and constraints; otherwise, it would fire back. For instance, while one
would reluctantly accept the innovation behind the causative verb Ç«# ّ

206
based on the familiar borrowing Ç«# ّ
ِ , the causative verb ‫•ك‬# cannot be
subjected to any kind of logic in the context of mobile phones. If it were to
be analyzed in terms of Arabic derivation, it would mean 'producing
music', which does not apply here as the reference is to 'listening to music'.
Consequently, it is not only the language that is flawed in this text, but the
logic is fallacious as well.
Below is a sample of code-switches to English lexical items that
have become so frequent in Arabic TV programs and relatively familiar in
written Arabic media:

Scoop (o>GÖ 74+) ‫" ب‬+

Star Academy (‫ م‬B ‫ ( ا‬93/( A ‫ د‬3‫ )أ‬aæ ‫ د‬3‫ رأ‬5+
Super star (‫ رق‬vT‫ا‬/‫ •ول‬F B ‫ ر )ا‬5+-¥ +
Arab Idol (‫ب‬-Q ‫ ب ا‬4M#) ‫ول‬0 ‫آراب آ‬
Arabs’ got talent (‫ب‬-Q ‫ ب ا ا ~ ا‬GÖ‫ )أ‬1B N ‫آراب ) ت‬
Jeopardy ( M ‫) ©’دي )ا‬
LOL (¾ - ‫ و‬GÂ‫ل )ا‬
Nominee (ªÎ-#) až # 2
Star (F 2) ‫ ر‬5+
Wow ( á‫واو )را‬
Chat ((Œ‫ ت )درد‬E€
Net ((.4E ‫ )ا‬12
Website (oŠ‫¡’و‬. Ì s ‫ )ا‬1 + ~[‫و‬
Talk show (‫ اري‬V Õ# 2- ) Œ ‫ ك‬N
Twitter ّ ُ
(‫د‬-•
ِ #/0[-•€) 1[ N /’¡[ N

This influx of English words into Arabic discourse is not justified

as Arabic has enough resources to cater for these vogue words. We believe
that the promotion of such vocabulary in the Arab media, especially the
written one, does more damage than good to the status of the Arabic
language. Media writers ought to promote native counterparts as well as
newly coined ones in order to reach a larger audience and serve Arabic

207
simultaneously. Consider the following advertisement in a Kuwaiti
newspaper promoting the TV show “Scoop” aired on the Arabic channel
MBC 2 and hosted by the smart anchor Raya, who speaks English fluently
and makes interviews with Hollywood celebrities:

3. Culture-bound Expressions
Culture-bound expressions refer to those expressions which are deeply
rooted in the cultural heritage of a certain community. Such expressions
will not be understood by members of other communities without exposing
the background lying behind them. Therefore, it is extremely risky to
employ such expressions in media discourse relating to important public
issues because, in the best of worlds, they would only reach an educated
elite. Let us have a look at some newspaper headlines that employ culture-
bound expressions in the Arabic text:
• ‫ د‬P> ‫ ا‬Çê2 (95ˆ‫" و‬1 ] aæ+ ‫"ا‬
• ’ 4Q5 ‫[( ا‬-V Ij‫> ا " [™ ن إ‬B# "‫ [¡’ رك‬N"
• ‫ ن‬2 A9Q ‫ ا‬0! ‫ب‬-GT‫ وا‬o" ‫ ت ا‬Euˆ ‫دون‬
• W[‫=و‬ ‫ا ا‬

The culture-bound English expressions in the headlines above are

not comprehensible by a wide sector of the public, especially the young
generation. Hence, their relevance is restricted to an educated elite. In this
way, for readers who do not have the required linguistic and cultural
knowledge, such expressions would be extremely difficult to understand
from the title, and they would need a close reading of the context of the
article in order to make sense of the headline, if that's possible at all.

208
 First, the Arabic expression † ] aæ+ ‫ ا‬employs the surname of a
member of the Kuwaiti National Assembly, namely Obeid Al-Wasmi, who
is a lawyer involved in a campaign targeting politicians and influential
personalities, in order to expose their financial corruption. The parent
English expression refers to the political scandal of “Watergate”, an
incident during the 1972 US presidential campaign, when a group of agents
employed by the re-election organization of President Richard Nixon was
caught breaking into the Democratic Party headquarters in the Watergate
building, Washington D.C. The consequent political scandal was
exacerbated by attempts to conceal the fact that senior White House
officials had approved the burglary, and eventually forced the resignation
of President Nixon. Since then, the folk stem 'gate' has become input for
words denoting any political scandal, viz. Iran-gate and Monica-gate. Such
an expression in the Arabic headline should address all the public and not
just the educated elite, because it correlates to the political trend that
concerns all members of Kuwaiti society. Hence, there is a conflict
between the objective of media discourse and the linguistic tool employed
to communicate that objective to the public.
Second, the alien Arabic expression ‫ [¡’ رك‬N falls back on the
English proper noun Hyde Park, which refers to one of the Royal Parks of
London, famous for its Speakers’ Corner, where people can express their
opinions freely. The author’s intention here is to argue that the social
networking site “twitter” has become a free platform for Kuwaitis like
Hyde Park in London where freedom of expression is entertained. One
should note that readers who are not familiar with this park or who have
not heard about it will not be able to grasp the intended meaning from the
title without reading the whole article. One may even claim that the title
would remain an enigma for many readers even after reading the article.
Third, in the Arabic headline o" ‫ ت ا‬Euˆ ‫ دون‬the columnist
replaces the first name of the Iraqi Prime Minister “Nour” by “Don
Quixote”, the title of a novel written by Miguel de Cervantes about a
legendry hero who fights windmills, in an attempt to communicate a strong
message to the public that the prime minister is an illusionist in his dealing
with the serious issues in his country. This media message will not be
understood from the title as the author employs the title of a foreign novel
in the Arabic text depending in this on the cultural background of the elite
group who are assumed to be able to decode the intended meaning from
the title. Apart from the great importance of this message to the public,

209
titles such as ‫ اء‬U ‫ ن ا‬V‫ ا‬8 ‫ رب‬M o" ‫ ا‬or BM8 ‫( و= أرى‬Q¢¸) A+‫ ا‬:o" ‫ا‬
would be much more influential for all kinds of readers, whether elite or
otherwise. This kind of alien, sophisticated allusion is one of the most
prominent forms of cultural intertextuality that is implemented by the
educated Kuwaitis in most of their writings. However, we expect that
young readers, not to mention the public at large, will not be able to
understand such expressions since there is a big cultural gap between elite
writers and the young audience. Meaning here does not reside in the text
itself; it requires a deep understanding of the cultural knowledge in the
foreign language in order to comprehend the conveyed message.
Finally, we have the headline W[‫=و‬ ‫ ا ا‬where the author
employs the eve of all saints’ Day celebrated on Oct. 31 by masquerading
(celebrating by wearing masks and costumes) to refer to the disguise
costumes that were designed to ridicule the character of the Libyan Leader
Muammar Gaddafi during the peoples uprising against his regime. This
expression is generally understood, particularly among the youth, due to
the huge number of western horror films produced about Halloween;
nevertheless, such an expression remains vague and incomprehensible to a
relatively wide sector of Arab readers.
The question that poses itself here is: Are there any justifiable
reasons for using such English culture-bound expressions in Arabic
newspaper headlines? We believe the answer to this question is in the
negative, as we find no actual need to use such expressions since Arabic is
a rich language and has a good potential to create equivalents to foreign
expressions which might become - if used frequently - as popular as the
foreign expressions themselves. Yet, the Arab journalists' tendency to
expose their linguistic skills and knowledge of foreign cultures by using a
hybrid language, together with their reluctance to exert effort towards
creating new Arabic terminology that would keep abreast of the
advancement of science and the requirements of media literacy, would
have a tremendous damaging effect on future generations who already
suffer from a deteriorating decline in their Arabic language skills. This
would also produce a hybrid version of Arabic that would eventually lead
to further deterioration and decline in the translation movement. Hence,
Arab writers are supposed to retrieve the repertoire of their cultural
heritage and employ it in their writings instead of falling back on alien
allusions that can hardly make sense to most Arab readers.

210
4. Acronyms/Abbreviations
Acronyms and abbreviations are two similar manifestations of reduced
lexical forms in English where a word is usually formed from the initial
letters of a phrase, such as the acronym WAC for Women's Army Corps and
the abbreviation UN for United Nations (for more details, see Kreidler
1998). The difference between an acronym and an abbreviation has to do
with the way the reduced form is pronounced: an acronym is pronounced
as a word, whereas an abbreviation is pronounced as individual letters.
While this type of lexical reduction is widely used in English for the
purpose of economy, in addition to indicating professionalism and euphony
(Newmrak 1988), Arabic uses this lexical resource sparingly and when it
does Arabic just borrows the English versions either in Arabic or English
alphabet (for more details, see Al-Hamly and Farghal 2013). Consider the
following acronyms and abbreviations:

( ™[ " ‫ ء ا‬42• ( 3‫و‬ KUNA 23

([‫ ر‬P ‫ ( ا‬¥-Q ‫ ء ا‬42• ( 3‫و‬ SANA 2+

( .[-#• ‫ رات‬4Y5+Ì ( 3‫و‬ CIA ‫ آي أي‬ab‘

aæ9Q ‫م ا‬0 59 1[ " ‫( ا‬P+'# KFAS ‫ س‬o3

‫ وي‬B ‫ ا‬-# GT‫ا‬ DNA ‫دي أن أي‬

As can be noted, the Arabic versions exactly mirror the English

ones. One wonders whether it is possible sometimes to employ the first
Arabic initials in the creation of some Arabic acronyms (excluding the
definite article) as follows:

Kuwait News Agency (KUNA)

(‫)واك‬ ( ™[ " ‫ ء ا‬42• ( 3‫و‬

Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA)

(‫)واس‬ ([‫ ر‬P ‫ ء ا‬42• ( 3‫و‬

211
 In this way, instead of using KUNA we would be using the Arabic
acronym (‫ )واك‬and instead of SANA we would be using (‫)واس‬. Some Arab
linguists believe that Arabic is not so prone to adopting this lexical
resource and that Arabic acronyms like these may not gain popularity.
However, we believe that creating such reduced forms may not be popular
at the beginning, but with marketing and promotion through continued use,
they may gain the required familiarity and become widely acceptable as is
the case with some blended forms which will be discussed later on in this
article.
In Arabic media discourse in Kuwait, there occur a countless
number of English acronyms and abbreviations that are used intensively
and with tremendously growing frequency, particularly the expressions
relating to the digital world. These reduced forms are employed for two
major reasons: first, for economy, ease of use and popularity of such
expressions, and second, for the lack of Arabic equivalents for such
expressions.
Let us start with acronyms which are usually borrowed formally
employing Arabic alphabet, as can be illustrated in the two newspaper
headlines below:
ّ
• K[‫ ِ را ©’از‬M > > ‫ا‬
• ‫ ل‬AQ ‫اب ا‬-!‫•~ إ‬Pp ‫ا‬0B BQBL# ‫ ج‬52‫ا) إ‬-N :(( +))

The two acronyms > > ‫ ا‬and + stand for 'The Federation Internationale
de Football Association' ‫م‬0 ‫ة ا‬-. j‫و‬0 ‫ د ا‬MNÌ and 'Saudi Arabian Basic
Industries Corporation ab‘ +• ‫ ; ت‬BL9 ( ‫ د‬QP ‫ˆ( ا‬-E ‫ ا‬, respectively. While
the first acronym is quite familiar among the young generation and
educated people in general, the second one may not make sense to most
people, regardless of their age and education. Some may argue that the
employment of familiar English acronyms in Arabic alphabet such as ‫ز‬0 •
'AIDS' and N B ‫' ا‬NATO" should be acceptable in Arabic texts. However, it
remains true that the use of Arabic equivalents such as (4P™. ‫ ;( ا‬B ‫ض ا‬-#
and abÒ98• ‫ ل‬AŒ X9V would be more compatible with Arabic discourse and
would reach a wider audience. One should note that employing the Arabic
equivalent along with the English acronym may be adopted at the
beginning of promoting an Arabic equivalent. Having said that, however,
212
popularity and familiarity should never be lost sight of as media discourse
correlates with what the public (consumers) want, especially that Arabic is
flexible enough to accommodate many English acronyms as well-
established borrowings.
Abbreviations, for their turn, are much less compatible with Arabic
discourse than acronyms, because they are pronounced as individual letters
rather than words. Consider the following newspaper headline:

‫ ر‬Q+• (x‫ر‬ ‫ ب‬x‫( أ‬#• –9 ëì > ‫ ا‬KGT‫ا‬

‫ ن‬B¢T
ً ً
> ‫ أ‬38 µŸV‫ أ > و‬23 W# ‫أ‬04N VIP‫ ; ت ا ـ‬s

In this example, the writer uses the English abbreviation VIP

without the slightest attempt to translate it or even introduce an Arabic
equivalent. While this abbreviation may be transparent to many Arab
readers, it may be opaque to some of them. We argue here that media
writers should exert every effort possible to come up with Arabic
alternatives and attempt to market them in the media rather than use
readymade abbreviations that intrude upon Arabic texts. A translation like
‫ ت‬Lv£ ‫ ر ا‬4ˆ ‫ ; ت‬s or even experimenting with something like ‫ ف‬3 ‫ ; ت‬s
‫ ن‬Œ would be more compatible with the Arabic text.
Following is another newspaper headline where an English
abbreviation occurs in Arabic alphabet:

‫ ء‬lm2‫ ( وا‬094 ‫ ت ا‬#0Y X[-Q59 "‫( "إس إم إس‬#06 ‫ ل‬6‫ إد‬:‫ دي‬A;
‫<ت‬# Q ‫ا‬

Regardless of how familiar the English abbreviation SMS (for Short

Message Service) is in the speech of the young generation, given the fact
that the newspaper is reporting what a Kuwaiti official said about this
service necessitates the use of an Arabic equivalent, viz. K} +- ‫( ا‬#06
‫ ’ة‬L ‫ا‬, in order to account for the formality of the context. The Arabic
expression would sound more formal and natural in this context. In

213
addition to linguistic considerations, which are in favor of the use of
Arabic instead of English abbreviations in newspaper headlines, media
writers need to be aware of the formality of the context when employing
foreign abbreviations. For example, it would be tolerable to some degree to
use the abbreviation SMS or ‫ إس إم إس‬in an advertisement given the
informal nature of this genre, whereas such an abbreviation would be
completely inappropriate when reporting a government official’s
statement.
In some cases, the abbreviation may be familiar only to bilingual
specialists in the concerned field and may be completely opaque to other
categories, as can be illustrated in the following headline of a newspaper
advertisement:

CFA ‫ دة‬UŒ’ :MN Õ# 2- :( -L ‫ ت ا‬+‫را‬0 ‫ ا‬0UQ#

The abbreviation CFA (for Certified Financial Analyst) 0A5Q# j # K9M# is

uncommon and difficult to process by most Arab readers. Obviously, this
advertisement targets people in the banking and financial sector. However,
given the fact that it advertises a training program, the writer works with
the false assumption that all workers in this sector are familiar with this
abbreviation. It would be more effective and natural to employ the Arabic
equivalent or, alternatively, supplement it with the English abbreviation.
The way it is, this headline can be self-defeating, i.e. it may fail to
instrumentally accomplish what it is meant for by opting for an alien
initialization.
To conclude this section, it can be argued that the use of Arabic
equivalents instead of English acronyms and abbreviations, whether in
English or Arabic alphabet, would make them more accessible to a larger
sector of Arab readers. This would also activate the process of translation
and subsequently market the Arabic language worldwide, especially that
the on-going socio-political Arab Spring can be hoped to embody a
linguistic Spring as well.

5. Idiomatic Expressions
An idiom is a set expression of two or more words that means something
other than the literal meaning of its individual components. Observe the
following English idioms, along with their Arabic literal counterparts:

214
 Idiomatic Expressions ( V<\xÌ’ Q5 ‫ا‬
Tip of the iceberg 0 9¢T‫ ا‬K4) ‫رأس‬
Break the ice 0 9¢T‫ا‬-P.
A snowball rolling downhill ‫ج‬-V05N ÇH… ‫ة ا‬-ˆ
Lame duck ‫) ء‬-; (\
The carrot and stick policy ‫•رة‬¢T‫ وا‬LQ ‫( ا‬+ +
Put the cart before the horse ‫ ن‬LGT‫ م ا‬#‫( أ‬¥-Q ‫و! ا‬
Deeds not words ‫ ال‬s‫ ل = أ‬Q ‫أ‬
The ball in your court 4Q9# ‫ة‬-. ‫ا‬

Examining the above Arabic idiomatic expressions which mirror

their English original counterparts readily reveals that they do not hold
equal status in Arabic discourse. While some of them (e.g. µžQA ) 0 9¢T‫ا‬-P.
("‫~ •) اء‬8- " and ("~ ’¡ ‫( ا ¡’] ~ وا‬+ +" µžQA ) ‫•رة‬¢T‫ وا‬LQ ‫( ا‬+ + have
successfully established themselves as part of educated Modern Standard
Arabic and have become so popular in Arabic, especially in media and
political discourse, a few others (such as ("† • ‫ "أول ا‬µžQA ) 0 9¢T‫ ا‬K4) ‫رأس‬
and ("‫ ت‬V<x ‫ دون‬W# ‫ ل‬ÔP# ‫– أو‬u}‫ "ر‬µžQA ) ‫) ء‬-; (\ have remained alien to
Arabic discourse. Therefore, it is the media writer's job to judge what is
acceptable and comprehensible by the Arab reader based on naturalness,
familiarity and frequency. Misjudgments in this regard can damage the
comprehensibility and naturalness of Arabic discourse. Witness the
following newspaper headline:

K #- ‫ ن ق‬EuQ‡ ‫ ران‬5 0 9¢T‫ ا‬K4) ‫ ان رأس‬6À‫ و‬X9P ‫<ف ا‬6

‫رود‬

By all measures, be it linguistic or otherwise, the employment of

the alien expression 0 9¢T‫ ا‬K4) ‫ رأس‬renders the Arabic headline awkward
and unintelligible to most Arab readers. The writer has been misguided by

215
opting for a literal translation that remains far from being acceptable in
Arabic discourse, especially when it is directed by the media to the body of
Arab readers at large. It is true that this Arabic calque is sometimes heard
from few Arab intellectuals when they are at a loss of words on TV
programs and interviews, but it has not reached the status of being
employed in the written media as a well-established borrowed idiomatic
expression that has been integrated into Arabic discourse. The headline
would be effective and natural if it read † • ‫ أول ا‬:‫ ان‬6À‫ و‬X9P ‫<ف ا‬6
‫ رود‬K #- ‫ ن ) > ن( ق‬EuQ‡ ‫ ران‬5 . Whereas the Arab reader's cultural
background and cognitive environment (Sperber and Wilson 1986) readily
support this suggested headline, they fail to do so in the existing newspaper
headline.
The above headline can be contrasted with the following headline
where a generally familiar idiomatic expression mirroring an English one
is employed:

(ˆ-GT‫ ا‬# >BN 0Q€ F "‫•رة‬¢T‫ وا‬LQ ‫( "ا‬+ + :F2 • ‫ا‬

( B‫ا‬

The idiomatic expression ‫•رة‬¢T‫ وا‬LQ ‫( ا‬+ + is highly integrated and

enjoys a high frequency in educated Arabic discourse. Some might argue,
however, that it is still not fully understood by all Arab readers in its
original meaning, which is based on the concept of “reward and
Punishment”; hence, a native Arabic counterpart like ~ ’¡ ‫( ا ¡’] ~ وا‬+ +
would be more comprehensible to a larger Arab audience.
To close this section, below is a newspaper headline where a totally
alien expression that has been used lately in the Arab media is employed:

‫ ن ر[ ل‬9# 200 ‫ ص‬vΕ 0V‫ أ‬F9P€ W; ‫ ت‬# 9Q# ( >96 IJ;

".......‫ج‬-V05N "([-\ ‫ [<ت ا‬M5 ‫ة "ا‬-ˆ
Fl— /4™E ‫ ا‬# ( 2 - 7 MN (B¢H ( 2 (9AV‫و‬

In this headline, the author remodels (see Farghal and Al-Hamly 2005 on
remodelings) parts of two English idiomatic expressions, namely:
216
 1. “Start the ball rolling”, which means to ‘start an activity in which
other people will join’.
2. “Like a snowball rolling downhill”, which means ‘a problem or risk
is expected to grow bigger (increase in size)’.
The meaning of both idiomatic expressions is not evident in the Arabic text
and, for them to be recovered, would need huge extra effort and relevant
background knowledge on the part of the reader. In this way, the media
writer's drawing on foreign idiomatic expressions would puzzle the Arab
reader and impede the process of communication.

6. Blended Forms
A blend is a word formed from parts of two or more other words. The most
common English blends are formed as follows: the beginning of one word
is added to the end of the other. For example, the word brunch is a blend of
breakfast and lunch. Below are more examples:

• Smoke + fog → smog

• Spoon + fork → spork
• Broiled + roasted → broasted

Some examples of blended words are found in Arabic Kuwaiti

newspapers. The following promotional advertisement for the Regency
Hotel in Kuwait is an example:

abÒ [- ‫(" ا‬QA¢T‫¾ ا‬Š‫ا‬- " # (9} Q ‫( ا‬Q5#

In this advertisement, the writer uses the English blend “brunch” in Arabic
alphabet ¾Š‫ا‬- . When we asked a group of employees from the Ministry of
Education in Kuwait and a number of university students about the
meaning of the word ¾Š‫ا‬- , they had no clue! Hence, the use of such
English blended words does not only reflect negatively on the naturalness
of the Arabic language but also deprive a substantial number of the readers
who don not speak English of understanding the intended media message.
The writer could have drawn on Arab culture to come up with something
like IÆ: ‫ \ ر ا‬, which approximates the intended meaning or, even
experiment with a corresponding Arabic blend 0]-\ from ‫اء‬0] + ‫\ ر‬
which, of course, needs a lot of promotion in media discourse before it

217
becomes acceptable. This blending pattern, however, follows relatively
well-established examples in Arabic such as ‫ ن‬Y4! from ‫ ن‬6‫ ب ود‬4!
(smog), ( Aˆ‫ ر‬from ‫ اج‬#• ‫ ب‬3‫ ر‬and ‫ ء‬s0;‫ أ‬from ‫ ء‬s0x‫اء وأ‬0;‫أ‬. Such
examples of Arabic blends may sound strange and vague in meaning.
Despite their peculiarity, such expressions may gain acceptance if elite
writers start investing them in their articles instead of marketing foreign
expressions that usually involve both peculiarity and incomprehensibility.

7. Conclusion
The proliferation of foreign language expressions that have not yet been
integrated into Arabic discourse has many negative impacts, the most
important of which are the following:

1. Lack of originality, creation and innovation compared with Arabic

expressions.
2. The symbolic use of language (as a marker of identity, power, and
prestige) by Arab journalists seriously affects the instrumental use
of language (as a primary means of communication).
3. Decline of Arabic proficiency among students and the public at
large.
4. Loss of Arabic input and lack of comprehension.
5. Deterioration of the translation movement.
6. Bilingual code-switching might change to monolingual code (i.e.
English) at the expense of Arabic.
7. Widening the communicative gap between old and young
generation.
8. Superiority complex among bilinguals and inferiority complex
among monolinguals.

This manifestation of Master Discourse (i.e. the use of English) in

Arabic media as invested by elite groups, whether consciously or
subconsciously, is spreading rapidly and, consequently, threatens the
integrity of authentic Arabic discourse. Arab linguists and language
planners should make substantial efforts to find Arabic alternative
expressions and work hard towards promoting and marketing them orally
and orthographically. They should encourage the new digital generation to
use them in order to avoid the emergence of a hybrid Arabic and overcome
the phenomenon of Arabic language competence decline among the youth,

218
as well as activate the movement of translation and Arabicization to
safeguard both current and future generations.
Master Discourse as manifested in the use of English has become
linguistically dominant in the media in general and in commercial
advertisements in particular, as we can hardly see a commercial or a
promotion in Arabic without noticing some of these foreign segments
embedded in the text. The question that may arise here is: “Is the discourse
a commodity and the recipient a consumer? (see Fairclough 1995, 1996).
Considering that we prefer to answer this question by “yes”, the
commodity should be clearly described in order to gain acceptance by the
consumers. This cannot be achieved, however, without avoiding the
implementation and interference of peculiar foreign expressions in Arabic
texts, thus allowing only those expressions that have been fully integrated
into the Arabic language.

219
 Pre-head Hyphenated Compounds: A Problem

Area for Arabic Translators

Mohammed Farghal & Fatima Mu'min

Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to explore the translation procedures that could
be employed when translating hyphenated English compound adjectives
into Arabic. To achieve this, the study is based on a body of textual data
consisting of 100 hyphenated compounds extracted from Dan Brown’s The
Da Vinci Code which is set against its counterpart body of data drawn from
the Arabic translation titled abe ‫ة دا‬-> Œ by Sama Abd Rabu. The
findings show that the translator falls back on a variety of translation
procedures including in terms of frequency: formal markers (prepositions
and ‫ذو‬-related forms, explicitation (relativization, generic words, and
lexical comparisons), bare compounds, simple adjectives, passives/passive
participles, and numeric compounds. These translation procedures, which
interchange in some cases, may also involve certain semantic constraints.
The study concludes that translators need to be aware of the whole
spectrum of these translation procedures in order to be able to deal
effectively with this morpho-lexical asymmetry between the two
languages.

1. Introduction
Translation means transferring the meaning of the ST into the TT with the
aim of maintaining the message of the ST in the first place and its style in
the second place. Nida and Taber (1974:12) argue that “Translating
consists in reproducing in the receptor language the closest natural
equivalent of the source-language message, first in terms of meaning and
secondly in terms of style”. Unfortunately, this is not always possible
since grammatical structure varies among languages and a literal
translation would therefore not always result in idiomatically and
grammatically correct expressions in the TL (Vinay and Darbelnet
1958/1995:31). However, because almost everything that is expressed in
one language may be expressed in another as well, there are always ways
and means to capture structural mismatches by employing textualizations
that differ in structure but are similar in function. According to many

220
theorists (Newmark 1988: 5, for example), while it is of great importance
to maintain the structure of the original text when translating, the fact
remains that it is just as important to convey the message in the most
idiomatic and correct way in the TL (see also Larson 1983/1998; Hatim
and Mason 1990; Baker 1992).
This paper deals with English hyphenated compound adjectives,
viewed as a potentially problematic area when translating into Arabic
because of the typological differences between the two languages. Pierini
(2015:17) states “In English, they [hyphenated compounds] are
quantitatively numerous, show a wide range of morphological patterns and
a high degree of productivity”. In Arabic, by contrast, they don not exist in
a hyphenated form but rather they assume other forms. In fact, Arabic and
English are morphologically asymmetrical: “The former is Semitic and the
latter is Endo-European language. Thus, they are expected to be
morphologically divergent” Amer (2010:2). However, since there are so
many different ways of expressing oneself in both spoken and written
language, there are always several possible translations of any grammatical
or textual feature, hyphenated compound adjectives are no exception in
this case. However, the translator always needs to take the contextual and
co-textual factors into account, and in order to attain an idiomatically and
grammatically correct translation, various translation procedures can be
applied (Milikic 2010:7).
An English compound adjective is a modifier of a noun, consisting
of two or more morphemes of which the left-hand component limits or
changes the modification of the right-hand one, as in "the dark-green
dress": dark limits the green that modifies dress (Amer 2010, see also
Crystal 2004; Leech and Svartvik 1992 for a general discussion of
adjectives). There are some well-established permanent compound
adjectives that have become solid over a longer period, especially in
American usage: earsplitting, roundabout, eyecatching, and downtown.
However, in British usage, these, apart from downtown and roundabout,
are more likely written with a hyphen: ear-splitting, eye-catching.
According to Pierini (2015: 18), the notion of ‘compound adjective’ is
problematic because it covers a wide range of morphological patterns and
the classification offered by scholars varies, either including or excluding
certain formations. Among these productive patterns, we find: Adj + Adj
(grey-green), N + Adj (age-old), Adv + Adj (fiercely-competitive),
Numeral + N + Adj (ten-year-old), Adj + V-ing (good-looking), N + V-ing
(animal-loving), Adj + Past Participle (British-born), etc. The Writing
Library Technology Center at the University of Saint-Paul defines

221
compound adjectives as “two or more words that together modify another
word. In most cases, the two or more words are linked together with a
hyphen. Hyphenated compound adjectives are used before nouns. When
they come after nouns, they are not hyphenated, unless they are a
hyphenated compound word anyway”. For example, ‘This is a well-written
essay’ vs. ‘This essay is well written’ and ‘This is a ten-year-old boy’ vs.
‘This boy is ten years old’.
Arabic attributive adjectives, whether simple or compound, always
follow head nouns, unlike English where they must precede head nouns,
for example, al-bintu-l-jamiilatu ‘*the girl the beautiful’ vs. the beautiful
girl and al-bintu ðaatu-l-‛uyuun-iz-zarqaa’ ‘the girl with blue eyes’ vs.
‘the blue-eyed girl’. As can be seen, like Arabic, English has post-head
modification (e.g. ‘the girl with blue eyes’ and ‘the girl who has blue
eyes’). By contrast, unlike Arabic, English has the pre-head hyphenated
compound modification (the blue-eyed girl), which is categorically absent
in Arabic. In a contrastive study, Amer (2010) suggests some procedures
that may be followed when rendering compound adjectives, viz. simple
Arabic adjectives, e.g. ħadiiө [recent] for up-to-date, Adj + Adj, e.g.
’azaraq γaamiq [blue dark] for dark-blue, simile, e.g. ’aħmar ka-d-dam
[red like-the-blood] for blood-red, marking by a preposition, e.g.
muta‛attiš li-d-dimaa’ [thirsty for-the-blood], and the ’idhaafa/genitive
construction, e.g. daa’im-il-xuḍrah [continuous greenness] for ever-green
(for more on the translation of compounds in general, see Amer and
Menacere 2013).
Examining Modern Literary Arabic, Cowan (1958: 44-45)
discusses Arabic compound adjectives, showing that Arabic is very rich in
such compounds. In particular, he cites compounds featuring intensifiers
plus nouns which post-modify head nouns such as rajulun kaөiru-l-maali
[a man (with) lots-the-money] ‘a very rich man’ and adjectives plus nouns
to post-modify head nouns such as rajulun ṭawiilu-l-lisaani [a man (with)
long-the-tongue ‘a harsh-tongued man’. He also cites Arabic compounds
featuring two nouns such as rajulun ṣaaħibu ‛ilmin [a man owner (of)
science] ‘a man of letters’ and rajulun ðuu badiihatin[a man of intuition]
‘an intuitive man’. Note that ṣaaħibu and ðuu are formal possessive
markers and may interchange generally.
The above studies, Amer (2010), Amer and Menacere (2013), and
Cowan (1958), do provide us with important information about the nature
of compounding in English and Arabic from a contrastive analysis
perspective and offer us useful guidelines regarding out-of-context and
intuition-based translation equivalents, mainly the employment of the

222
marker ~V x/‫ذو‬, simple adjectives, similes, and 'iDaafah/genitive
construction. However, they fall short of providing us with actual
translational data to see how translators in practice handle the packaging of
information in hyphenated pre-head modification, which is the focus of
this study. From here arises the need to investigate this morpho-lexical
feature from a translational perspective, based on authentic textual data
rather than on merely concocted contrastive analysis examples. The textual
data will reveal some translation procedures that contrastive analysis
cannot unravel such as prepositions as formal markers, explicitation via
realativization and generic words, passivization/passive participles, etc.
(see Table and discussion below). This will definitely provide
student/professional translators as well as researchers with a fuller picture
of and better insights into what procedurally happens when encountering
pre-modifying hyphenated compounds in English-into-Arabic translation.

2. Objectives of Study
This study attempts to address the following research questions:

1. What translation procedures are employed to render hyphenated

English compounds into Arabic?
2. How successful are the renditions of such compounds into Arabic?
3. Are there any semantic constraints governing the choice of one
procedure rather than another?
3. Method and Material
This study is both a quantitative and qualitative case study of authentic
textual data extracted from the English bestselling novel The Da Vinci
Code by Dan Brown (2003) and its Arabic translation (2004) titled Shiifrat
Da Vinci (Code (of) Da Vinci) by Sama Abd Rabu. Apart from the fact that
the Arabic translation is published by the leading Beirut-based Arab
Scientific Publishers, the selection of The Da Vinci Code is mainly
motivated by the large number of hyphenated compound adjectives it
contains. The sample consists of 100 hyphenated English compounds and
their Arabic renderings. The analysis starts with categorizing the Arabic
data in terms of type and frequency of translation procedure. Then, a
critical/qualitative discussion/assessment of each procedure is furnished to
see whether there are any subtleties involved or any semantic constraints
governing the adoption of one procedure rather than another.

223
4. Data Analysis and Discussion
The following Table shows the distribution and percentages of the
translation procedures employed when rendering hyphenated English
compounds into Arabic in the study sample. Each procedure is exemplified
and discussed separately in the sections below.

Table: Distribution of translation procedures of hyphenated compound

adjectives
No. Translation Procedure Percentage
1 Formal Markers 34 %
a. Prepositions 19%
b. Possessive ‫ ذو‬ðuu and its derivatives 15%

2 Explicitation 25 %
a. Relativization 15 %
b. Generic words 7%
c. Lexical comparisons 3%
3 Bare compounds 15 %
4 Simple adjectives 10 %
5 Passive/Passive participles 8%
6 Numeric compounds 3%
7 Omission 5%
8 Total 100 %

4.1 Formal Markers

Formal markers emerge as the most frequent procedure accounting for
34% of the examples in the sample when rendering hyphenated
compound adjectives. This clearly indicates that the attempt to call up an
Arabic formal marker is a basic option when encountering such
compounds in translating from English into Arabic. There are two main
categories of these markers: prepositions and possessive ‫ ذو‬ðuu and its
derivatives.

4.1.1 Prepositions
As formal markers of Arabic renditions, prepositions claim 19% of the
data, of which 13% go for the preposition ‫ ب‬bi-, which is employed to
indicate height, size, area, clothing, etc. Following are some illustrative
examples:
224
 1. a thousand-foot phallus (p. 33)
(26 ‫م )ص‬0s X ‫> ع أ‬N‫~ ر‬u:s
2. 70,000-square-foot lobby ( p. 40)
(32 ‫( )ص‬Q®-# ‫م‬0s 70.000 (V PA ( ‫رد‬
3. two-inch-thick pane (p. 164)
(134 ‫ ن ) ص‬EŠ‫ ˆ( إ‬APp ‫ح‬
4. blue-robed virgin Mary (p. 191)
(156 ‫ •زرق ) ص‬l— … ‫ راء‬Q ‫ ا‬F[-#
As can be seen, the hyphenated English compound adjectives in
(1)–(4) above are rendered by employing the Arabic preposition ‫ ب‬to
indicate height, area, thickness and clothing, respectively. The generic
word designating the domain (e.g. height) can be implicit in English, but it
must be rendered explicit in Arabic (1 and 2) above and consequently the
formal marker attach to them, viz. ‫> ع‬N‫ ر‬and (V PA . Otherwise, the
explicit generic or specific word functions as the host of the preposition,
(ˆ APp and l— … . Notably, the possessive ‫ ذو‬and its derivatives (section 2
below) cannot be used to designate height, area, or thickness, e.g. the
rendering ‫م‬0s X ‫> ع أ‬N‫~ ذو ار‬u:s is ill-formed, whereas they can replace the
preposition ‫ ب‬in the domain of clothing, e.g. ‫ راء ذات ا … ب •زرق‬Q ‫ ا‬F[-# is as
well-formed as the rendition in (4) above.
The other prepositions W#, and ‫ ل‬accounting for 6% indicate
constitution, location, and distance respectively, as can be illustrated in (5),
(6) and (7) below:

5. A three-digit code ( p. 163)

(132 ‫ م )ص‬s‫( أر‬Z<Z W# ‫•ا‬#‫ر‬
6. Right-hand wall ( p. 141)
(117 ‫ )ص‬µžA ‫( ا‬U¢T‫ }‚ ا‬GT‫ا‬
7. the long, two-storey climb (p. 43)
(34 ‫ن )ص‬ 8 ( P K[ \ ‫ ا‬F <P ‫ د ا‬Qx

Notably, what is implicit in (7), i.e. distance, is made explicit in the

Arabic rendition. However, it can be suppressed the way constitution and
location are suppressed in (5) and (6) above. And what is implicit in (5)
225
and (6) can be made explicit as well. Consider (5)-(7), which are rephrased
accordingly:
ً ً
8. ‫ م‬s‫( أر‬Z<Z W# 2 "# ‫•ا‬#‫ر‬
9. µžA ‫( ا‬U¢T‫ا‬
‫ }‚ ا ) د‬GT‫ا‬
10. ‫ \ ن‬K[ \ ‫ ا‬F <P ‫ د ا‬Qx

In (8) and (9), in addition to being marked by prepositions,

ً
constitution and location are indicated lexically by 2 "# and ‫ا ) د‬,
whereas distance is marked only by the preposition in (10). There is one
rendition in this category where the translator erroneously confuses the
constitution marker W# with the location marker , as can be shown in (11):
11. Right-hand counterparts (p. 174)
(143 ‫ )ص‬WA • ~2 ¢T‫ ا‬W# F ‫اؤ‬-n2
Following is the compound (boldfaced) in (11) in its context:

In France and Italy, the words for 'left' - gauche and sinistra - came to have
deeply negative overtones, while their right-hand counterparts rang of
righteousness, dexterity, and correctness.
ً ً
~2 ¢T‫ ا‬W# F ‫اؤ‬-n2 ‫ ن‬3 ABu ،‫\ ’ا‬6 49+ µžQ#‫ ر‬Pu ‫( ا‬A93 ‫ ت‬YN‫ وإ \ ا‬PŠ- o>
ً
.‫ اب‬L ‫> ق وا‬5 ‫( وا‬# 5+< = …# WA •

4.2 Possessive ‫ ذو‬and its derivatives

The second formal marker ‫ ذو‬and its derivatives, whose form depends on
number and gender agreement with the head noun, e.g. ‫ ذو‬modifies a
singular, masculine head noun while ‫ ذات‬modifies a singular, feminine
head noun, have a wide-ranging semantic scope and can modify both
animate and inanimate head nouns. Interestingly, however, they are used
only to modify inanimate head nouns in the data, as can be noted in the
following examples:

12. Alcohol-based fluorescent ink (p. 64)

(50 ‫ )ص‬j Mˆ ‫ س‬+‫ ذو أ‬Ôu:# ‫©’ا‬V
13. Glass-roofed train terminal (p. 203)
(165 ‫ ) ص‬ì )• ‫ ا‬X P ‫\( ا \ ر ذات ا‬M#

226
 14. High-tech world (p. 244)
(200 ‫ ( )ص‬Q ‫ ( ا‬B 5 ‫ † ذو ا‬0GT‫ ا‬F Q ‫ا‬
15. Cave-ridden hills ( p. 232)
(189 ‫ ف )ص‬U. ‫[( ذات ا‬-v¦ ‫ ب ا‬:U ‫ا‬

It should be noted that, while the preposition ‫ ب‬cannot be replaced

with the possessive ‫ ذو‬when marking height, area and thickness in (1)-(3)
above, the possessive ‫ ذو‬and ‫ ذات‬can be replaced with the preposition ‫ ب‬in
(12)-(15) above. Apparently, this constraint applies only to certain
semantic domains. By way of illustration, (12) and (13) are given below
using the preposition ‫ب‬:
16. (50 ‫)ص‬ j Mˆ ‫ س‬+Ž Ôu:# ‫©’ا‬V
17. (165 ‫ ) ص‬ì )• ‫ ا‬X P ‫\( ا \ ر‬M#

In addition, while the translator in (15) succeeds in employing ‫ذات‬

correctly, she fails to capture the totality of the meaning in the hyphenated
compound, that is, the meaning of the second item of the compound
(ridden) is not relayed in the translation. To do this, (15) can be relayed in
several ways as follows:
18. ‫ة‬-E™B ‫ ف ا‬U. ‫<ل ذات ا‬5 ‫‘ ا‬the hills with spreading caves’
19. ‫ف‬ U. (9 … ‫<ل ا‬5 ‫ا‬ ‘the hills ridden with caves’
20. ‫ ف‬U. ‫ ا‬U9 …N aŸ ‫<ل ا‬5 ‫ا‬
‘the hills which are ridden with caves’
21. ‫ة‬-E™B ‫ ا‬U U. ‫<ل‬5 ‫ا‬ ‘the hills with their spreading caves’

The different versions in (18)-(21) employ four different procedures: the

possessive ‫ذات‬, the unmarked compound (see below), relativization (see
below), and the preposition ‫ب‬. Below is the compound in (15) in its
context:

Some claimed the mountainous backdrop in Madonna of the Rocks

matched the topography of a series of cave-ridden hills in Scotland.

227
"‫ ر‬v¦ ‫ة ا‬0 +" –ˆ‫ أوف ذا رو‬2‫ دو‬# (V ([-v¦ ‫> ( ا‬9vT‫ أن ا‬Ë0 Fl±# -Q4 ‫ا‬
.‫ة‬02<N "+ ‫ ف‬U. ‫[( ذات ا‬-v¦ ‫ ب ا‬:U ‫ ا‬W# (; A # ( ‫ا‬-] 48 7 \N

4.3 Explicitation
Explicitation is the second most frequent procedure in rendering
hyphenated compound adjectives in the data accounting for 25%. It mainly
involves rephrasing the hyphenated compound in the form of a relative
clause post-modifying the head noun (15%), the employment of Arabic
generic words (7%) that are implicit in English, and drawing lexically
explicit comparisons to render –like hyphenated compounds (3%).

4.3.1 Relativization
Relativization, which accounts for 15% of the data, is employed as an
explicitation procedure whereby the meaning of hyphenated compound is
unpacked in the form of an adjective clause post-modifying the head noun.
Following are some illustrative examples:

22. the 133.000-square-foot tower (p. 49)

(39 ‫( )ص‬Q®-# ‫م‬0s 133.000 /5V P# °94N ‫ا ©’ج ا ي‬
23. the orb-filled tomb (p. 527)
(442 ‫ )ص‬/ ‫ات‬-. ‫ ا‬Ǹ€ ‫ ا ي‬‰[-: ‫ا‬
24. the eighteenth-century English writer (p. 499)
(418 ‫ )ص‬-E; W# … ‫ن ا‬- ‫ ا‬Ij‫ د إ‬Q‡ ‫ ¿ي ا ي‬9 2Ì ~N " ‫ا‬

While relativization is the only option available for capturing the

meaning of the hyphenated compounds in (22) and (24) because the
English underlying verb is intransitive, (23), having an overt transitive verb
(fill), might be rendered using the passive participle procedure (see below),
viz. ‫ات‬-. ëJ5A ‫ ا‬‰[-: ‫ا‬. Interestingly, the Arabic renderings in (22)-(24)
roughly correspond to the English paraphrases of (22)-(24), as can be
shown below respectively:

25. the tower whose area is 133.000 square foot

26. the tomb which is filled with orbs.
27. the English writer who belongs to the eighteenth century.

228
4.3.2 Generic words
The use of generic words (7%) is necessitated in Arabic to explicitate
implicit generic predicates in some English hyphenated compounds, as can
be illustrated in the following examples:

28. his 14-carat gold bishop’s ring (49)

(39) ‫ ’اط‬s 14 ‫~ ; ر‬ ‫ ا‬W# ‫ ع‬BL ‫ ا‬o> +• /AN 6

29. this forty-something academic (p. 24)

(19 ‫ )ص‬X 2‫ و‬# ; ‫ ن‬Q®‫أر‬-AQ ‫ ا‬W# ° 4 ‫ ا‬aæ ‫ د‬3• ‫ا‬
30. as the plane completed its 180-degree turn…(p. 439)
(369 ‫ )ص‬... ()‫ در‬180 ([‫ة •او‬-} \ ‫ دارت ا‬#0B;‫و‬
31. all-night café (p. 211)
(171 ‫ )ص‬K 9 ‫ ال ا‬8 ‰5> µâ #

As can be seen in (28)-(31), the bold-face items in the Arabic

renderings explicitate what is implicit in English. Without them, the Arabic
renderings will not be acceptable, as can be illustrated below:

31.* (39) ‫ ’اط‬s 14 ~ ‫ ا‬W# ‫ ع‬BL ‫ ا‬o> +• /AN 6

32. * (19 ‫ )ص‬X 2‫ ن و‬Q®‫أر‬-AQ ‫ ا‬W# aæ ‫ د‬3• ‫ا‬
33*. (369 ‫ )ص‬... ()‫ در‬180 ‫ة‬-} \ ‫ دارت ا‬#0B;‫و‬
34. * (171 ‫ )ص‬K 9 ‫ ال ا‬8 µâ #

Apparently, the translator has done well here by explicitating the

hyphenated compounds because it is the most appropriate procedure.

4.3.3 Lexical Comparisons

Drawing lexical comparisons (3%) is followed when translating English –
like hyphenated compounds. Following are two illustrative examples:

35. maze-like series of dividers (p. 97)

(79 ‫ ت )ص‬5A /4Œ‫ أ‬Kx‫ا‬
36. the dream-like quality of the evening (p.37)

229
 (29 ‫ )ص‬F9GT‫ ا‬Ij‫ " ن إ‬# ‫ب‬-s‫ أ‬... ‫ ء‬P ‫ا‬

As can be noted, English similes in the form of hyphenated compounds

call for some sort of comparison in Arabic translation, which is expressed
lexically in (35) and (36) above. One can imagine, however, working out
Arabic similes using the formal marker ‫ك‬, as can be observed in (37)
below, which rephrases (35) above:
37. ‫ ت‬5Aˆ Kx‫ا‬

4.4 Bare Compounds

Arabic bare compounds (15%) emerge as an effective translation procedure
for many English hyphenated compounds. One should note that in many
cases they can be replaced with the possessive ‫ ذو‬procedure and to a lesser
degree with the procedure of preposition ‫ ب‬as a formal marker. Following
are some illustrative examples:

38. a muscle-bound man (p. 167)

(136 ‫<ت )ص‬:Q ‫ ل ا‬5># K)‫ر‬
39. a double-breasted suit (p. 37)
(30 ‫ر )ص‬0L ‫( ا‬B\4# ‫¡’ة‬+
40. the five-petal rose (p. 260)
(213 ‫<ت ) ص‬54 ‫ ( ا‬+ A6 ‫ا ردة‬
41. blood-red slashes (p. 178)
(145 ‫ ( )ص‬2 s ‫اء‬-AV ‫وح‬-)
42. Chinese-born American architect (p. 35)
(28 ‫ )ص‬0 ‫ ا‬až L ‫ ا‬o"[-#• ‫س‬0BU ‫ا‬

The Arabic bare compounds in (38)-(40) post-modify head nouns

and can be readily replaced with the ‫ ذو‬and ‫ ب‬procedures, as can be
illustrated in (43) and (44) below:

43a. ( 5># ‫<ت‬:; ‫ ذو‬K)‫ر‬

b. ( 5># ‫<ت‬:Qp K)‫ر‬

230
 44a. W\4#‫ر‬0x ‫¡’ة ذات‬+
b. W\4#‫ر‬0L ‫¡’ة‬+
45a. (PAvT‫<ت ا‬54 ‫ا ردة ذات ا‬
b. (PAvT‫<ت ا‬54 ‫ا ردة‬

The bare compound procedure is, therefore, an Arabic compounding

resource that compresses the meaning of the hyphenated compound by
transposition, i.e. by swapping the two items, thus doing away with the
formal marker.
By contrast, (41) and (42) don not lend themselves to the afore-
mentioned procedures for different reasons. The hyphenated compound in
(41) employs an implicit figurative comparison, i.e. blood-red to modify
the head noun. Instead of using an explicit comparison as is expected, the
َ , which reflects the
translator uses a familiar Arabic collocation ‫ ٍن‬s -AV‫أ‬
semantics of the hyphenated English compound. It is more appropriate,
however, to maintain the comparison in Arabic translation, viz. ‫ة‬-AM ‫وح‬-)
‫م‬0 ‫(ا‬slashes as red as blood), in which the preposition ‫ ب‬is a simile marker
or l{-AV /‫ة‬-AGT‫م ا‬0 3 ‫وح‬-) (slashes like blood in (their) redness), in
which the simile marker ‫ ك‬is employed. Following is the compound in (41)
above in its context:

His broad, pale back was soaked with blood-red slashes.

.( 2 s ‫اء‬-AV ‫وح‬- ¤\•# ~V E ‫ ا‬Fv‹ ‫ﻩ ا‬-Ur ‫ ن‬3 0

For its turn, the hyphenated compound in (42) refers to a location

(the birth place of the head noun), thus requiring a prepositional phrase to
post-modify the head noun, viz. ‫ ن‬L ‫ا‬ ‫ ا د‬o"[-#• ‫س‬0BU ‫ا‬. The
prepositional phrase, in its turn, may undergo transposition and class shift
to give us the bare Arabic compound 0 ‫ ا‬až L ‫ ا‬in (42). This bare
compound, unlike the ones in (38)-(40), cannot be rephrased using ‫ ذو‬and
‫ب‬, viz. až L ‫ ا‬0 ‫ ذو ا‬o"[-#• ‫س‬0BU ‫ ا‬and až L ‫ ا‬0 o"[-#• ‫س‬0BU ‫ ا‬as both
are ill-formed in Arabic.

4.5 Simple Adjectives

231
The use of Arabic simple adjectives in translating English hyphenated
compounds can be justified if the Arabic adjective captures the totality of
the meaning in the English compound. However, the translator may fall in
the trap of under-translation when opting for this procedure. The data
includes 10 cases (10%) of using simple adjectives, which exemplify both
successful attempts (5), under-translations (3), and 2 mistranslations.
Following are some illustrative examples:

46. the five-pointed star (p. 135)

(112 ‫ ( )ص‬+ AvT‫( ا‬A B ‫ا‬
47. mind-boggling aspect of PHI (p. 132)
(109 ‫ > ي ) ص‬K ‫ ا‬/) ‫ا‬
48. a well-documented history (p. 125)
(103 ‫ )ص‬7Z # ½[‫ ر‬N
49. large-format oils (p. 45)
(36 ‫ ’ة )ص‬4. ‫ ت ا •[™ ( ا‬V 9 ‫ا‬
50. tree-lined diplomatic neighborhood (p. 192)
(156 ‫ )ص‬-¢£ ‫ ا‬ab‘ # 94 0 ‫ ا‬Æ ‫ا‬
51. the open-air escalator (p. 43)
(34 ‫( )ص‬V 5> ‫ } ( ا‬¥-U. ‫ ا‬F <P ‫ا‬
The renderings in (46)-(48) above represent a successful use of
simple Arabic adjectives that reflect the totality of the meaning in the
English compounds. By contrast, the Arabic renderings in (49) and (50)
fail to do so, that is, they under-translate the English compounds. To
explain, the hyphenated compound in (49) refers to the large frames in
which the oils are formatted rather than the oils themselves, whereas the
Arabic translation refers to the size of the paintings. For its turn, the
English compound in (50) refers to the trees lining the sidewalks in the
neighborhood rather than the neighborhood in general. Below are the
compounds in (49) and (50) in their contexts, respectively:

- all around, large-format oils began to materialize like photos developing

before him in an enormous
darkroom ...
/# #‫أ‬-n5N ( ‫ا‬-] N ‫ ر‬Lˆ 0P 5N ‫ ’ة‬4. ‫ ت ا •[™ ( ا‬V 9 ‫أت ا‬0 / V ‫" ن‬# K3 ‫و‬
... (Av - AMN ( -]
232
- We're going to make it, Sophie thought as she swung the SmartCar's
wheel to the right, cutting sharply past the luxurious Hotel de Crillon into
Paris's tree-lined diplomatic neighborhood.
M2‫ ر‬3 ‫ ت‬AP ‫ د ا‬#- 0N ˜‫ و‬x ‫ت‬-. ، ‫ ذ‬W# ( Z‫ وا‬2‫ أ‬،‫<م‬Pp ‫ ك‬B Ij‫ إ‬KLB+
ً
.–³‫ ر‬-¢£ ‫ ا‬ab‘ # 94 0 ‫ ا‬Æ ‫ ا‬IJ] = 6‫ د‬FY> ‫[ ن ا‬-ˆ ‫ق‬0B (;-Pp ‫ وزة‬5# ‫ ن‬A ‫ا‬

To reflect the totality of the meaning in the two English

compounds, the translator could have employed formal markers (section
4.1 above), as can be illustrated in (52) and (53) below, respectively:

52a. (Av‹ ‫ ا‬l{‫ را‬8t ( ™[• ‫ ت ا‬V 9 ‫ا‬

b. (Av‹ ‫ رات ا‬8À ‫ ت ا •[™ ( ذات‬V 9 ‫ا‬
ّ ‫ ا‬/5>x‫ر‬Ž ab‘ # 9 0 ‫ ا‬Æ ‫ا‬
53a. ‫ة‬-¢£
ّ ‫>( ا‬x‫ ذات •ر‬ab‘ # 9 0 ‫ ا‬Æ ‫ا‬
b. ‫ة‬-¢£

The Arabic rendering of the English compound in the last example

(51) is, actually, a mistranslation. The English compound refers to an
‘outdoor’ escalator, which cannot be retrieved from the Arabic simple
adjective ‫ ح‬5>#. Following is the sentence in which the compound occurs
(54), along with its Arabic translation (55):

54. Langdon exhaled, turning a longing glance back up the open-

air escalator.
55. ... (V 5> ‫ } ( ا‬¥-U. ‫ ا‬F <P ‫ ا‬M2 (4]- ‫ﻩ‬-n2 )- ‫ون و‬0•Š= 0l±N

Apart from the quality of the translation, the meaning communicated by

the English compound cannot be recovered from the Arabic simple
adjective ((V 5> ‫)ا‬, because the English compound indicates the location of
the escalator rather than assigns an attribute to the escalator the way the
Arabic adjective does. Hence, the formal marker should be used, as in
(56) below:

56. ‫ رج‬vT‫ا‬ oá ¥-U. ‫ ا‬F9P ‫ ا‬M2 ‫ﻩ‬-nB 2- ‫ون و‬0•Š= 0l±N

233
 One should note that there exists a familiar Arabic compound relating to
location, viz. 79\ ‫ اء ا‬U ‫ ا‬, but it does not fit here for stylistic/generic
reasons.

4.6 Passive/Passive Participles

Arabic passive and passive participles account for 8% when rendering
English hyphenated compounds. They are the most appropriate when
translating English passive participle compounds, as can be illustrated in
(58) and (59) below:

57. Star-filled November sky (p. 207)

(169-168 ‫ م )ص‬B (2‫©’ ا •دا‬A 2 ‫ ء‬A+
58. Laser-cut key (p. 200)
(162 ‫ ¿ر )ص‬9 ‫( ا‬QŒŽ ->Vُ ‫ ح‬5>#

While the Arabic rendering in (57) employs the passive participle form
(2‫ا •دا‬, the rendering in (58) uses a passive form of the verb and explicitates
the head noun, viz. ‫ ¿ر‬9 ‫( ا‬QŒŽ instead of ‫ ¿ر‬9 , which makes the rendition
more transparent.
Sometimes, however, the Arabic passive participle is opted for in
the absence of a passive counterpart element in the English compound.
Consider (59)-(61) below:

59. Grille-plate medallions (p. 205)

(167 ‫ة )ص‬- 2 ‫ ت‬Bu ¿¡ (Eˆ‫•ر‬# p L#
60. A ten-digit account number (p. 251)
(206 ‫ م )ص‬s‫ة أر‬-E; W# X '# ‫ ب‬PV Fs‫ر‬
61. a twin-bed eighteen wheeler (p. 122)
(101 ‫( )ص‬9¢¶-E; ( 2 AZ‫ و‬W ’ 4ˆ ‫ ن‬s‫و‬0BL ‫•ودة‬# (BV Œ
As can be seen, all the Arabic renderings in (59)-(61) employ a
passive participle form despite the fact there are no such forms in the
English counterparts. This is a workable procedure in Arabic although
these passive forms in these renderings are optional, unlike the ones in (57)
and (58). Below are the same examples employing the formal marker ‫ب‬
and W# (section 4.1 above) independently of the passive forms (The

234
rendering in (64) is corrected in terms of accuracy and quality of
translation):

62. ‫ة‬- 2 ‫ ت‬Bu ¿¡ p L#

63. ‫ م‬s‫ة أر‬-E; W# ‫ ب‬PV Fs‫ر‬
ّ
64. (9¢¶ ‫ة‬-E; oŠ AZ‫ ن و‬9L5# ‫ ن‬s‫و‬0BL (BV Œ

4.7 Numeric Compounds

There are three instances (3%) in the data where the hyphenated number
immediately modifies the head noun. Such numeric compounds are readily
translated into their counterpart Arabic numeric compounds and should
present no difficulty to the translator. However, due to their rather intricate
grammar, one may find professional translators making mistakes when
using them in discourse. Following are two examples:

65. the game’s twenty-two cards (p.129)

(107 ‫ )ص‬W[-E;‫ ن و‬BZÌ ~Q9 ‫أوراق ا‬
66. fifty-seven feet beneath ground (p. 40)
(32 ‫م )ص‬0s ‫ ن‬Q4+‫– و‬A6 7AQp

Surprisingly, although the Arabic numeric compounds are readily

accessed, the Arabic renderings in (65) and (66) are both ill-formed in
terms of the grammar of numerals; they should read:

67. W[-E;‫ ن و‬5 ZÌ ~Q9 ‫أوراق ا‬

ً
68. #0s ‫ ن‬Q4+‫( و‬PA6 7AQp

Needless to say, the Beirut-based Arab Scientific Publisher (ASP), the

publisher of the translation under study, is supposed to be one of the
leading publishers in the Arab World. The opening sentence in their
website reads “Arab scientific Publishers (ASP) publishes award-winning
books of excellent quality that respond to all ages, levels, and interests”. In
light of the above errors, I leave it to the reader to pass a judgment on the
quality of their work.

235
4.8 Omission
There are five cases in the data (5%) where the translator has omitted the
hyphenated compound from the translation altogether, as can be illustrated
in (69) and (70) below:

69. The close-up photo revealed the glowing message on the

parquet floor. (p. 101)
.( •EvT‫ •ر! ( ا‬IJ; (¥ 5. ‫ ( ا‬+- ‫( ا‬Ôu: ‫ رة ا‬L ‫ ا‬1>Eˆ 0

70. 'This manuscript claims what?' his editor had choked, setting his
wineglass and staring across his half-eaten power lunch.
(p. 224)
! ،/A (A 9 ‫ وا‬7B5Y ‫ر أن‬-M ‫ د ا‬3 "‫ ب!؟‬5. ‫ا ا‬ / ‫ ذا ا ي‬#"
(183 ‫ م )ص‬Q\ ‫ ا‬WGÖ ‫ ق‬W# ‫ون‬0•Š= ‫ق‬0M ّ 6‫ﻩ وأ‬0 ‫ ن‬3 ‫ ا ي‬/ ‫ا‬-Œ

As can be noted, the hyphenated compounds in (69) and (70) have been
deleted. The first can be readily captured by a simple Arabic adjective
ّ ‫ رة ا‬L ‫)ا‬, while the latter is more challenging and needs to be
(‫©’ة‬.
ّ
explicitated via relativization, viz. /B# /ِ B™ F ‫ ا ي‬KAQ ‫اء ا‬0] IJ; W# ‫ق‬0M 6‫وأ‬
0Qp.

5. Conclusions
The discussion in this paper has revealed many interesting facts about the
translation of English hyphenated compound adjectives into Arabic. First
and foremost, it has demonstrated through authentic textual data that
English pre-head hyphenated compounds require the employment of many
translation procedures which account for different percentages, including
formal markers (34%), explicitation (25%), bare compounds (15%), simple
adjectives (10%), passive/passive participles (8%), numeric compounds
(3%), and finally omission (5%). All these procedures, except for omission
where no translation takes place and numeric compounds which can appear
pre-head, involve post-head rather than pre-head modification in Arabic
due to a typological difference between the two languages. That is, while
English enjoys the ability to encode modification both pre-head and post-
head, Arabic has the latter option only.
Within the translation procedures attested in this study, formal
markers, which involve the use of prepositions (19%) and ‫ذو‬-related forms

236
(15%), emerge as the most familiar and flexible procedure in rendering
English hyphenated compounds. Apart from a semantic constraint relating
to the domains of height, size, distance, constitution, and location
modifying inanimate head nouns (e.g. ’¡# (} # ‫> ع‬N‫م ر‬- but not ‫> ع‬N‫م ذو ار‬-
’¡# (} #), the preposition ‫ ب‬bi- can freely replace ‫ذو‬-related forms (e.g. K)‫ر‬
Fv ‫ ذو رأس‬and Fv ‫أس‬- K)‫)ر‬. Formal markers can also replace
procedures across categories such as relativization and bare compounds,
viz. Fv /+‫ ا ي رأ‬K)- ‫ا‬, ‫أس‬- ‫ ا‬Fv K)- ‫ ا‬and Fv‹ ‫أس ا‬- ‫ ذو ا‬K)- ‫ا‬. This
flexible nature of formal markers renders them an indispensable translation
procedure to consider when encountering pre-head English hyphenated
compounds.
The second most frequent translation procedure involves
explicitating the hyphenated compound through relativization (15%),
generic words (7%), and lexical comparisons (3%). Relativization, which
is a familiar structure in both English and Arabic, simply restates the
semantics of the pre-head English compound in the form of what is
traditionally called an adjective clause. It constitutes an important
translation procedure and, in several cases, it presents itself as the only
available option to render a hyphenated compound modifying a definite
head noun, e.g. the hyphenated compound in ‘the 400-meter tower’ can
hardly be rendered by a translation procedure other than relativization. For
its turn, explicitating by rendering implicit English generic words in the
compound explicit in Arabic is sometimes necessitated in order to produce
acceptable constructions in Arabic, e.g. ‘an all-night shop’ must be
rendered as K 9 ‫ ال ا‬8 ‰5> - 5# rather than K 9 ‫ ال ا‬8 - 5#, where
explicitation has been followed. Finally, we have Arabic lexical
comparisons which can be effectively used when rendering English -like
hyphenated compounds.
Arabic bare compounds (15%) also present themselves as a highly
effective procedure for rendering pre-head English compounds in many
cases. By transposing the two items in the Arabic rendition of an English
compound, the output of formal markers in particular may be changed into
bare Arabic compounds, e.g. the hyphenated compound in ‘the red-colored
hat’ can be rendered by the ‫ذو‬-procedure as -AV• ‫ ن‬9 ‫( ذات ا‬Q4 ‫ ا‬or the
bare-compound procedure as ‫ ن‬9 ‫اء ا‬-AV (Q4 ‫ا‬, thus dispensing with the
formal marker through transposition.

237
 Some English hyphenated compounds may also lend themselves to
translating into simple Arabic adjectives (10%). This comes as a result of
the fact that languages may lexicalize concepts differently. For example,
while English customarily uses the hyphenated adjective compound ‘well-
documented’ to modify head nouns, Arabic employs a simple adjective
ّ
7Z # in comparable instances. Translators, however, need to guard against
falling in the trap of under-translation, or even mistranslation, when opting
for this translation procedure.
Passives/passive participles (8%) figure in the data as a translation
procedure required when rendering English hyphenated compounds
deriving from passive constructions, e.g. ‘a star-studded sky’ should be
rendered by employing an Arabic passive participle form into (Qx-# ‫ ء‬A+
‫ م‬B . This procedure, however, may optionally be used when rendering
non-passive English compounds. In such a case, a passive participle's main
function is to explicitate, e.g. the hyphenated compound in ‘a two-engine
ّ ‫ة‬-} 8.
plane’ may be rendered as ‫ˆ ن‬-MA ‫ة‬-} 8 or ‫ˆ ن‬-MA ‫•ودة‬#
Pre-head numeric hyphenated compounds which immediately
modify head nouns in English (3% in the data) are supposed to be the
easiest category to translate into Arabic because they formally correspond
to pre-head and post-head Arabic numeric compounds, e.g. ‘twenty-one
girls’ and ‘the twenty-one girls’ correspond to ‫ ة‬5 W[-E;‫ى و‬0V‫ إ‬and ‫ ت‬5> ‫ا‬
W[-EQ ‫ى وا‬0VÀ respectively. However, this study shows that the translator
of the novel under study makes several grammatical mistakes when
rendering most numeric compounds, a fact which may reflect the quality of
the translation in general.
Finally, the data instantiates five cases where the English
hyphenated compound is deleted altogether in the Arabic translation. It
should be noted that such deletion seriously affects the quality of the
translation. Regardless of how challenging the English compound is, there
usually exists a translation procedure that would be capable of rendering its
meaning. The present study has attested several translation procedures that
translators need to consider when dealing with pre-head hyphenated
compounds.

238
Appendix
…he saw a plush Renaissance
bedroom with Louis XVI
furniture, hand-frescoed
walls… (p. 21)
Full-length mirror (p. 22)
Self-important historians (p.
22)
This Forty-something academic
(p.24)
Dressed in an official-looking
blue uniform (p.25)
Late-night lovers (p.31)
Its dissonant two-tone siren…
(p.32)
A thousand-foot phallus (p.33)
Rapid-fire French (p. 35)
Chinese-born American
architect (p.35)
Seventy-one-foot-tall …
pyramid (p.35)
Dream-like quality of the
evening…(p.37)
Double-breasted suit (p. 37)
His dark hair was slicked back
with oil, accentuating an arrow-
like widow’s peak that divided
his jutting brow. (p. 39)
Fifty-seven feet beneath ground
(p. 40)
70,000 –square-foot lobby (p.
40)
‫ة‬-6 ( -] /P>2 0 / V-n2
–³ ‫ " ر‬0 (Œ‫و‬-># (:l± ‫ا‬-L;‫از‬-\
(V 9 (B[•# l•‫را‬0) ‫و‬-E; ‫ دس‬P ‫ا‬
ً
(17 ‫ )ص‬... [‫و‬0 1A+‫ ( ر‬L)
‫آة‬- ‫( ا‬18 ‫)ص‬
(18 ‫ )ص‬W[‫ور‬-• ‫ ن ا‬6‫ا 'ر‬
(19 ‫ )ص‬# ; ‫ ن‬Q®‫أر‬-AQ ‫ ا‬W# ° 4 ‫ا‬
(20 ‫ أزرق )ص‬A+‫•– ز[ ر‬9
(25 ‫ان )ص‬-UP‡ ‫ ن‬4u4V
(25 ‫وي )ص‬0 ‫ ا‬l{‫> ر‬x ‫ ت‬x
(26 ‫م ) ص‬0s X ‫> ع أ‬N‫~ ر‬u:s
(28 ‫( ) ص‬Q³-+ ( PŠ->
(28 ‫ )ص‬0 ‫ ا‬až L ‫ ا‬o"[-#Ì ‫س‬0BU ‫ا‬
(28 ‫ )ص‬#0s ‫ ن‬Q4+ ‫ و‬0V‫ وا‬/ 8 °94
‫ )ص‬F9GT‫ ا‬Ij‫ " ن إ‬# ‫ب‬-s‫ أ‬... ‫ ء‬P ‫ا‬
(29
(30 ‫ر )ص‬0L ‫( ا‬B\4# ‫¡’ة‬+
-QŒ (9L6 ‫أس‬- ‫( ا‬#0 # W# ‫زت‬- 0s ‫و‬
) ... ،‫… ن‬. ‫ ا‬/ 4) V FP FU+ K"Ep
(31 ‫ص‬
(32 ‫م )ص‬0s ‫ ن‬Q4+‫– و‬A6 7AQp
(Q®-# ‫م‬0s 70.000 (V PA ... ( ‫رد‬
(32 ‫)ص‬
239
Crypt-like atmosphere (p.40)
Lesser-known pyramid (p. 41)
…but during his twenty-year
tenure as curator (p.42)
The three-hundred page draft
(p.43)
Two-storey climb (p.43)
Open-air escalator (p.43)
Flat-white light (p. 45)
Large-format oils (p. 45)
Coal-filter dehumidifiers
(p.45)
The 133.000-square-foot tower
(p.49)
His 14-carat gold bishop’s ring
(p.49)
His ankle-length, hooded robe
(p. 54)
Her eight-year cycle (p. 61)
Alcohol-based fluorescent ink
(p.64)
Sixty-year-old body (p. 68)
Life-sized replica (p. 71)
Her eyes were olive-green…
(p. 79)
international stick-figure
symbols (p. 97)
240
(A9r ‫ ©’ودة و‬...‫•( ) ا " ن‬p x...
(32 ‫ ر )ص‬4 ‫ا‬
(32 ‫ة )ص‬-UŒ Ks• ‫م‬-U ‫ا‬
lß K•Œ aŸ ‫ ا‬# ; W[-EQ ‫<ل ا‬6
(34 ‫ )ص‬F ‫~ ا‬LB#
(} AZ<Z l{ M>x ‫د‬0; °9 aŸ ‫ دة ا‬P ‫ا‬
(34 ‫( )ص‬M>x
‫ ن‬8 ( P K[ \ ‫ ا‬F <P ‫ د ا‬Qx
(34 ‫)ص‬
(34 ‫( )ص‬V 5> ‫ } ( ا‬¥-U. ‫ ا‬F <P ‫ا‬
(35 ‫ ء ) ص‬: 4 ‫ د ( ا‬5;Ì ‫•! اء‬
(36 ‫ ’ة )ص‬4. ‫ ت ا •[™ ( ا‬V 9 ‫ا‬
‫( ذات‬¥ 8- ‫زا ( ا‬$ KAQ€ ( ; Bx ‫•ة‬U)‫أ‬
(36 ‫ )ص‬FM> ‫ ا‬W#-N<
‫م‬0s 133.000 /5V P# °94N ‫ا ©’ج ا ي‬
(39 ‫( )ص‬Q®-#
‫ ا ~ ; ر‬W# ‫ ع‬BL ‫ ا‬o> +• /AN 6
(39 ‫ )ص‬14
Ij‫ إ‬/ 8 KL ‫ ة ا ي‬P 9 ‫ ذو ا‬/¥ Z
(42 ‫ )ص‬/9V 3
(48 ‫ ات •ر® )ص‬BP ‫ ذات ا‬l{‫دور‬
(50 ‫ )ص‬j Mˆ ‫ س‬+‫ ذو أ‬Ôu:# ‫©’ا‬V
(53 ‫ )ص‬# ; ‫ ن‬5+ ‫ﻩ‬-A; ‫ ا ي‬0P)
(57 ‫ي )ص‬-E• ‫ ا‬F¢ïT ( \# (v«Š
... lßB ;
(63 ‫ )ص‬oŠ 5[• ‫ا‬-:6Ì Al• 9
(79 ‫ ( )ص‬Q ‫( ا‬#<Q ‫ا‬
Maze-like series of dividers
(p.97)
Close-up photo (p. 101)
Thirteen-round Heckler (p.
108)
Second-story window (p. 119)
The truck’s open-air bed was
covered with a vinyl tarp… (p.
121)
The plate-glass window (p.
122)
Twin-bed eighteen wheeler (p.
122)
The eighteen wheeler idling (p.
123)
Well-documented history (p.
125)
The game’s twenty-two cards
(p.129)
A long-legged maths major (p.
131)
Mind-boggling aspect of PHI
(p. 132)
The five-pointed star (p. 135)
Leonardo was a well-
documented devotee of the
ancient ways of the goddess.
(p.135)
Right-hand wall (p. 141)
241
(79 ‫ ت )ص‬5A /4Œ‫ أ‬Kx‫ا‬
(82 ‫ رة )ص‬L ‫ ا‬...
‫از‬-8 W# ( 98 ‫ ن‬Z<… ‫س ذو ا‬0P ‫ذ ا‬
-9" K ‫ د‬# W#
(88 ‫)ص‬
(97 ‫ )ص‬oŠ … ‫ ا‬7 \ ‫ ة ا‬2
‫ ح و‬5># ‫وق‬0BL ‫•ودة‬# (BV E ‫ ا‬12 3
‫ )ص‬... K > ‫ ا‬W# AE# ‫ ش‬A ¤\•#
(100
‫( ا •) ) ( )ص‬M >L ‫ ة ذات ا‬B ‫ا‬
(101
( 2 AZ ‫ و‬W ’ 4ˆ ‫ ن‬s‫و‬0BL ‫•ودة‬#...(BV Œ
(101 ‫( )ص‬9¢¶ -E;
( 2 A… ‫<ت ا‬¢¸ ‫ ’ة ذات ا‬4. ‫( ا‬BV E ‫ا‬
(101 ‫( )ص‬9¢¶ -E;
(103 ‫ )ص‬7Z # ½[‫ ر‬N
‫ )ص‬W[-E; ‫ ن و‬BZÌ ~Q9 ‫أوراق ا‬
(107
‫[ ! ت‬- ‫ ( ا‬93 W# (# ‫ ا‬K[ 8 ~ 8
(108 ‫)ص‬
(109 ‫ > ي )ص‬K ‫ ا‬/) ‫ا‬
(112 ‫ ( )ص‬+ AvT‫( ا‬A B ‫ا‬
( Y[‫ ر‬5 ‫ ا‬7} Z ‫ ( ا‬3 ~PV abe ‫ ن دا‬3
(U œ (A 0 ‫ دة ا‬4Q9 /P>2‫ ر‬2 0s
(112 ‫ ) ص‬.µð2•
(117 ‫ )ص‬µžA ‫( ا‬U¢T‫ }‚ ا‬GT‫ا‬
Fifteen-foot Botticelli (p. 151)
Well-lit crime scene (p. 152)
The three-acre-compound (p.
162)
A three-digit code (p. 163)
Two-inch-thick pane (p. 164)
Muscle-bound man (p. 167)
Feminine-worshipping religion
(p. 173)
Right-hand counterparts (p.
174)
Rough-hewn stone slab (p.
177)
His alabaster-white flesh (p.
178)
Blood-red slashes ( p. 178)
The usual Jesus-blessing-john
scenario (p. 191)
Watered-down version (p. 191)
Blue-robed virgin Mary (p.
191)
Tree-lined diplomatic
neighborhood (p.192)
Laser-tooled varying matrix (p.
192)
The deserted moon-swept hills
(p. 193)
A composed three-point turn
(p. 198)
242
-E; (PA6 ‫ \ ل‬J9 EuN 4 ... (V
(124 ‫م ) ص‬0s
‫! اء‬Ž ‫ را‬B# ‫ ن‬3 ‫( ا ي‬A[-¢T‫ح ا‬-P#
(124 ‫>( )ص‬Œ 3
‫ات‬-. ‫<ث إ‬Z (V P# o\•‡ ‫ ا ي‬A ‫ا‬
(132 ‫)ص‬
ً
(132 ‫ م )ص‬s‫( أر‬Z<Z W# ‫•ا‬#‫ر‬
(134 ‫ ن )ص‬EŠ‫ ˆ( إ‬APp ‫ح‬
(136 ‫<ت )ص‬:Q ‫ ل ا‬5># K)‫ر‬
–‡0 N IJ; ‫ م‬N aŸ ‫ ( ا‬Z ‫•د ن ا‬
(142 ‫ )ص‬µð2•
(143 ‫ )ص‬WA • ~2 ¢T‫ ا‬W# F ‫اؤ‬-n2
‫ ل )ص‬L#’ ] WE6 ‫ي‬-¢Ä ‫ح‬
(144
(145 ‫ )ص‬-#- ‫ ن ا‬9 - • ‫ﻩ‬0P)
(145 ‫ ( )ص‬2 s ‫اء‬-AV ‫وح‬-)
‰ P ‫ ا‬/ ‫وف ا ي " ن‬-Q ‫ا ! ا‬
(156‫ )ص‬BV 3‫ ر‬4#
(156 ‫ )ص‬... (v«Š
(156 ‫ •زرق )ص‬l— … ‫ راء‬Q ‫ ا‬F[-#
(156 ‫ )ص‬-¢£ ‫ ا‬ab‘ # 9 0 ‫ ا‬Æ ‫ا‬
(156 ‫ ¿ر )ص‬9 ‫> رة‬M#…
-A ‫ ’ ! ء ا‬B aŸ ‫ ( ا‬vT‫ ب ا‬:U ‫ا‬
(157 ‫)ص‬
KV‫ا‬-# ‫<ث‬Z IJ; (4ˆ-# ( >5 1# s

Laser-cut key (p. 200)
Its high-tech tooling (p. 200)
Long-stemmed Christian cross
(p.200)
164-foot-tall tribute (p. 202)
Glass-roofed train terminal (p.
203)
A full-fledged evacuation (p.
204)
Grille-plate medallions (p.
205)
Star-filled November sky (p.
207)
A gaping indoor-outdoor
cavern (p. 210)
All-night café ( p. 211)
It’s alcohol-based (p. 212)
Half-eaten power lunch (p.
224)
Equal-armed cruciform (p.
230)
Cave-ridden hills ( p. 232)
The peaceful, equal-armed
cross (p. 235)
243
(161 ‫)ص‬
(162 ‫ ¿ر )ص‬9 ‫( ا‬QŒŽ ->V ‫ ح‬5>#
(163 ‫ ( )ص‬B 5 ‫ ; ( ا‬/5 QBL#
‫( )ص‬9[ \ ‫ ق ا‬P ‫ ذو ا‬Æ P ‫ ~ ا‬9L ‫ا‬
(163
‫ }( و أر® و‬# ‫> ع‬N‫ ر‬... ‫ ري‬3 N ~L2
(164 ‫ )ص‬#0s ‫ ن‬5+
‫ )ص‬ì )• ‫ ا‬X P ‫\( ا \ رذات ا‬M#
(165
(166 ‫( )ص‬9# 3 ‫ ( )<ء‬9A;
‫ة )ص‬- 2 ‫ ت‬Bu ¿¡ (Eˆ‫•ر‬# p L#
(167
-168 ‫ م )ص‬B (2‫©’ا •دا‬A 2 ‫ ء‬A+
(169
‫ات‬-A# ‫ ذو‬o>Uˆ X[ N W; ‫ رة‬4; aâ
(171 ‫وج ) ص‬-vT‫ ل و ا‬609
(171 ‫ )ص‬K 9 ‫ ال ا‬8 ‰5> µâ #
‫ )ص‬j Mˆ ‫ س‬+‫ء ذو أ‬abc (M}‫ را‬l•‫إ‬
(173
(183 ‫ م ) ص‬Q\ ‫ ا‬WGÖ
(188 ‫ وي ا را; ن )ص‬P™ ‫ ~ ا‬9L ‫ا‬
‫ ف )ص‬U. ‫[( ذات ا‬-v¦ ‫ ب ا‬:U ‫ا‬
(189
‫ وي •ذرع )ص‬P™ ‫ ا‬F P ‫ ~ ا‬9L ‫ا‬
(192
The Depository Bank of Zurich
was a twenty-four-hour
Geldschrank Bank … (p. 240)
The gold Laser-pocked key (p.
241)
Dual-language greeting (p.
243)
High-tech world (p. 244)
Our first-time users … (p. 245)
Safety-deposit box ( p. 245)
A ten-digit account number (p.
251)
Double-axis transport system
(p. 258)
moulded heavy-duty handle (p.
259)
Five-petal rose (p. 260)
Doughnut-sized discs (p. 269)
Code-writing scheme (p. 272)
Ruby-faced Sir Leigh Teabing
(p. 308)
Historians still marvel at the
brilliance with which
Constantine converted The sun-
worshipping pagans into
Christianity (p. 314)
As the plane completed its 180- ... ()‫ در‬180 ([‫ة •او‬-} \ ‫ دارت ا‬#0B; ‫و‬
degree turn … (p. 439)
244
~ 9 (B[•6 0Q‡ á‫ دا‬9 ‫ ز[ رخ‬B ‫ ن‬3
) ... (; + W[-E; ‫ار•ر® و‬0# IJ;- 5#
(197 ‫ص‬
‫ ¿ر[( )ص‬9 ‫<م ا‬Z• ‫ ذو‬a´
‫ ح ا‬5> ‫ا‬
(198
(199 ‫ ن )ص‬5•9 ( M5 ‫ ب ا‬9+‫أ‬
‫ ( )ص‬Q ‫ ( ا‬B 5 ‫ † ذو ا‬0GT‫ ا‬F Q ‫ا‬
(200
(201 ‫ ) ص‬Ij‫ة •و‬-A9 U#0Y5P‡ W#
(201 ‫ )ص‬á‫( ا دا‬B[•6 ‫وق‬0Bx
‫ م ) ص‬s‫ة أر‬-E; W# X '# ‫ ب‬PV Fs‫ر‬
(206
(212 ‫•دوج )ص‬# ‫ ر‬M# ‫ك ذو‬-M5# ‫ م‬n2
(213 ‫( )ص‬9 Z (4 # (.P#
(213 ‫<ت )ص‬54 ‫ ( ا‬+ A6 ‫ا ردة‬
‫ ت )ص‬2‫و‬0 ‫( ا‬.Qˆ F¢å ‫ ت‬2‫\ ا‬+‫أ‬
(222
(224 ‫ ز )ص‬#- ‫ام ا‬0Y5+ ( 5. ‫ا‬
‫ ن‬A+ /)‫ ن ذو و‬3 °B • N ‫ ’=ي‬P
(255 ‫ ن )ص‬9 ‫ ا‬o€ s
‫ ن‬4¢¸5 ‫ ا م‬µŸV ‫ ن‬6‫و = زال ا 'ر‬
UQ4N‫ ا‬aŸ ‫[ ( ا‬-\ ‫ \ ن ا‬B\Ps ‫ ء‬3
Ij‫– إ‬AE ‫ دة ا‬4; W; ‫ ن‬Z ‫ ا‬K[ MN
(260 ‫ )ص‬.( M P ‫ ا‬W ‫ ق د‬B5;‫ا‬
(369 ‫)ص‬
The eighteenth-century English ‫ن‬- ‫ ا‬Ij‫ د إ‬Q‡ ‫ ¿ي ا ي‬9 2Ì ~N " ‫ا‬
writer
(p. 499) (418‫ )ص‬-E; W# … ‫ا‬

his oxygen-deprived brain (p. ‫ ن )ص‬¢«ˆ‫ •و‬/B; \ 2‫ ا ي ا‬/] #‫د‬

506)
(425
The orb-filled tomb (p. 527) (442 ‫ )ص‬/ ‫ات‬-. ‫ ا‬Ǹ€ ‫ ا ي‬‰[-: ‫ا‬

245
 The Quran Definite Article in Translation:
The Case of Citing Animals

Mohammed Farghal & Izzedin al-Zou'bi

Abstract
This paper examines the employment of the definite article in citing names
of animals in the Holy Quran and the way it is rendered by different Quran
translators. Despite the fact that the definite article is used generically to
refer to different kinds of animals, it is noted that the translators have
rendered it referentially rather than generically in several cases. Mainly,
the confusion arises from a semantic asymmetry. viz. the Arabic definite
article may be used generically with plural nouns, whereas a zero article
has to be employed in English. Further, it is shown that the definite article
is discourse-oriented whose interpretation depends on its context.

1. Introduction
The definite article in both English and Arabic is primarily employed to
define, determine, individualize, familiarize etc. Shared knowledge, part-
whole relationship, and previous mention constitute the main contexts
which discoursally call for the utilization of the definite article in both
languages. Being one of the most frequent elements in the language pair
(the in English and 'al- in Arabic), the definite article, as Hewson
(1972:131) argues, "affects a tremendous range of discourse". It also, due
to its pervasive presence in language, correlates with general competence
in other language skills. Oller and Redding (1971:93) hold the view that
‘'the learning of article usage goes hand-in-hand with the development of
overall proficiency". Therefore, articles in general and the definite article
in particular are expected to pose serious problems in foreign language
learning. For example, Al Johani (1983:1), while making specific reference
to English, states that, "the articles in English have always been a source of
difficulty, especially for the foreign learner of the language".
Translation activity, it may be argued, is an advanced application of
foreign language learning, where an adequate degree of bilingual and
bicultural competence is presupposed. This translation competence
functions as the touchstone in transferring meaning as encapsulated in
textual material between any two languages (Catford 1964; Nida 1965;
Newmark 1988; baker 1992; Farghal 2012; Farghal and Almanna 2015).
The replacement of textual material in the SL with appropriate textual
material in the TL involves decision-making at the levels of phonology,

246
morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, discourse, and culture (for
more details, see Farghal 2012). One should note that these levels are
interrelated and that there is no rigid one-to-one correspondence between
languages.
As a consequence, languages may utilize different resources in
realizing meaning. For instance, what is achieved morphologically in one
language, e.g. negotiable in English, is realized lexically in Arabic, viz.
‫> وض‬5 ‫ ا‬K s (may be negotiated) in Arabic or, vice-versa, what is achieved
morphologically in Arabic, e.g. ‫ ن‬N 5 is realized lexically in English viz.
two girls.
Being a discourse-oriented grammatical marker, the definite article
may constitute a problematic area in translation between Arabic and
English. While both languages may employ the definite article referentially
as well as generically in descriptions whose head is a singular common
noun, only Arabic may utilize the definite article referentially as well as
generically in descriptions whose head is a plural common noun. That is,
English, while exclusively employing the definite article referentially in
descriptions whose head is a plural common noun, has recourse to the zero
article for realizing the generic use in such cases. By way of illustration,
consider the following examples:

1. a) ‫>¡’س‬# ‫ ان‬V 0+•

The lion is a ferocious animal.
b) (+’¡># ‫ ت‬2‫ ا‬V ‫ د‬+•
Lions are ferocious animals.

2. a) The lion is a ferocious animal.

b) Lions are ferocious animals.
c) *The lions are ferocious animals.

The Arabic sentences in (1a and 1b) exhibit the generic use, and so
do the English sentences in (2a and 2b). By contrast, the English sentence
in (1c) cannot be interpreted as referring to the entire class of lions, hence
its ill-formedness insofar as the generic use is concerned. Further, English
may utilize the indefinite article for realizing the generic use while Arabic
may not, as can be illustrated below (for more details, see Farghal and
Shunnaq 2011:65-71):

247
3. a) A lion is a ferocious animal.
b) ‫>¡’س‬# ‫ ان‬V 0+•
The lion is a ferocious animal or A lion is a ferocious animal

The asymmetries between Arabic and English in the use of articles

constitute grammatical voids (for more on this, see Farghal and Shunnaq
1998). In particular, the non-correspondence between the generic use
involving the definite article plus a plural common noun in Arabic, and the
non-generic use featuring the definite article plus a plural common noun in
English, is expected to cause difficulty in translation, even to the most
professional translators, with the Quran translation being no exception. In
the case of Quran translation, this mishap may be due to the fact that
translators lack native intuitions about article usage, whether this be in
Arabic when the translator is not a native Arabic speaker or in English
when he/she is not a native English speaker, or in both when he/she is not a
native speaker of either language. Consequently, and due to paying optimal
attention to form, translators sometimes fall victim to transferring the
article when no such correspondence exists. Thus, as Neubert and Shreve
(1992:113) argue, "Grammar does more than serve as a structural vehicle
for associating words in sentences. Grammatical structures can also serve
semantic functions by indicating important relations". With this in mind,
one-to-one formal correspondence should be replaced with one-to-many or
many-to-one in translation activity whereby, according Ivir (1981:55), "a
given formal element of the source language, used in different texts
produced in different communicative situations, will have several target
language formal elements which will correspond to it in translated texts".
In this way, one needs to distinguish between a translation correspondent
and a translation equivalent (Koller 1979/1989).

2. The Data
The present study examines the definite article in Quran translation with
reference to the citation of animal names. For this purpose, a select sample
of translations of Quranic verses involving animal names will be used. The
examples will be drawn from three translations by Mohammed Taqiydin
al-Hilali and Mohammed Muhsen Khan (1993), Sheikh Izziddin al-Hayek
(1996), and Abdullah Yusif Ali (1964), with an eye to critically evaluating
them in terms of definiteness.
To get started, let us consider the Quranic verse in (4) along with its
translations in (5) below:

248
 َ ‫ﱠ‬ َ َ َ َ ْ ‫ﱠ‬ َ ُ َ
‫و َن‬0ُ 5َ Uْ ُ /‫ ُـ‬9 ‫ َء ا‬Œَ ‫ِإن‬ 2‫ َوِإ ﱠ‬Bَ ْ 9;َ /َ َ E€ -َ 4َ ‫ ِ˜ َ ِإ ﱠن ا‬#َ Bَ ‫ ِّ ن‬4َ ُ َ ¥‫ َرﱠ‬Bَ ‫ ا ْاد ُع‬s .4
(70 – ‫ة‬- 4 ‫)ا‬

5. a) "They said, ‘Call upon your Lord for us to make plain to us what is it.
Verily to us all cows are alike, And surely, if Allah wills, we will be
guided'". (al-Hilali and Khan)

b) "They said, ‘Call upon your Lord to tell us what sort of cow she
should be; because all the cows look alike to us. We hope to be
guided if Allah wills'". (al-Hayek)

Looking at the two translations, it can be readily seen that the

generic animal citation in the Quranic verse is correctly rendered by al-
Hilali and Khan but erroneously by al-Hayek. The Quranic verse makes
reference to all members of the class (i.e. cows in general), and so does al-
Hilali and Khan’s translation. However, al-Hayek’s translation incorrectly
refers to a specific group of cows by employing the English definite article
before a plural common noun, a use which is referential in English (except
with provincial terms, e.g. the Americans, the Iraqis, etc.). This non-
correspondence between the definite article when modifying a plural
common noun in the two languages seems to account for most of the
problems in translating Quranic definiteness into English. In other words,
in cases like these, syntactic definiteness does not coincide with semantic
definiteness in Arabic, whereas it does in comparable cases in English.
Below is another illustrative example exhibiting the same kind of problem:
ُ َ ْ َ َ‫ََْ ُ ﱡ َ َ َ ْ َ َ َ َ ْ ُ ﱠ َ َ ﱠ َ َ َ ﱠ َ َ ﱡ َ ﱠ‬ ْ ََ
‫ ا‬2 3‫ َ© ُ’وا َو‬.5َ +ْ ‫< ٍت‬L># ‫م آ ٍت‬0 ‫> ِدع وا‬: ‫ وا‬KA ‫اد وا‬-¢T‫ ا \ ن وا‬Flِ ß9; Bَ 9+َ ‫ ْر‬Ž .6
َ
(133 – ‫اف‬-;•) ‫ َن‬#ِ -ِ ْ #‫ ﱡ‬#ً ْ s

7. a) "So We sent on them: the flood, the locusts, the lice, the frogs, and the
blood (as succession of manifest signs), yet they remained arrogant,
and they were of those people who were Mujrimun (criminals,
polytheists, sinners etc)". (al-Hilali and Khan)

b) "So We sent down on them the flood, the locusts, the vermins, the
frogs and the blood; these were clear miracles, but they were arrogant
and guilty people." (al-Hayek)

249
 c) "So We sent (plagues) on them: wholesome Death, Locusts, Lice,
Frogs, and Blood Signs openly self-explained: but they were steeped
in arrogance, a people given to sin". (Ali)

Among the translations in (7), only Ali’s translation in (7c) renders

the generic animal names in the Quranic verse correctly by employing the
zero article in English. Both al-Hilali & Khan’s and al-Hayek’s renditions
relay the syntactically but not semantically definite Arabic nouns as both
syntactically and semantically definite in English, thus confusing syntactic
definiteness with semantic definiteness.
In some cases, a pseudo-correspondence may occur between the
generic use of the Arabic definite article when it is followed by a singular
common noun and the referential use of the English definite article when a
singular common noun comes after it. This pseudo-correspondence results
from the fact that the generic scope of the definite article modifying a
singular noun in Arabic is wider than that of its English counterpart. By
way of illustration, consider the examples in (8) and (9) below:
‫ ٌي‬-ّ ‫ ٌان‬V 4: ‫ أ( ا‬.8
ُ 4: ‫ ا‬/93‫ب( أ‬
9. a) The hyena is a wild animal.
b) The hyena ate him.

While (8a) and (9a) are equally interpreted generically because they
make general statements about the entire class of hyenas, (8b), unlike (9b),
has the potentiality of being interpreted generically, in which case it
functionally corresponds to ‘A hyena ate him,’ rather than (9b). It should
be noted that the English sentence ‘A hyena ate him’ may be interpreted
both referentially and generically, given the appropriate context just like
the Arabic sentence in (8b).
This area of pseudo-correspondence has apparently caused serious
problems to some translators of the Holy Quran. The example in (10) along
with its translations in (11) is only illustrative:
ّْ ََََ َ ُ ُ َ ْ ََ ُ َ ْ َ َْ َ َ َ َ ُ َ
~ُ } ِ ‫ ا‬/ُ 93Ž Bَ ;ِ 5َ #َ 0B
َ ;X
ِ + Bˆ-َ N‫ و‬74ِ ™PŠ B4 ‫ذ‬ 2‫ ِإ ﱠ‬2 َ ‫ ا َ أ‬s .10
َ B‫ َو َ ْ ُˆ ﱠ‬Bَ ‫ﱠ‬ ْ َ َ ََ
(17 – X+ ) ‫ َن‬sِ ‫ ِد‬x Wٍ #ِ 'Aُ ِ 12 ‫ أ‬#‫و‬

11. a) "They said, ‘O our father! We went racing with one another, and left
Joseph by our belongings and a wolf devoured him, but you will

250
 never believe us even when we speak the truth'". (al-Hilali and
Khan)

b) "They said, ‘O our father! We went racing with one another, and we
left Yusuf by our things, so the wolf ate him. But you will never
believe us even when we are telling the truth'". (al- Hayek)

c) "They said, ‘O our father: We went racing with one another, and left
Joseph with our things, and the wolf devoured him… But thou wilt
never believe us even though we tell the truth'". (Ali)

As can be noted, al-Hayek and Ali in (11b) and (11c) respectively

render the generic animal citation, i.e. ~} ‫ ا‬by a referential citation, i.e.
the wolf. By doing so, they communicate the message that Joseph was
eaten by one particular wolf, but, actually, the intended meaning of the
Quranic verse is that Joseph was eaten by one particular species, i.e.
wolves, rather one specific member of the species. The intended meaning
is correctly captured by al-Hilali and Khan (11a), whose rendition of the
Quranic animal citation can be interpreted generically in this context, that
is, it refers to any wolf as a representative of the members of the entire
class.
Finally, let us cite a situation where the English definite article
modifying a singular noun may be correctly employed as an alternative to
the generic zero article when relaying a generic Quranic citation, as can be
illustrated in (12) and (13) below:
َْ َ ْ ُ ُ ‫ََ ﱠ‬
Bَ #ْ -‫ ﱠ‬Vَ Fِ Bَ • ‫ َوا‬-ِ 4َ ‫ ا‬Wَ #ِ ‫ َو‬-ٍ >ُ r ‫ ِذي‬K‫ ﱠ‬3 Bَ #ْ -‫ ﱠ‬Vَ ‫ َ ُدوا‬Wَ ِ ‫ ا‬IJ;‫و‬ .12
َ َ ْ َ ْ َ ُ َ ‫ﱠ‬ ُ َ
‚95َ 6‫ ا‬#َ ‫ َ ا َ أ ْو‬Gَ T‫ أ ِو ا‬Aَ ُ ‫ ُر‬Uُ r 1ْ 9Aَ Vَ #َ =‫ ِإ‬Aَ Uُ #َ Gُ Î Fْ lِ ßْ 9;َ
َ ُ َ َ ‫َ ْ َٰ َ َ َ ْ َ ُ َ ْ ْ َ ﱠ‬
(146 ‫ م‬QŠ•) ‫ ن‬s‫ ِد‬L 2‫ وِإ‬Flِ ßِ •4 ِ F B[•) ِ ‫ ذ‬Fٍ nQpِ

13. a) "To those who are Jews We forbade every animal with claws and of
the oxen and the sheep We forbade unto them the fat thereof, save
what is upon the backs or the entrails, or what is mixed up with the
bone, this is recompense for their willful disobedience, and what
they say is quite truthful". (al-Hayek)

(13b) "For those who followed the Jewish Law, We forbade every (animal)
with undivided hoof, and We forbade them that fat of the ox and the

251
 sheep, except what adheres to their backs or their entrails, or is
mixed up with a bone; this is recompense for their willful
disobedience: for We are true (in our ordinances)". (Ali)

While Ali succeeds in rendering the Quranic animal citation by

generic English expressions, viz. the ox and the sheep, al-Hayek, as is
often the case in Quranic translation, mistakenly employs the definite
article instead of the zero article in modifying generic plural nouns in
English. This being the case, the animal citation in the context at hand
involves one-to-two correspondence between Arabic and English, that is,
the generic Arabic animal names - 4 ‫ ا‬and FB• ‫ ا‬may instantiate two
workable equivalents in English, viz. oxen and sheep, and the ox and the
sheep, respectively.

3. Conclusion
This paper has examined the citation of animal names as a paradigm
example of reference in Quranic discourse and translation, with an eye to
checking the translator’s awareness of the syntactic versus semantic
definiteness or the generic versus referential use of the Arabic definite
article and its correct counterparts in some English translations of the Holy
Quran. It becomes clear from the sample data used that these translators
have no consistent understanding and/or policy in dealing with the Arabic
definite article in translation. In fact, we find the same translator(s)
capturing the generic use in one Quranic context but missing it in another
comparable context. For example, al-Hilali and Khan succeed in relaying
the generic function in (2a) but they fail to do this in (4a) above.
The etiology of the translators’ confusion has been shown to be
twofold. Firstly, and most importantly, there is the non-equivalence
between the employment of the Arabic definite article generically in
modifying plural common nouns and the employment of the English
definite article referentially in comparable cases. This is a context where
equivalence exists between the Arabic definite article and the English zero
article. Such a subtle mismatch accounts for the bulk of mishaps in the
translation of Quranic definiteness. Secondly, and also importantly, there is
the pseudo-equivalence in some cases between the use of the Arabic
definite article modifying a singular common noun generically and the
employment of its English counterpart referentially. In such cases, English
would use the indefinite rather than the definite article generically
(examples in (11) above).

252
 Finally, the feature of definiteness in language must be viewed as a
discourse-oriented feature whose true value is to be sought in the context
of situation rather than in decontextualized formal correspondents. With
this in mind, one-to-many, many-to-one, many-to-many correspondence
between languages becomes the rule, while one-to-one correspondence is
relegated to the exception. Only then will translation function as an
effective act of communication.

253
 The Translatability of Technical Terms in Islamic Court
Documents from Arabic into English: A Case Study

Mohammad Farghal & Abdullah Shunnaq

Abstract
The present paper substantiates the argument that student translators need
special training in legal-religious terminology before they are expected to
produce working translations of Arabic-Islamic documents. The results are
based on a pilot case study on Yarmouk Students enrolling in translation
courses and/or programs as its subjects. The subjects demonstrated a
very low standard of competence in translating Arabic-Islamic legal terms, a
fact that stresses the importance of introducing training in various
terminologies. Further, the study argues that technical training should be
firmly based on the availability of a workable general language
competence in candidates. It also shows that the more technical and
register-specific the term is, the more problematic it will be, and vice versa.
In particular, special attention should be paid to the translatability of Arabic
culture-bound religious terms and the various procedures that should be
considered when translating such terms into English.

1. Introduction
Translation in general and legal translation in particular are at best a
demanding task, especially from languages remote linguistically and
ethnically as Arabic and English. In religious translation, the
difficulties are even more serious when the translation process takes
place from Arabic into English. Shammaa (1978: 86) writes, "...
the translation into Arabic of texts or stories with some Christian
references finds a culturally receptive environment, and the translated
texts fit fairly easily into the conceptual pattern of the average Arab
reader. On the other hand, Christianity does not recognize Islam as a
divine religion".
In translating religious texts, it is necessary that the translator
possess a depth of knowledge of the two languages, together with a full
understanding of Islamic terminology and ideology, which are almost
unlikely to be found in a single person. Thus, the translator of
Arabic Islamic documents needs to seek the help of scholars of Islam
and consult references of Islamic religion. Ilyas (1989: 89) believes
that "translating religious texts requires an additional consideration to be

254
respected besides those associated with literary translation, i.e. sanctity of
the text".
It is true to state that religions play a significant role in
languages. Christianity had greatly influenced the English
language in M ed i eval ti mes, but s u ch an infl u en ce has
tremendously abated presently. Islam had an even greater impact on the
Arabic Language, and such an impact is still operating at full speed.
Barouki (1985: 110) eloquently argues that "Not only in public but also
in his privacy the Arab unceasingly invokes the name of God to reign
over his actions. God, in Islam, is everything; He is not a dogma but
an ideal and a regulative force of life. He is in matter of everyday life
as much as He is in the spirit”. The far-reaching influence of Islam
on the Arabic l a n g u a g e a n d i t s s u b s e q u e n t e f f e c t s a n d
complications in interlingual communication between Arabic and
English can be easily felt in areas such as formulaic expressions
(Piamenta, 1979), fatalism (Farghal, 1993), pragmareligious f a i l u r e
( F a r g h a l a n d B o r i n i , t h i s v o l u m e ) , a n d argumentation
(Hatim, 1991 and Farghal, 1997), among others.
It should be noted that English Christian terms are more
accommodated and used by native speakers of Arabic than Arabic
Islamic terms by n at i v e s p eak er s o f En g l i s h . I n ad di t i o n to
Christianity being the predecessor of Islam, this situation reflects an
ethno-historical fact as English was not the source language of Christian
texts but rather a later development that gave English a leading role in
Christian thought in Britain and subsequently in the United States, among
other nations. Arabic, by contrast, was the source language of Islamic
texts and was simultaneously akin, both culturally and linguistically, to
Sanskrit and Aramaic, in which the Old Testament was probably
written. Further, many Arab tribes have maintained Christianity after the
advent of Islam and until today, and consequently the Christian
discourse has never been alien to Arabic and its native speakers.
Hence, Christian terms such as 'Baptism', 'The Easter', 'Good Friday',
and 'The Holy spirit’ have their Arabic natural counterparts, viz. 'at-
ta c mid 0 AQ5 ‫ ا‬, c idu- l -fiṣḥi ª¦> ‫ ا‬0 ; , 'al-jumcatu-l-ca ðiimatu
(A nQ ‫( ا‬QA¢T‫ا‬, and 'ar-ruuḥu-l-qudus ‫س‬0 ‫وح ا‬- ‫ا‬, respectively. By
contrast, Islamic terms are either complete referential gaps (Rabin, 1958
and Dagut, 1984), where the Islamic concept is totally missing in Christian
thought such 'as-sujuud ‫ د‬¢« ‫( ا‬Prostration during prayer by Muslims) and

255
'aš-šahaadatayn ‫ ن‬N‫ د‬UE ‫( ا‬testifying to the oneness of Allah and the
prophethood of Mohammed, which is the first and most important pillar of
Islam), or partial referential gaps, where the Islamic concept is found
in Christianity but with a largely different content such as 'aṣ-ṣawm
‫ م‬L ‫( ا‬fasting), 'al-wuḍuu' ‫( ا ! ء‬making ablutions), and 'az-zakaat
(compulsory alms). Therefore, translating Arabic Islamic texts into
English can be much more challenging than translating English
Christian texts into Arabic as the former calls for more interpretation than
the latter so as to make the translated versions more comprehensible and
natural.
Quran translation is further complicated when the translator
attempts to render a key religious term that constitutes a complete
referential gap in English, i.e. the concept is totally missing in the
target culture. The concept of janaabah (when an adult Muslim has
semen/vagina fluid on him/her due to a sexual i n t er co u r s e, a
we t d r e a m, a n i n s t an c e o f masturbation, or any other imaginable
manner). This concept is so important in Islam that a Muslim cannot
perform many of his religious duties such as prayers in the event of
janaabah. By way of illustration, consider the following Quranic verse
in translation "If you are in a state of ceremonial impurity, bathe your
whole body". (Ali, 1946: 242). One would wonder how native speakers of
English could ever assign the correct translation to 'ceremonial impurity'
which, supposedly, stands for janabah in Arabic.
Legal discourse includes a wide variety of legal texts as the
internationally-oriented type of material produced by the United nations,
the European Community, and the Arab League, on the one hand, and the
more nationally-oriented legal material such as texts of Islamic
documents, civil judicial certificates, church documents, and
contracts, on the other.
Many scholars have dealt with legal discourse and problems of
legal translation (Bhatia 1983; Crystal 1965; Crystal and Davy 1985;
Danet 1980, 1983, 1984, and 1985; Farghal and Shunnaq 1992; Goodrich
1990; Groot de 1988; Hatim 1991; Hatim, Shunnaq, and Buckley 1994; Ivir
1991; Kelsen 1993; Lehto 1988; Rayar 1988, among others).
Crystal (1965: 134) discusses language and Christianity; he
writes, "Language has been an integral part of Christianity from the
beginning. Originally, the Catholic religion was a verbal message, which
came to be written down; first an oral, then a scriptural tradition".
Similarly, Crystal & Davy (1985) address themselves to the

256
language of religion. They (p. 171) argue that "The religious English is
formally very different from all other varieties of the language. It is
probably the most clearly marked variety of all, mainly because of its use
of archaism, and its ability to go to extremes, as with such structures
as Give us to drink of very thee,/ And we all pray shall answered be"
(hymn text).
For her part, Danet (1985) categorizes legal texts' features into
lexical, syntactic, prosodic, and discoursal. Similarly, and from a
translational perspective, Groot de (1988: 399-400) points out that
translating legal texts between languages that have a closely related legal
system may not raise extreme difficulties, whereas translating legal texts
from a language of a certain legal system into a language of a very
different legal system will be much more difficult.
Lehto (1988: 437) stresses the importance of the need for
standardization of concept equivalents in the field of law, pointing out
"In spite of the fact that legal concepts are very culture-bound, we could
even go so far as to a standardization of the English-language
equivalents of some of the core elements in e.g. the law of obligations.
It would lessen some of the worries of tomorrow's legal translators".
For his part, Rayar (1988: 451) believes that "The success of legal
translation, if one may indeed speak of 'success' in this context, depends
on the translator's ability to discern and analyze the problems of a legal
text. Without knowledge of law, he will not be able to appreciate legal
problems, whether they be of interpretation, of systematic classification, or
problems of comparative nature".
Similarly, Banqura (1993: 22) argues that the lack of linguistic
equivalence between the original Islamic concepts and their French
"Cognates" leads t o culturally misleading translations and
subsequently to many interpretive ambiguities. By the same token, Farghal
and Shunnaq (1992: 208) point out that "The translating of English legal
texts into Arabic involve many syntactic, layout and tenor problems that
should be attended to when engaging in this activity".
The present paper aims to highlight the semantico-cultural
and terminological problems that student translators of two Islamic
documents and six Islamic legal terms into English encounter and the
problematic re-encoding of Islamic legal discourse in the TL. It may be
argued that such problems are due to the large cultural differences between
Arabic and English, the absence of an English model to follow, and
idiomatic constraints on the use of the English level of technicality,
among others. However, if we insist on annexing Islamic cultural realities

257
into English, this certainly will subvert the authenticity and distinctiveness
of Islamic culture.

2. Procedure, Subjects, and Material

Three in-class translation tasks were given to Yarmouk University (YU)
students for the purpose of substantiating the claim that student
translators will find it difficult to process, understand, and then translate
Islamic documents into English without having received adequate
training in the field of legal translation.
There were three groups of subjects. Group (A) consisted of 55
teachers of English at government primary schools in Jordan who were
then studying for their BA in English in the faculty of Education at YU.
Group (B) comprised 52 BA students who were completing a course
requirement in translation in the English Department at YU and who came
from a variety of specializations, mainly English, Journalism, and
Economics. Finally, Group (C) consisted of 13 MA students
enrolled in the Translation program in the department of English at YU
who had already received their BA degrees from Jordanian and non-
Jordanian universities. None of these subjects had an adequate
background in Islamic Law, legal discourse, or legal translation.
As for the material, it consisted of a list of 6 Arabic-Islamic legal
expressions (Appendix 1) that was given to Group (A), a 135-word
Islamic document (Appendix 2) entitled hijjat nafaqat qaaṣiriin (¢Ä ّ
W[-x s ( >2 (certificate of maintenance of Legal Minors) was given to
Group (B), and finally a 111-word Islamic document (Appendix 3)
entitled waɵiiqat ṭalaaq baa'in qabl-ad-duxuul ‫ ل‬60 ‫ ا‬K4s W} ‫<ق‬8 ( Z‫و‬
(Certificate of Irrevocable Divorce before the consummation of Marriage)
was given to Group (C).
In order to check the appropriateness of the translations, the
subjects' output was compared and contrasted with what may be considered a
'Standard translation' produced by Hatim, Shunnaq and Buckley
(1994). In a few cases, however, very close synonyms were also considered
as adequate.

258
Table I: Legal Terms and Expressions "Appendix A" Translated by Group
A (55 subjects).

Arabic Suggested Adequate Inadequate

Express English Renderings
-ions Renderings Renderings No Translation
Given Total
No. % No. % No. % %
10 18.18 25 45.46 20
‫( إرث‬¢Ä certificate of
legacy
36.36 100
of Certificate
‫اء‬- ‫( إ‬¢Ä non-liability 14.54 17
30
54.56 100
8 30.9

‫ة‬0Q ‫ ا‬Legally 10 18.18 19 34.55 26 47.27 100

( ;-E ‫ ا‬prescribed
waiting
period
before
remarrying
(Q>E ‫ ا‬pre-emption 5 9 17 31 33 60
100
( =‫( و‬¢Ä Certificate of
custody 6 10.90 29 52.73 20 36.37 100

(Q)‫( ر‬¢Ä Certificate of 8 14.54 17 30.90 30 54.56 100

remarriage to
divorced wife

Table 2: Arabic Expressions in the Islamic Document ḥijjat nafaqat

qaaṣiriin (Certificate of Maintenance of Legal Minors)
"Appendix B" as Translated by Group B (52 subjects).

Arabic Suggested Adequate Inadeq No

Express English Renderings uate Translation Total
-ions Renderings Renderi Given
No. % No. % No. % %
abà s Chief Islamic
13 25 24 46.15 15 28.85 100
‫ة‬: ‫ا‬ Justice

259
 ( >2 Maintenance 3 5.77 29 55.77 20 38.46 100
of legal
W[-x s minors
legally
;-Œ X9" ‫ا‬ 6 11.54 16 30.77 30 57.69 100
capable
W ’©Y ‫ا‬ reliable 12 23.08 22 42.31 18 34.61 100
informants
‫ن‬s Z ‫ا‬
resolved,
<} s ‫ر‬-s 20 38.46 27 51.92 5 9.62 100
stating that
‫ ر‬3 ‫ ا‬aforementione 30 57.69 20 38.46 2 3.85 100
d
~9\‫ا‬ request, 20 38.46 22 42.31 10 19.23 100
statement
‫ر‬46À‫و‬ and
7 M5‫وا‬ verificatio
n
‫ا‬-[-MN done on - - 22 42.31 30 57.69 100

~N " ‫ا‬ Clerk 36 69.23 9 17.31 7 13.46 100

Table 3: Arabic Expressions in the Islamic Document waɵiiqat

ṭalaaqqabl-ad-duxul (Certificate of Irrevocable Divorce
before Consummation of Marriage/ Appendix C as
translated by Group C/ 13 subjects)

Arabic Suggested Adequate Inadequate No

Expressio English Renderings Renderings Translation
ns Renderings Given Total
No. % No. % No. % %
abà s Chief
Islamic 5 38.4 8 61.54 - - 100
‫ة‬: ‫ا‬ Justice
‫<ق‬8 irrevocable
1 7.69 12 92.31 - - 100
W} divorce

260
 voluntaril 3 23 10 76.92 - 100
Ë\ y and of
my own
‫ ري‬56‫وا‬ free will

Π0# 1P fully aware 1 7.69 11 84.62 1 7.69 - 100

‫م‬0; non- 2 15.3 8 61.38 3 23.24 100

consumm
‫ ل‬60 ‫ا‬ ation of
the
marriage
irrevocable 1 7.69 10 76.92 2 15.39 100
divorce of
‫<ق‬8 minor
W} degree
‫ ة‬9vT‫ا‬ a 5 38.5 7 53.85 1 7.69 100
husband
(M G¦ ‫ا‬ being
alone in
a closed
place
with his
wife

Table 4: Frequency of Adequate Renderings, Inadequate Renderings, and

No Translation Given for the Three Groups.

Adequate Inadequate No
Group Renderings Renderings Translation Total

No. % No. % No.Given% No. %

A 47 14.30 124 37.45 159 48.25 330 100
B 140 29.91 191 40.81 137 29.28 468 100
C 18 19.78 66 72.52 7 7.70 91 100

261
 Looking at (Table I and Table 4), it can be argued that the
subjects of Group A demonstrated a very low standard of competence
in translating Arabic-Islamic legal terms, viz. Adequate
renderings accounted for only 14.30%, while 37.45% and 48.25%
went for Inadequate renderings and No translation given, respectively.
This is hardly surprising despite the fact that the subjects of this group
are teachers of English (for a fuller account of the poor language
proficiency of the population to which the subjects belong, see Farghal
and Obeidat, 1995). To illustrate the subjects' lack of adequate language
competence in general and lexical competence in particular, renditions
like 'heritage document', 'inheritage certificate', and 'inheritor
certificate', among others were given for ḥijjat 'irɵ instead of the correct
rendition 'certificate of legacy/inheritance' and renditions such as
'certificate of non-obligation', 'unliable certificate', 'innocence
certifi cate', 'non-responsibility certificate', and 'no debt certificate',
among others were given for ḥijjat ' ibraa' 'instead of the correct
equivalent 'certificate of non-liability.' Further, these erroneous renditions
point to a major deficiency in the subjects' technical jargon.
Similarly, (Tables 2 and 4) show the low standard of
Group B subjects' competence in translating Arabic-Islamic legal
terms into English, viz. the percentage for Adequate renderings was
29.91% (which is much better than Group A's performance, but far from
being satisfactory) against 40.81% and 29.28% for Inadequate renderings
and No translating given, respectively. Further, Table 2 i n d i c at es t h at
t h e m o r e t e c h ni c al an d jargon-specific the item is, the more
challenging it is; and conversely, the less technical the item is, the less
challenging it is. By way of illustration, the closing Arabic legal formula
taḥriran fi was overwhelmingly rendered by the subjects as 'written on'
and 'edited on', which reflect the ordinary senses of the term rather than
the technical sense 'done on' or 'executed on'. By contrast, the term al-
maðkuur 'aforementioned/aforesaid' was successfully translated by
a good number of subjects, the percentage for Adequate renderings
being 57.69%, while the bulk of the other renderings went for
renditions such as 'mentioned', 'mentioned above', 'said above', 'named
earlier', and 'told before', which all fail the legal register, albeit some of
which are acceptable insofar as general English is concerned.
Surprisingly, the subjects of Group C (Tables 3 and 4) performed
worse than those of Group B, viz. Adequate renderings scored only 19.78%
for G r o u p C v s . 2 9 . 9 1 % f o r G r o u p B , despite the fact that
they were MA translation students. This reality points to the
262
deteriorating standard of English language competence in MA
translation students in general and the urgent need to rehabilitate
translation students in legal terminology in particular. For example, 11
out of the 13 subjects in this group rendered the Arabic legal term lastu
madhuušan 'fully aware/conscious/cognizant of' literally as 'not
surprised/ astonished/ shocked', thus ignoring the coherent flow of
discourse in question, a flow that rejects the literal rendition and calls for
a technical one. This serious problem, we believe, is attributed to
serious deficiency in language proficiency in general and the legal
register in particular. Further, the tendency to translate culture-
specific legal terms such as ṭalaaq baa' in 'irrevocable/irreversible
divorce' into general expressions that do not capture the intended
meaning like 'clear divorce', 'return divorce', permanent divorce',
and 'lasting divorce', among ot h ers d emo nst r at es t h e su bj ects '
l exi cal incompetence.
Overall, the results reflect the fact that most of the subjects
failed to translate the Arabic legal terms and expressions adequately. The
mistranslations may partially be ascribed to the oddity of the
technical lexis employed in Arabic-Islamic legal documents, as each
register has its own technical vocabulary or jargon. General language
competence in both SL and TL, however, remains a touchstone in the
process of translating any type of text, including legal discourse.
Finally, Table 4, besides showing the inadequacy of the
performance of the subjects belonging to the three groups,
indicates a descending order of the three groups' performance regarding
the 'No Translating Given' category, that is, this category accounted for
48.25%, 29.28%, and 7.70% for Groups A, B, and C, respectively. This
pattern suggests that the Monitor (Krashen, 1981) was so strong for
Groups A and B where English language competence is rather modest
that the members of these two groups preferred not to give translations
that involve erroneous or incorrect renditions. By contrast, the
members of Group C, being MA translation students and believing
themselves to possess workable competence in English, played down
the importance of the Monitor by giving as many renditions as
possible, of course, at the expense of accuracy. In a real-life
situation , it should be noted that, leaving many blank spaces in a finished
translation is probably the worst embarrassment a translator may encounter in
his/her professional life.

263
4. Conclusion

The present paper has shown beyond doubt that student translators at
YU are in dire need for upgrading their English language competence
in general and their legal terminology in particular. One should note that
the presence of working language competence is a necessary milieu for
any subsequent training in terminologies affiliating with different domains
of knowledge and professions. Therefore, embarking on training
students in legal terminology without first ensuring in them a workable
lexical competence is a shortsighted exercise in the best of worlds
because translation, after all, is an integrated undertaking whose
technical facet is firmly pegged to and dependent on existing general
language competence. The fact remains, however, that without
adequate training and exposure to specific terminologies, translation
practitioners and student translators alike will face serious problems when
dealing with technical materials. When language competence is
neutralized, lexical mishaps will mainly relate to registral failures
pertaining to formality, specificity, archaisms, and jargon idiosyncrasies.
In particular, training student translators in Arabic-Islamic
legal terms should highlight the existing cultural mismatches between
Arabic and English, and subsequently point out the various procedures
that may be considered, the most important of which are literal
translation, descriptive translation, lexical creation,
a p p r o x i m a t i o n , l o a n w o r d s , loan translations, deletion, and
addition (for more details, see Ivir, 1991).
It is worth noting that the present study suffers the limitation of
drawing conclusions based on the performance of subjects whose
general English language competence is questionable, let alone their
command of legal terminology. This, unfortunately, has diverted the
discussion from more subtle features of legal discourse that may
crop up in professional translations to more commonplace issues
relating to student translations. Hopefully, future research will examine
the translatability of Arabic-Islamic legal terms by sworn legal
translators in search of more a meti culous anal ysis and more
insightful arguments.

264
 Appendix A

‫( إرث‬¢Ä
‫اء‬- ‫( إ‬¢Ä
( ;-E ‫ة ا‬0Q ‫ا‬
(Q>E ‫ا‬
( =‫( و‬¢Ä
(Q)‫( ر‬¢Ä

Appendix B

‫ ة‬: ‫ ا‬abà s
( ;-E ‫ا‬...............(A.M#
/ / :Fs- ‫ا‬
([-¢õ 14 / / :½[‫ ر‬5 ‫ا‬
‫ م‬19 / / :7 ‫و‬

W[-x s ( >2 (¢Ä

Ë-E ‫ا‬............... abà s..................... 2‫ي أ‬0 ‫ د‬Q ‫ ا‬Ë-E ‫– ا‬9 ‫ا‬
.....................-x ‫ ا‬IJ; abö ‫ا‬/ j ‫ا‬.................. ;-Œ X9" ‫ا‬-:V
...........................................................................................
.......Fs‫; ( ر‬-E ‫ا‬............(A.M ‫ ا‬W; ‫ درة‬L ‫ا‬..................(¢Ä ~) A
.............. F ‫; و‬-Œ ‫> ن‬9" ‫ ا‬K4s W# / 9; X[-Q5 ‫ ا‬0Qp ‫و‬.............½[‫ ر‬N
.......................................................................................
........................-x ‫ }< إن ا‬s ‫ر‬-s ،F ‫ ر‬46‫ و إ‬Fl— ‫ ق‬Z ‫ ا‬W’©Y ‫ا‬
=‫و‬............ ‫ م‬5 ‫وق أ‬0Bx ‫ ال‬#‫أ‬.............‫ ل‬0) ..............‫ ر‬3 ‫ا‬
‫ رة‬3 ‫ا‬......‫ ال‬#‫> ( أ‬B9 (+ # () M ..... ‫ اﻩ و‬+.......... / ‫ رد‬#

265
 ‫و أ ‪ 0‬أ‪ s‬ا ‪ 46t /‬را ‪ W ’©Y‬ا ‪ 3‬ر[‪ W‬و ‪ ( >ˆ ( >2 ~98‬ل ‪...........‬و ;‪/ 9‬‬
‫و ‪ B‬ء ;‪ IJ‬ا \‪ ~9‬و ‪ 46À‬ر و ا ‪ W# 7 M5‬ا \‪-UŒ K3 ................. °94# 1!- ~9‬‬
‫‪................‬ا;‪ 45‬را ‪ N W#‬ر[‪ /Y‬أد‪ 2‬ﻩ و أ‪-#‬ت ‪ - 0#‬أ ‪ 5‬م‪ 0 ..................‬ا ‪ °94‬ا ‪ 3‬ر‬
‫ل‪ IJ; /s >2$.......‬ا ‪-Q .....................-x‬وف‪.‬‬

‫‪14 / /‬‬ ‫‪-[-MN‬ا‬

‫‪ 19‬م‬ ‫و‪/ / 7‬‬

‫‪ abà s‬ا ‪Ë-E‬‬ ‫ا " ‪~N‬‬

‫‪266‬‬
 Appendix C

‫ ة‬: ‫ ا‬abà s
( ;-E ‫ا‬...............(A.M#
/ / :Fs- ‫ا‬
([-¢õ 14 / / :½[‫ ر‬5 ‫ا‬
‫ م‬19 / / :7 ‫و‬
‫ ل‬60 ‫ ا‬K4s W} ‫<ق‬8 ( Z‫و‬
Ë-E ‫ا‬.......................... abà s.................... 2‫ي أ‬0 ‫ د‬Q ‫ ا‬Ë-E ‫– ا‬9 ‫ا‬
0Qp ‫و‬.................................................................. ;-Œ X9" ‫ي ا‬0 -:V
‫ر‬-s................................................... ;-Œ ‫> ن‬9" ‫ ا‬K4s W# / 9; X[-Q5 ‫ا‬
.......................................................................aŸ)‫<ق زو‬8 0[‫ أر‬až2‫ }< إ‬s
aŸ)‫ ل زو‬sŽ .( 9 Q ‫ اي ا‬s K# " 5A5# ‫ و‬Œ 0# 1P 2‫ ري و أ‬456‫ و ا‬Ë \
(B} ‫ة‬0V‫ ( وا‬98 ã "2 0 ; ‫ و‬aŸAL; W# 7 8 l— K56‫ أ‬F ‫ و‬K6‫ أد‬F aŸ ‫ رة ا‬3 ‫ا‬
. U• 94N ‫ و‬/9 ¢«€ ~98‫أ‬
‫ ة‬9vT‫ ل و ا‬60 ‫م ا‬0; ‫ و‬Al± ( )‫ ا •و‬74+ ( )‫ ا •و‬74+ B ‫ إ‬7 MN † V ‫و‬
(2 Bu W} ‫<ق‬8 /B# s‫ و‬/2‫ أ‬/5AU ‫ أ‬0 W[‫ ر‬3 ‫ ن ا‬-Q ‫ارﻩ و إ دة ا‬-st (M G¦ ‫ا‬
.‫ رة‬3 ‫ا‬............. /5)‫ زو‬IJ; ‫ى‬-•x
W# ‫ ءت‬Œ W# ‫¡¿وج‬N ‫ أن‬U ‫ و‬lß9; ‫ة‬0; = ‫ و‬W 0 0) -U# ‫ و‬0 Qp =‫ إ‬/ KMN = l•‫و أ‬
oŠ 2 s ‫ أو‬Ë-Œ Š # ‫ ذ‬W# BA F # ‫ ﻩ‬2‫ أد‬/Y[‫ ر‬N ‫ م‬W# ‫ را‬45;‫ ن •ˆ> ء ا‬A9P ‫ا‬
‫ ذ‬U• 94N ‫ر‬- N‫و‬

([-¢õ 14 / / ‫ا‬-[-MN
‫ م‬19 / / 7‫و‬
Ë-E ‫ ا‬abà s ~N " ‫ا‬

267
 Targeting Lexicon in Interpreting

Mohammad Farghal & Abdullah Shakir

Abstract
The present paper shows that student interpreters in the Master’s
Translation Program at Yarmouk University (Jordan) suffer serious
deficiencies in English language proficiency in general and lexical
competence in particular when interpreting from Arabic into English. The
results of the renditions by ten participants indicate that 70% of the
renderings of 8 lexical items in an Arabic newspaper editorial were
inappropriate. The inappropriate renderings are distributed as follows:
Related Renderings (32.5%), Inappropriate Paraphrases (13.75%), and
Misinterpretations (23.75). Clearly, the subjects’ insensitivity to both
subtle and obvious lexical relations has brought about terrible
consequences in their target language renditions. The appropriate
renderings comprised Target Renderings (25%) and Synonymous
Renderings (5%). Surprisingly, only a few subjects managed to access
synonymous renderings in the TL, despite the fact that the flexibility and
workability of this option make it so vital for capturing meaning
independently of lexical correspondence in interpreting. The findings
emphasize the need to cater for trainees’ lexical competence all through
training programs in order to enable them to cope successfully with this
important factor in their professional careers.

1. Introduction
Translating and interpreting aim to transfer the message/meaning of a
given text from the SL into the TL. Among others, Jakobson (1959), Nida
(1964; 1969; 1977), Newmark (1981) and De Waard and Nida (1986)
argue that translation seeks to substitute messages in one language for
messages in another. Therefore, it is the message that the interactants
should inspect at every phase in translating and interpreting, which is a
multi-faced process involving lexical, syntactic and pragmatic decisions on
the part of translators/interpreters. For instance, they may find themselves
obliged to reduce a source language metaphor to its communicative import
or what Frarghal (1993) calls Ideational Equivalence, because the target
language lacks an analogous figure of speech, or they may adopt a Cultural
Substitute (Larson 1984), or aim at Functional Equivalence (Kachru 1982
and De Waard and Nida 1984), or in some cases, they may settle for
268
Formal Equivalence (Catford 1965) at the risk of sounding unidiomatic in
the TL. Regardless of the type of equivalence opted for, the message of the
TL text remains the cornerstone and the point of reference in
communication.
The handling of lexis is the most conspicuous component of the
translating/interpreting process. In all likelihood, judging the difficulty of a
translating/interpreting task would most likely be assumed in accordance
with the lexical items it features. Therefore, lexis remains the key element
in comprehending the ST, and subsequent interlingual transfer of the
message. The translator/interpreter’s lexical competence consequently
constitutes the axis of the whole process. This competence must comprise
two complementary lexical parameters: paradigmatic relations and
syntagmatic relations. Paradigmatic relations, on the one hand, are abstract
entities which may be established independently of discourse, e.g.
synonyms, hyponyms, antonyms, and homophones. On the other hand,
syntagmatic relations are created between lexical items through the flow of
discourse. It should be noted that paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations
go hand in hand in lexis, and they sometimes intersect in multi-word units
(idioms and collocations).
In the discussion below, we distinguish between translating and
simultaneous interpreting. Firstly, the translator has access to the complete
text when translating, whereas the simultaneous interpreter can access only
the current unit of interpreting, e.g. the adjunct, the phrase or the entire
sentence. Levi (1967) argues that this makes the task of the simultaneous
interpreter more challenging and, adds Alexieva (1990), more creative.
Secondly, translators take time for pondering the translation units ranging
from individual lexical items to the entire discourse, while simultaneous
interpreters will have only few seconds for rendering the units in
interpreting. Consequently, interpreters must be quick-minded and quick-
tongued in order to optimize both paradigmatic and syntagmatic
repertoires. In the light of these differences, many scholars argue for
capturing the overall sense or message meaning rather than a chronological
progression in the rendition of language meaning in interpreting (Pergnier
1978; Seleskovitch 1978; Uhlenbeck 1978; Le Ny 1978, among others). Le
Ny (1978), for instance, points out that non-semantic information decays
more rapidly than semantic information, that is, the message is retained,
while the form is forgotten.
Shakir and Farghal (1992) investigated the performance of Master’s
student translators/interpreters with reference to a syntagmatic feature,
namely, collocations in political discourse. It was found that collocations

269
constitute a major problem for both student translators and student
interpreters. However, collocations pose a more serious problem for
student interpreters than for student translators, viz. the percentage of
erroneous renderings in interpreting was 66.8%, as opposed to 48.9% in
translating. In their endeavor to cope with collocations, the student
translators/ interpreters in that study resorted to a variety of strategies such
as reduction, synonymy, compensation, paraphrasing, and calquing. The
authors concluded that the translators’/interpreters’ knowledge of
paradigmatic relations should be coupled with a competent syntagmatic
repertoire in such a way as to functionalize and naturalize their
phraseologies.

2. The present study

The present study aims to investigate a paradigmatic feature, namely,
lexical specificity in student simultaneous interpreting. Lexical specificity
is defined as the ability to render lexical items in the SL with the same
degree of specificity in the TL. In simultaneous interpreting, lexical
specificity is so subtle that it could go unnoticed provided the output makes
sense in the TL. Thus the replacement of a lexical item in the SL with a
more general or a more specific one may work at the pragmatic/practical
level, but not at the theoretical/linguistic level, as it involves message
distortion. Lederer (1978) mentions two psychological processes of lexical
retrieval in interpreting: interpreting through primary meanings, that is,
using the lexical item that comes to mind first as an equivalent to the SL
word, and interpreting by the deliberate calling up of a specific lexical item
to match a given word. In Shakir and Farghal (1992), we state that the first
process is relevant to interpreting in its beginning stages and is sometimes
workable, whereas the second is linked with professional interpreters who
can perform at a high level of lexical specificity. In this way, lexical
specificity can be considered the yardstick for determining the interpreter’s
competence, i.e. the interpreter’s ability to render SL lexical items with the
same degree of specificity in the TL can be a reliable criterion for
evaluating interpreters.
The subjects of this study consisted of ten Master’s translation
students who had already completed most of the practical and theoretical
courses in the translating program at Yarmouk University (1992), Jordan,
and were sitting for the Comprehensive Examination which, among other
things, featured simultaneous interpreting. The material used was an
Arabic newspaper editorial about the Arabs’ attitude vis-a-vis the war in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was a hot issue at that time. The editorial

270
called for Arab solidarity with the Moslems of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The text was recorded as a part of the Comprehensive Examination by one
of us, and the subjects were asked to interpret it simultaneously into
English in the language laboratory.
For the purpose of this study, specific lexical items in the
interpreting task were separated and their renderings by the subjects were
studied for lexical specificity. These lexical items were distributed as
follows: three non-countable nouns (W# :N ‘solidarity’, ( 49P ‫‘ ا‬passivity’
and ‫ =ة‬4#< ‫‘ا‬indifference’); two countable nouns ((BM# ‘plight’ and F n#
‘injustices’); two verbs, (~ ŽN -Pu ‘to help instigate’ and ‫ن‬- ‘to couple’);
and finally an adjective ( abe# ‘marginal’).

3. Results and Discussion

The English renderings of the eight Arabic lexical items were examined
and classified according to the degree of lexical specificity exhibited by the
original text. For this purpose, the renderings were assigned to five
categories (discussed below): target renderings, synonymous renderings,
related renderings, inappropriate paraphrases, and misinterpretations. Since
only Target Renderings and Synonymous Renderings are considered
appropriate/correct, the data indicates that lexical specificity constitutes a
serious problem to our student interpreters: only 30% of the renderings
were appropriate/correct. Table 1 gives the distribution of the subjects’
renderings according to the categories used.

Table 1. Distribution of subjects’ renderings of the 8 lexical items.

Number %

Target Renderings 20 25.00

Synonymous renderings 4 5.00

Related renderings 26 32.50

Inappropriate paraphrases 11 13.75

271
 Misinterpretations 19 23.75

Total number of renderings 80 100.00

3.1 Target Renderings

Target renderings hit as it were “the bull’s eye” and comprise those lexical
items in the TL which correspond formally and functionally to their
counterparts in the SL and bear the same degree of lexical specificity.
Apart from referential/lexical gaps, lexical correspondence is so
conspicuous among human languages that an awareness of this is a key
denominator for competent translators in general and interpreters in
particular. Translators, however, can deal with it by leisurely consulting
reference books. By contrast, simultaneous interpreters are required to
cope with it on the spot.
The data shows that only 25% of the renderings featured lexical
correspondence. Most of them were restricted to two lexical items, namely,
W# :N ‘solidarity’ and abe# ‘marginal’: these two lexical items accounted
for 18.75% out of the 25%. We believe that the subjects’ good
performance on these two lexical items is due to their high frequency in
Arabic mass media.

3.2 Synonymous Renderings

One would expect that the inability to access target renderings in the TL
would spontaneously lead to access synonymous renderings, those
capturing the message independently of primary lexical correspondence.
Surprisingly, however, very few subjects managed to access synonymous
renderings, viz. only 5% of the renderings exhibited this feature. The
flexibility and workability of this option make it indispensable in
interpreting, for the message rather than the form should be the point of
reference for the interpreter. If for one reason or another the interpreter
fails to access the target lexical item in the TL, a synonym of that lexical
item must also be considered appropriate/correct. By way of illustration,
observe the synonymous renderings of abe# ‘marginal’ and ‫ن‬- ‘to
couple’ respectively in (1) below.

272
 1. a. ‘… and puts them [the Arabs] in a(n) [unimportant /secondary]
position.’
b. ‘… especially if some outsiders in the lines of rivals and
enemies want to [relate/associate] this indifference to/with …’

Cognitive and contextual synonyms in human language are

supposed to ease the interpreter’s job. In fact, it is the only practical
solution to the predicament of failing to capture the target lexical item
when interpreting. Accordingly, training prospective interpreters in this
particular area through engaging them in replacing key lexical items in
their renditions by synonyms would enhance their options in interpreting.
It is reasonable to assume that most subjects in this study were seriously
deficient in this respect.

3.3 Related renderings

The use of Related Renderings instead of Target and Synonymous
Renderings constitutes a major problem to the subjects: this procedure
accounted for 32.5% of the total number of renderings. The subjects’
renderings in this category fall within four subcategories: general terms,
polysemy, near-synonyms, and semantic field. Table 2 shows the
distribution of the subjects’ renditions within these subcategories.

Table 2. Distribution of subjects’ renderings within the Related

Renderings’ category.

Number %

General terms 9 34.62

Polysemy 7 26.92

Near-synonyms 5 19.23

Semantic field 5 19.23

273
 Total number of renderings 26 100.00

Table 2 shows that the subcategory with the highest percentage was
the subjects’ employment of TL general terms as renderings of SL specific
terms. In this context, it is useful to study the data below.

Figure 1
Correct Specific Term General Term
solidarity consideration
plight problem
plight issue
plight crisis

One should note that the use of a general term for a specific one in
Figure 1 above weakens the message and depletes the SL lexical item of its
inherent emotiveness. For instance, there is an inbuilt sense of empathy,
sympathy and identification in the lexical item ‘plight’, whereas no such
linkages can be established in the cases of ‘problem’, ‘issue’, and ‘crisis’,
which are all neutral. Despite the fact that the replacement of a SL specific
term by a TL general and neutral term has serious consequences, the
audience would in most cases accept the message embedded in the TL
version at face value, because they have no access to the original message.
Consequently, technical monitoring of simultaneous interpreting should
ascertain that such instances are located and subsequently eliminated.
The use of unfitting Polysemous Renderings instead of Target and
Synonymous renderings came second, viz. 26.92% of the renderings in this
category is related to polysemy. The Polysemous Renderings were
exclusively given for the Arabic lexical item ( 49P ‫' ا‬passivity', which is
polysemous between ‘negativity’ and ‘passivity’ depending on the context.
The context here requires ‘passivity’ rather than ‘negativity’. However, the
majority of the subjects (nine out of ten) misinterpreted it. Seven gave
‘negativity’ or ‘negativeness’, while two gave irrelevant renderings,
namely, ‘humiliation’ and ‘picture’. Apparently, the subjects were
insensitive to the context, thus interpreting the lexical item in question
through primary sense (using the lexical item that comes to mind first)

274
rather than through the deliberate calling up of a specific lexical item to
match the given word.
Further, Table 2 shows that 19.23% of the renderings within this
category erroneously utilized Near-synonyms.

Figure 2
Correct Target Renderings Near-synonyms
indifference carelessness
to couple to refer
to couple to combine

Near-synonyms are lexically related to the target renderings by partial

synonymy rather than by lexical correspondence and/or synonymy and,
therefore, they fail to transfer the intended message. The interpreter’s use
of near-synonymy is indicative of lexical immaturity, which calls for
considerable remedial work in the TL in general and in lexical relations in
particular.
Lastly, Table 2 indicates that 19.23% of the renderings within this
category exhibited a vague lexical linkage with the target and/or
synonymous renderings via semantic field. The data are shown in figure 3:

Figure 3
Correct Target Renderings Related Renderings
injustices torture
injustices crisis
injustices oppression
marginal trivial

Based on the output above, student/prospective interpreters should receive

intensive training in lexical relations before they are entrusted with
interpreting tasks. The failure to cope with subtle relations among lexical
items in the TL and SL may reflect adversely on interpreting, and the
inability to deal with clear relations among words unquestionably leads to
distorted and deviant TL output.

275
3.4 Inappropriate paraphrase
Paraphrasing is a recurrent procedure in immature translating and
interpreting whereby translators/interpreters make an attempt to maintain
communication (Farghal and Obeidat 1994; Shakir and Farghal 1992,
among others). While discussing paraphrasing in translating and
interpreting of Arabic collocations by student translators/interpreters,
Shakir and Farghal (1992: 240) write that “… heavy reliance on
[paraphrasing] will certainly impair the naturalness of communication and
discourse flow”. In the present study, paraphrasing emerged as a noticeable
procedure, viz. 13.75% of all renditions featured inappropriate paraphrases,
as can be illustrated in Figure 4 below:

Figure 4
Target Renderings Inappropriate Paraphrases
injustices unjust of others
helps instigate makes some opposition
helps instigate makes it easy to urge
helps instigate leads to make the people

To illustrate paraphrasing, the correct target rendering of (6) below

can be compared with the inappropriate paraphrases of (7) as phrased out
by the subjects in the TL.

6.“… thus helping instigate sectors of the public opinion against us

…”
7. a. “… which makes some opposition against us …”
b. “… and which expand some of the public views against us …”
c. “… that makes it easy for the public opinion to be against us
…”
d. “… and it makes the public order to be against us …”
e. “… and that leads to make the people against us …”

Obviously, the paraphrases of (7) above distort, or at least obscure, the

intended meaning of (6) above.

3.5 Misinterpretations
Misinterpretations are the hallmark of incompetent interpreters; in this
study they constituted 23.75% of the total number of renderings. Coupled
with other weaknesses, this points to the low standard of interpreting by
276
Yarmouk Master’s students. A representative sample is given in Figure 5
below:

Figure 5
Correct Target Renderings Misinterpretations
passivity humiliation
passivity picture
indifference action
indifference attitude
indifference enmity
injustices opposition
to couple to compare

A particularly interesting misinterpretation can be noted in the

rendering of the Arabic verb ‫ن‬- [‘to couple’] because of its phonological
similarity with another Arabic verb ‫‘[ رن‬to compare’]. Five out of the ten
students rendered it as ‘to compare’ rather than ‘to couple’ or another
synonym in the TL. This is surprising as the subjects should have used the
context to immediately rule out this misinterpretation. However, they
based their rendition on non-semantic information, that is, phonological
properties, which are supposed to decay faster than semantic information.

4. Conclusion and implications

Although the number of students in the study is small, it seems fair to
conclude that student interpreters (at least at the Master’s level) at
Yarmouk University are still in need of remedial work to improve their
English language proficiency in general and their lexical competence in
particular. In fact, the subjects’ insensitivity to both clear and subtle lexical
relations has negative consequences in terms of interpreting.
The discussion has shown that most of the students’ renditions
demonstrated weakness at two levels: the linguistic and the cognitive. At
the linguistic level, the students’ access to target equivalents has been
impeded by a limited repertoire of relevant English expressions,
collocations, and lexical items. The students’ attempts to convey the
intended message made these English versions incompatible with the ST.
Incompatibility is due to loosely selected lexical items which do not host
the componential senses incorporated in the source items.

277
 At the cognitive level, the student interpreters failed to envision the
background that motivated the deliberate choice of the source lexical
items. An item such as (BM# ‘plight’ needs to be viewed within the
framework of the discourse in which it occurs in order for it to be
appropriately interpreted. In this framework (a Moslem Arab writer writing
to Moslem Arab readers about the ‘plight’ of Bosnian Moslems), the
emotive overtones accorded to the word make up its meaning. Failure to
capture such overtones is, in other words, unawareness of the religious,
historical and emotional make-up of the word. Rendering (BM# as
‘problem’ or ‘issue’ is an unfair handling of the word by discharging it of
its emotive power. Neutralizing emotive lexical items renders interlingual
transfer ineffective. The choice and deployment of key lexical items in a
text usually emanate from and are evoked by schematic knowledge which
is shared by the writer and his audience. The meanings of such items
derive from interaction between contextual and textual elements. Failure
on the part of the interpreter to perceive how and where such elements
intersect in the text yields incoherent transfer.
It could, therefore, be argued that quick-tongueness alone is no
warrant to coherent interpreting. Though highly significant, quick-
tongueness needs to be coupled with awareness of how textual and
contextual elements interact and develop, with other items in the text, to
uncover the network of relationships that determine the meanings of key
lexical items which, in their turn, determine the identity and function of the
text they occur in. To realize this, interpreter courses must be based on a
solid foundation of prerequisite courses dealing with semantics and
discourse analysis. Courses in semantics must provide intensive orientation
in lexical relations.
The main weakness, it seems to us, consists in a confusion between
language courses and interpreting courses. This ought not to be the case:
high language proficiency in both SL and TL should be taken for granted
in participants of interpreting courses from the beginning. This condition is
hardly met in student interpreters at Yarmouk University, a fact which calls
for intensive language training in order to secure workable language
competence.
The study also indicates that trainee interpreters should be
extensively exposed to paradigmatic lexical relations. In particular, lexical
correspondence ought to be highlighted as an important interlingual
principle in interpreting courses. Trainee interpreters should be taught that
although chunks of lexical items in different languages may feature several

278
lexical and referential voids (Dagut 1981), they still cover well-defined
lexical correspondences between languages. Consequently, the mastery of
lexical correspondence may constitute a significant pointer as to the
standard of interpreting.
The situation described and the proposals set forth in this study
may well apply to graduate translation programs at Arab universities in
particular and in other parts of the world in general where the language
pairs may be different. There are similarities insofar as graduate translation
students join university (at Arab universities in particular) in the mistaken
belief that their language competence and bicultural awareness are up to
high-standard interpreting. This is a problem which calls for national
solutions that are dovetailed to national settings. In the context of research,
this approach can be used for demonstrating weaknesses in one student
body. But it can also demonstrate the crucial importance of mastery of
lexicon and the appropriate terms for interpreters in general.

279
 References

Abdel-Fattah, M. (2005). On the Translation of Modals from English into

Arabic and Vice Versa: The Case of Deontic Modality. Babel, 51(1), 31-
48.

Abdel-Hafiz, A. (2003). Pragmatic and Linguistic Problems in Translating

Naguib Mahfouz. Babel 49(3): 229-252.

Abd Rabu, S. (2004). shiifrat da vinshi. Beirut: Arab Scientific Publishers.

Abdulsalam, M. (2008). laylalat al-tanabbu' (trans. of Oracle Night). Ibdaat

Alamiyah 370. (Kuwait)

Abed, K. (2010). ‫ ن‬A9+ 0 P ‫ ا‬j . Translated by Eric Winkel (2010;

bilingual edition) as 'Nights of Mr Salman'. London: Sayyab Books Ltd.

Abrams, M. (1993). A Glossary of Literary Terms. London: Harcourt

Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.

Adams, H. (1987). Titles, titling, and entitlement to. Journal of Aesthetics

and Art Criticism 46: 7-21.

Al-Ashoor, A. (2009). The Translation of Modality from English into

Arabic. Tikrit University Journal for Humanities 16(5): 50-70.

Alexander, R. (1978). Fixed Expressions in English: A Linguistic,

Psycholinguistic and Dialectic Study. Anglistik und Englischunterricht 6:
171-181.

Alexieva, B. (1990). Creativity in Simultaneous Interpretation. Babel 36:

1-6

Al-Hamly, M. and Farghal, M. (2013). English Reduced Lexical Forms in

Arabic Scientific Translation: A Case Study. Jordan Journal of Modern
Languages and Literature 5(1): 1-18.

Al-Hayek, S. (1996). The Honorable Qur’an in the English Language: An

Approximate, Plain and Straightforward Translation. Beirut: Dar al-Fikr.

280
Al-Hilali, M. and Khan, M. (1993). The Noble Qur’an in the english
Language: A Summarized Version of al-Tabari, al-Qurtubi, and Ibn Kathir.
Riyadh: Maktabat Dar al-Salam.

Ali, A. Y. (1934/2006). The Meaning of the Glorious Quran. Vol. 1, Beirut

and Cairo: Dar Al-Kitab al-Lubnani wa Dar Al-Kitab Al-Masri.

Al-Johani, M. (1983). English and Arabic Articles: A Contrastive Analysis

in Definiteness and Indefiniteness. PhD dissertation, Indiana University,
Bloomington.

Allen, G. (2000). Intertextuality. London: Routledge.

Al-Manea, N. (1962). ghasbi al-'adhiim F nQ ‫ ا‬a´+ ] 'The Great Gatsby'

(trans). Baghdad: Franklin.

Almanna, A. (2013). Quality in the Translation of Narrative Fictional

Texts from Arabic into English for the Purposes of Publication: Towards a
Systematic Approach to (Self-) assessing the Translation Process,
unpublished PhD thesis: University of Durham.

Almanna, A. (2014). Translation Theories Exemplified from Cicero to

Pierre Bourdieu. Germany: Lincom Europa.

Al-Maleh, L. and Farghal M. (2004). Narrating Kuwait: A Collection of

Kuwaiti Short Stories in English Translation. The Academic publication
Council, Kuwait University, Kuwait.

Al-Masri, H. (2004). Semantics and Cultural Losses in the Translation of

Literary Texts, unpublished PhD thesis: Purdue University.

Almazan-Garcia, E. M. 2001. Intertextuality and Translation: A

Relevance-theoretic Approach. Unpublished M. Phil. Thesis. University of
Salford.

Al-Qinai, J. (2008). On Translating Modals. Translation and Interpreting

Studies, 3(1&2), 30-67.

281
Al-Rubai’i, A. (1996). Translation Criticism: A Model for Assessing the
Translation of Narrative Fictional Texts, unpublished PhD thesis:
University of Al-Mustansiriyah.

Al-Safi, A. B. (2011). Translation Theories, Strategies and Basic

Theoretical Issues.
Retrieved from
https://www.uop.edu.jo/download/Research/members/424_2061_A.B..pdf

Al-Sanea, R. (2006). banat al-riyaadh (Girls of Riyadh). Beirut: Dār al-

Saqi.

Al-Sanea, R. and M. Booth. (2007). Girls of Riyadh (trans.). USA: Penguin

Books.

Al-Sanousi, H. (2006). The Echo of Kuwait Creativity: A Collection of

Translated Kuwait Short Stories. Kuwait: Center for Research and
Studies on Kuwait.

Al-Shehari, K. (2001). The Semiotics and Translation Advertising Texts:

Conventions, Constraints and Translation Strategies with Particular
Reference to English and Arabic, unpublished Ph.D thesis: University of
Manchester.

Al-Udhari, A. (1984).Victims of a Map (bilingual edition). London: Saqi

Books.

Amer, W. (2010). Compounding in English and Arabic: A contrastive

Study. Islamic University Journal, Gaza Strip. (online pdf/site.
iugaza.edu.ps/wamer/files/)

Amer, W. and Menacere, K. (2013). "The Challenges of Translating

English Compounds into Arabic - for Better or for Worse". Babel 59(2):
224-243(20).

Anderson, M. (2003). Ethnography as Translation. In S. Petrilli (ed.),

Translation: Approaches to Translation Studies, Vol. (21), pp. 389-396.
Amsterdam: Rodopi.

282
Anderson, L. and Trudgill, P. (1990). Bad Language, Oxford: Basil
Blackwell.

Arberry, A. J. 1955/1996. The Koran Interpreted. London: George Allen &

Unwin.

Aradt, H. and Janney, R. (1985). Politeness revisited: Cross-modal

supportive strategies. IRAL 23(4): 281-200.

Auster, P. (2003). Oracle Night. New York: Henry Holt.

Austin, J. L. 1962. How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Claendon.

Aziz, Y. (1983). Transliteration of English Proper Nouns into Arabic. Meta

28(1): 70-84.

Aziz, Y. (1999). Cross-Cultural Translation and Ideological Shifts,

International Journal of Translation, Vol. 2(1-2), pp. 29-84.

Badran, Dany. (2001). Modality and Ideology in Translated political Texts.

Nottingham Linguistic Circular 16:47-61.

Bahaa-Eddin, H. (2015). Thematic Structure in the Arabic Translations of

Edgar Allan Poe's The Black Cat, The Tell-Tale Heart and Virginia
Woolf's A Haunted House. International Journal of Language and
Linguistics 3(3): 132-139.

Baker, M. 1992. In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation. London:

Routledge.

Bangura, A.S. (1993). Translating Islam: Islam and Linguistic

Differentiation in the Narratives of Aminata Sow Fall. Yearbook of
Comparative and General Literature 41: 21-34.

Barouki, F.Y. (1985). A Culturally Based Analysis of Selected Idiomatic

Expressions in Syrian Arabic. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. California:
University of San Francisco.

Bartlett, F. C. ([1932], 1967). Remembering: A Study in Experimental and

Social Psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

283
Battat, I. (2004). Markedness Theory as it Relates to Word Order in
Translation between English and Arabic (MA thesis). Retrieved from:
http://www.mohamedrabeea.com/books/book1_12015.pdf

Benson, M. et al. (1987). The BBI Combinatory Dictionary of English.

Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Bentahila, A., & Davies, E. (1989). Culture and Language Use: A Problem
for Foreign Language Teaching. IRAL 27(2): 99-112.

Bhatia, V. (1983). An Applied Discourse Analysis of English Legislative

Writing. Brimingham: University of Aston.

Blakemore, D. (2002). Linguistic Meaning and Relevance: The Semantics

and Pragmatics of Discourse Markers. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

Blum-Kulka, S. (1986/2004). Shifts of Cohesion and Coherence in

Translation. In: Venuti, L. (ed.), The Translation Studies Reader, pp. 290-
305. London and New York : Routledge.

Boase-Beier, J. (2006). Stylistic Approaches to Translation. Manchester:

St. Jerome Publishing.

Bowen, W. (1996). Citizens for Media Literacy. Wikipedia, Wikipedia

Foundation Inc.

Bragina, Jekaterina (2012). A cognitive stylistic analysis of J.R.R.

Tolkien's fantasy world of Middle-earth, unpublished PhD thesis:
University of Glasgow.

Brown, D. (2003). The Da Vinci Code. London: Corgi Books.

Brown, P. and S. Levinson. 1978/1987. Politeness: Some universals in

language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Catford, J. C. (1965). A Linguistic Theory of Translation. Oxford

University Press.

284
Chandler, D. (1995). The Act of Writing: A Media Theory Approach.
University of Wales, Aberystwyth.

Coates, J. (1983). The Semantics of the Modal Auxiliaries, London: Croom

Helm.

Corbett, E. P. (1971). Classical Rhetoric for Modern Student. Oxford:

Oxford University Press.

Cowan, D. (1958). An Introduction to Modern Literary Arabic. London:

Cambridge University Press.

Cowie, A. 1981. The Treatment of Collocations and Idioms in Learners

Dictionaries. Applied Linguistics 2 (3): 223-235.

Crystal, D. (1965). Linguistics, Language and Religion. London: Burns &

Oats.

Crystal, D. (1997). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (2nd ed.).

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Crystal, D. (2004). Rediscover Grammar. Harlow: Pearson Education.

Crystal, D. and Davy, D. (1985). Investigating English Style. London:

Longman.

Cutting, J. 2002. Pragmatics and Discourse: A Resource Book for

Students. London and New York: Routledge.

Dagut, M. (1981). Semantic 'Voids' as a Problem in the Translation

Process. Poetics Today 2(4): 61-71. Danet, B. 1980. Language in the Legal
Process. Law and Society Review 41: 445-564.

Danet, B. (1983). Language in Legal and Bureaucratic Settings. In A.

Grimshaw Language as a Social Problem. Special Issue of Transaction-
Society.

Danet, B. (1984). (ed.) Studies of Legal Discourse. Text 4(1-3).

285
Danet, B. (1985). Legal Discourse. In, T.A. Van Dijk (ed.) Handbook of
Discourse Analysis. London: Academic press, 273-291.

Davies, E. (1987). A contrastive approach to the analysis of politeness

formulas. Applied Linguistics 8(1), 75-88.

Dawood, I. (1994). An English Translation of Selected Poems by Fadwa

Touqan. Irbid: Yarmouk University Press.

De Haan, F. (1997). The Interaction of Modality and Negation: A

Typological Study, New York: Garland Publishing.

De Waard, J. & Nida, E. (1986). From one Language to Another:

Functional Equivalence in Bible Translating. Nashville: Thomas Nelson
Publishers.

Dickens, C. (1860/2013). Great Expectations. eBooklt.com.

Dickins, J., et al. (2002). Thinking Arabic Translation. A Course in

Translation Method - Arabic to English. London and New York:
Routledge.

Dobao, A. M. F. (2004) “Linguistic and Cultural Aspects of the

Translation of Swearing: The Spanish Version of Pulp Fiction”. Babel,
Vol. 52 (3), pp. 222-241.

El-Hassan, S. (1990). Expressing Modality in English and Standard

Arabic. Journal King Saudi University, 2 (2), 149-166.

Elyas, A. E. (1987). The Thief and the Dogs (An English Translation of
Najeeb Mahfouz’s al-liṣṣu wa al-kilaab, 1973, Beirut Dar Al-qalam).
Jeddah: Dar Al-Shorouq.

Emery, P. (2004). Translation, Equivalence and Fidelity: A Pramatic

Approach. Babel 50(2): 143-167.

Fairclough, N. (1995). Media Discourse. London: Edward Arnold.

Fairclough, N. (1996). Language and Power. London: Longman.

286
Farghal, M. (1991). Evaluativeness Parameters and the Translator from
English into Arabic and Vice-versa. Babel 37(3): 138-151.

Farghal, M. (1992a). Arabic topic-comment structure. Journal of King

Saud University, vol. 4 Arts (1), 47-62.

Farghal, M. (1992b). Colloquial Jordanian Arabic Tautologies. Journal of

Pragmatics 17(1):223-240.

Farghal, M. (1993a). Arab Fatalism and Translation from Arabic into

English. Target 5(1): 43-53.

Farghal, M. (1993b). The translatability of Arabic death terms into English.

KOINE III, 15-29.

Farghal, M. (1994). Ideational Equivalence in Translation. In de

Beaugrande, R. , Shunnaq, A. and Heliel, M. (eds.) Language, Discourse
and Translation in the West and Middle East. Amsterdam: John Benjamins,
pp. 55-63.

Farghal, M. (1995a). The pragmatics of 'inshallah in Jordanian Arabic.

Multilingua 14(3): 253-270.

Farghal, M. (1995b). Jordanian Proverbs: An Ethnographic and

Translational Perspective. Sendebar 6: 187-208.

Farghal, M. (1995c). Euphemism in Arabic: A Gricean interpretation.

Anthropological Linguistics 37(3), 336-378.

Farghal, M. (2003). Arabic Conservatism versus English Openness.

(2003). International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 4:141-151.

Farghal, M. (2004). Literary Translation: A Schema-theoretic Model. Al-

Arabiyya, Vol. 37, pp. 21-35.

Farghal, M. 2012. Advanced Issues in Arabic-English Translation Studies.

Academic Publication Council, Kuwait University.

287
Farghal, M. and Al-Hamly, M. (2005). Remodeling in Kuwaiti Newspaper
Commentary Titles. Annals of the Arts and Social Sciences. Monograph
319, Volume 31.

Farghal, M. and Al-Khatib, M. (2001). Jordanian College Students’

Responses to Compliments: A Pilot Study. Journal of Pragmatics 33:1485-
1502.

Farghal, M. and Borini, A. (1996). Pragmalinguistic Failure: The Case of

Arabic Politeness Formulas. In M. Farghal et al., Papers in Arabic/English
Translation Studies: An Applied Perspective, pp. 127-144. Jordan:
Jordanian Translators' Association Publications.

Farghal, M. and Beqri, A. (2015). Translating Modals by Zero

Equivalents: The Case of Macbeth. In M. Farghal et al., Papers in
Arabic/English Translation Studies: An Applied Perspective, pp. 55-64.
Jordan: Jordanian Translators' Association Publications.

Farghal, M. and Haggan, M.. (2006). Compliment Behavior in Bilingual

Kuwaiti Students. International Journal of Bilingual Education and
Bilingualism 9(1):94-118.

Farghal, Mohammed and Shakir, A.. (1994). Kin Terms and Titles of
Address as Relational Social Honorifics in Jordanian Arabic.
Anthropological Linguistics 36(2): 240-253.

Farghal, M. and Almanna, A. (eds.) (2013). Translation between Creativity

of Language and Dynamism of Culture (in Arabic). Algeria: Manshūrāt al-
Ikhtilāf and Lebanon: Manshūrāt Dhifāf.

Farghal, M. and Al-Masri, M. (2015). Reader Responses in Quran

Translation. In M. Farghal et al., Papers in Arabic/English Translation
Studies: An Applied Perspective, pp. 99-114. Jordan: Jordanian
Translators' Association Publications.

Farghal, M. and Obaidat, H. (1995). Collocations: A Neglected Variable in

EFL. IRAL 33 (4): 315-331.

Farghal, M., and Shunnaq, A.. (1992). Major Problems in Student

Translations of English Legal Texts into Arabic. In M. Farghal et al.,

288
Papers in Arabic/English Translation Studies: An Applied Perspective, pp.
99-114. Jordan: Jordanian Translators' Association Publications.

Farghal, M. and Shunnaq, A. (1998). Grammatical Voids: A Translational

Perspective. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 6(1): 79-89.

Farghal, M. & Shunnaq, A. (2011). Translation with Reference to English

and Arabic: A Practical Guide. Irbid: Dar Al-Hilal for Translation.

Fernandes, L. (2006). Translation of Names in Children’s Fantasy

Literature: Bringing the Young Reader into Play. New Voices in
Translation Studies 2: 44-57.

Fitzgerald, S. (1925). The Great Gatsby. New York: Chales Scriber's Sons.

Ford, D. C. (2009). The Influence of Word Order on Modern Standard

Arabic Information Structure. GIALens 3 (2). Retrieved from:
http://www.gial.edu/documents/gialens/vol3-2/ford-infostructure-and-
word-order- msa.pdf

Forster, K. I. (1976). Accessing the mental lexicon. In F. Wales & E.

Walker (eds.). New approaches to language mechanisms (pp. 257-287).
Amsterdam: North Holland.

Furetiere, A. (1981). Le Roman Bourgeois. Paris: Gallimard.

Ghazala, H. (2011). Cognitive Stylistics and the Translator. London:

Sayyab Books Ltd.

Genette G. (1988). Structure and Functions of the Title in Literature. (B.

Crampe, Trans.) Critical Inquiry, 14 (4), 692-720. The University of
Chicago Press. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1343668.

Gerver, D. and Sinaiko, H. (eds.). Language Interpretation and

Communication. New York. Plenum Press.

Gisborne, N. (2007). SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics 7(2)

[online]. available at http://www.skase.sk/Volumes/JTL09/pdf_doc/4.pdf

289
Gobo, G. (2008). Doing Ethnography. University of Milan: Sage
Publications.

Goffman, E. 1955. On Face-work: An Analysis of Ritual Elements in

Social Interaction. Psychiatry 18(3): 213-231.

Goodenough, W. H. (1964). Explorations in Cultural Anthropology.

McGraw-Hill.

Goodrich, P. 1990. Legal Discourse: Studies in Linguistics, Rhetoric and

Legal Analysis. London: MacMillan.

Gorjian, B. and Molonia, S. 1999. Translation into Persian of The Concise

Dictionary of Proverbs (Oxford: OUP, 1982). Ahvaz: Khaledin.

Greenbaum, S. and Quirk, R. (1990). A Student's Grammar of the English

Language. Essex: Longman.

Greene, G. (1980). The Bomb Party. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.

Translated by Ali Sālih (1989) as(94B ‫( ا‬9>V Haflat al-Qunbulah. Baghdad:
Dār al-Shū’ūn al-Thaqāfīa al-‘amah.

Grice, H. P. 1975. Logic and Conversation. In Cole, P. and J. L. Morgan,

Syntax and Semantics: Speech Acts, 41-58. New York: New York
Academic Press.

Groot de, G.R. 1988. Problems of Legal Translation from the Point of
View of a Comparative Lawyer. In Paul Nekeman Translation, our Future:
Proceedings of XIth World Congress of FIT. 407-421.

Gutt, Ernst-August. 1991. Translation and Relevance: Cognition and

Context. Basil: Blackwell.

Gutt, Ernst-August. 1996. Implicit Information in Literary Translation: A

Relevance-Theoretic Perspective. Target 8(2):239-256.

Halliday, M. (1967). Notes on Transitivity and Theme in English (Part 2),

Journal of Linguistics 3, 199-244.

290
Halliday, M.A.K. (1970). Functional Diversity in Language as Seen from a
Consideration of Modality and Mood in English. Foundation of Language,
6, 322-361.

Halliday, M. (1985). An Introduction to Functional Grammar. London:

Edward Arnold.

Hall. M. F. 2008. Discourse Analysis of Fictional Dialogue in Arabic to

English Translation, unpublished Ph.D thesis: University of London.

Harris, R. (2000). Will stylistics ever grow up? Paper delivered at the XX
International Poetics and Linguistics Association Conference at
Goldsmiths College: London, on July 1st.

Hatim, B. and Mason, I. (1990). Discourse and the Translator. London and
New York: Longman.

Hatim, B. 1991. The Pragmatics of Argumentation in Arabic: The Rise and

Fall of a Text. Text 11(2): 189-199.

Hatim, B. 1997. Communication Across Cultures: Translation Theory and

Contrastive Textlinguistics. Exeter: University of Exeter.

Hatim, B. (2004). The Translation of Style: Linguistic Markedness and

Textual Evaluativeness. Journal of Applied Linguistics 1(3): 229-246.

Hatim, B. (2010). Arabic Rhetoric: The Pragmatics of Deviation from

Linguistic Norms. Muenchen: LINCOM GmbH.

Hatim, B., et al. (1995). The Legal Translator at Work: A Practical Guide
to Arabic-English Legal Translation. Irbid: Dar Al-Hilal for Translation.

Hemingway, E. (1952). The Old Man and the Sea. Harmondsworth:

Penguin Books. Translated by Munīr Ba‘albakī (1985) as -M4 ‫ ½ وا‬E ‫ ا‬al-
Shaykh wa al-Bahar. Beirut: Dār al-‘ailm lil Malāyīn.

Hewson, J. (1972). Article and Noun in English. The Hague: Mouton.

291
Hicky, L. (1998). The Pragmatics of Translation. London: Multilingual
Matters.

Hoek, L. (1973). Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.

Hollander, J. (1975). Vision and Resonance: Two Senses of poetic Form.

New York: Oxford University Press.

Holmes, J. (1992/2008). Introduction to Sociolinguistics. London: Pearson

Education ESL.

Holquist, M. (1983). "The Politics of Representation", Quarterly

Newsletter of the Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition 5 (1): 2-9.

Honeck, R. 1997. A Proverb in Mind: The Cognitive Science of Proverbial

Wit and Wisdom. USA: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Hough, G. (1969). Style and Stylistics. London: Routledge and Kegan

Paul.

Huang, X. (2011). Stylistic Approaches to Literary Translation: with

Particular Reference to English-Chinese and Chinese-English Translation,
un published Ph.D thesis: University of Birmingham.

Huddeleston, R. and Pullum, G. (2002). The Cambridge Grammar of

English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Husni, R. and Newman, D. (2008). Modern Arabic Short Stories. London:

Saqi Books.

Hutchins, W. and O. Kenny (trans). 1989. Palace walk. Cairo: The

American University in Cairo Press.

Hutchins, W. and O. Kenny (trans). 1991. Palace of Desire. Cairo: The

American University in Cairo Press.

Ilyas, A. (1989). Theories of Translation. Mosul: University of Mosul.

292
Ivir, V. (1981). Formal Correspondence vs. Translation Equivalence
Revisited. Poetics Today 2: 51-59.

Ivir, V. (1991). Procedures and Strategies for the Translation of Culture.

International Journal of Translation 1 & 2: 48-60.

Jaber, J. (2013). Reflection of Arab-Islamic Culture in Munir Balaki's

Fiction Translations (in Arabic). In Farghal, M. and Almanna, A. (eds.)
Translation between Creativity of Language and Dynamism of Culture.
Algeria: Manshūrāt al-Ikhtilāf and Lebanon: Manshūrāt Dhifāf, pp. 207-
225.

Jabra, I. (1960). haamlit. A Translation of W. Shakespear's Play Hamlet.

Baghdad: Al Ma'moon for Translation and Publishing.

Jakobson, R. (1959). On Linguistic Aspects of Translation. In: Brower, R

(ed.). On Translation. Harvard: Harvard University Press, pp. 232-239.

Jingfeng, X. (2013). An Anthropological Emic-Etic Perspective On Open

Access Practices. Academic Search Premier.

Kadmon, N. (2001). Formal Pragmatics. Wiley-Blackwell.

Kachru, Y. (1982). Toward Defining the Notion ‘Equivalence’ in

Contrastive Analysis. Teaching English as a Second Language 5. 82-98.

Katan, D. (1999). Translating Cultures: An Introduction for Translators,

Interpreters and Mediators. Manchester: St. Jerome.

Kelan, L. & Xiang W. (2006). On English and Chinese Movie Title

Translation. Canadian Social Science, 2(2), 75-81. Retrieved from
http://www.cscanada.net/index.php/css/article/download/j.css.1923669720
060202.016/266

Kelsen, H. (1973). Essays in Legal and Moral Philosophy. Dordrecht:

Reidel.

Kempson, R. (1975). Presupposition and the Delimitation of Semantics.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

293
Kottak, C. (2006). Mirror for Humanity. McGraw-Hill: New York.

Krashen, S. 1981. Second Language Acquisition and Second Language

Learning. Oxford: Pergamon.

Kreidler, C. (2012). Introducing English Semantics. London: Taylor &

Francis.

Kristeva, J. (1980). Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to

Literature and Art. Leon S. Roudiez (ed.), T. Gora et al (trans.). New York:
Columbia University Press.

Kussmaul, P. (1995). Training the Translator. Amsterdam/Philadelphia:

John Benjamins.

Larson, M. (1983/1998). Meaning-based Translation: A Guide to Cross-

Language Equivalence. Larham: University of Press America.

Lederer, M. (1978). Simultaneous Interpretation - Units of Meaning and

Other Features. In Gerver, D. and H. Sinaiko, H (eds.), pp. 323-332.

Leech, G. (1983). Principles of pragmatics. London: longman.

Leech, G. and Short, M. (1981). Style in Fiction: A Linguistic Introduction

to English Fictional Prose. London: Longman.

Leech, G. and Svartvik, J. (1994). A Communicative Grammar of English.

London and New York: Longman.

Lefevere, A. (1999). Mother Courage's Cucumbers: Text, System and

Refraction in a Theory of Literature", in Lawrence Venuti (ed). The
Translation Studies Reader, pp. 239-255. London: Routledge.

Le Gassick, T. (1966). Midaq Alley (An English translation of Najib

Mahfouz’s novel zuqāqu al-madaqqi, 1947). Beirut: Khayat.

Le Gassick, T. (1975). Midaq Alley (An English translation of Najib

Mahfouz’s novel zuqāqu al-madaqqi, 1947). London: Educational
International.

294
Le Gassick, T. and Badawi, M. (1984). Thief and the Dogs (An English
translation of Najib Mahfouz’s novel el-lis wal-kilāb, 1961). Cairo: The
American University in Cairo.

Leonardi , V. (2011). Translating Film Titles: Linguistic Skills, Cultural

Awareness or Marketing Strategies? Language, Communication and
Social Environment 9, 180-201. Retrieved from
http://lse2010.narod.ru/olderfiles/1/LSE2011Leonardi.pdf

Lehto, L. (1988). The Need for Standardization of Concept Equivalents in

the Field of Law. In, Paul Nekeman Translation, Our Future: Proceedings
of XIth World Congress of FIT, 431-437.

Le Ny, J. (1978). Psychosemantics and Simultaneous Interpretation. In

Gerver, D. and Sinaiko, H. (eds.), pp. 289-298.

Levi, J. (1967). Translation as a Decision Process. In: To Honor Roman

Jakobson. The Hague: Mouton, pp. 1171-1182.

Levinson, S. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Levinson, J.(1985). Titles. The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 44

(1): 29-39. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/430537

Lodge, D. (1994). The Art of Fiction. London: Penguin.

Lyons, J. (1977). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Mahfouz, N. (1947). ‫ق‬0 ‫ ق ا‬s‫ ز‬zuqāq al-madaqq. Cairo: Maktabat Misr.

Mahfuz, N. 1959. ’awlaadu ħaaratinaa. Beirut: Dar Al-Adab.

Mahfouz, N. (1961). ‫<ب‬. ‫ وا‬k9 ‫ ا‬el-lis wal-kilāb . Cairo: Maktabat Misr.

Mahfouz, N. (1972). ‫ ق‬E ‫ا‬-Ls Qasr al-Shūq. Cairo: Maktabat Misr.

Mahfouz, N. (1973). W[-L ‫ ن ا‬Bain l-Qasrayn. Cairo: Maktabat Misr.

295
Makokha, J. K. S. Ogone, J. O. and West-Pavlov, R. (2012). Style in
African Literature: Essays on Literary Stylistics and Narrative Styles -
Internationale Forschungen zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden
Literaturwissenschaft. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi.

Martí, R. & Zapter, M. (1993). Translation of Titles of Films: A Critical

Approach. Sintagma 5, 81-87. Retrieved from
http://www.raco.cat/index.php/Sintagma/article/viewFile/60335/85548.

Mason, A. M. (2014). Overcoming the ‘dual-delivery’ stigma: A review of

patient-centeredness in the Costa Rica medical tourism industry. The
International Journal of Communication and Health 4: 1-9.

Matthews, P. (1997). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Linguistics.

Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Mazid, B. M. (2007). Politics of Translation: Power and Ideology, Culture

and X-phemism in Translation between Arabic and English. Munich:
Lincom Europa.

McEnery, T. & Wilson, A. (2001). Corpus Linguistics. Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press.

Meider, W. 1992. A Dictionary of American Proverbs. Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

Meider, W. (ed.) 1985. The Wisdom of Many: Essays on the Proverb. New
York: Garland.

Meider, W. 2004. Proverbs: A Handbook. London: Greenwood Press.

Mei, Z. (2010). On the Translation Strategies of English Film Title from

the Perspective of Skopos Theory. Journal of Language Teaching and
Research 1(1): 66-68.
Retrieved from
http://ojs.academypublisher.com/index.php/jltr/article/view/01016668

Menacre, M. (1995). Translating Arabic into English: Basic considerations

in Word Order. Meta 40 (4): 606-613. Retrieved from
296
https://www.erudit.org/revue/meta/1995/v40/n4/003628ar.pdf

Milikic, B. (2010). A Translation Study Focusing on the Translation of

Adjectives and Constructions with of (Master's thesis, Linnaeus University,
Sweden). Retrieved from:
http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:332239/fulltext01

Mollanazar, H. 2001. Principles and methodology of Translation. Tehran:

SAMT.

Moosavi, M. 2000. Prose and Poetic Dictionary of Proverbs and their

English Equivalents. Tehran: Jaharayaneh.

Morton, J. (1969). Interaction of information in word recognition.

Psychological Review 76: 165-178.

Morton. J., & Patterson, K. (1998). A new attempt at an interpretation or

an attempt at new interpretation. In M. Coltheart, K. Patterson & J.
Marshall (eds.) Deep Dsylexia (pp. 91-118) London: Routledge.

Munday, J. (2012). Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and

Applications (3rd ed.). New York: Routledge.

Murphy, S. (2006). Now I am alone: A corpus stylistic approach to

Shakespearian soliloquies. In C. Gabrielatos, R. Slessor & J. W. Unger
(eds.) Papers from the Lancaster University Postgraduate Conference in
Linguistics & Language Teaching, Vol. 1. (Papers from LAEL PG), pp.
66-85.

Newmark, P. 1988. A Textbook of Translation. New York and London:

Prentice Hall.

Neubert, A. and Shreve, G. (1992). Translation as Text. Kent (Ohio): Kent

State University Press.

Nida, E. (1964). Toward a Science of Translating: With Special Reference

to Principles and Procedures Involved in Bible Translating. Leiden: Brill.

Nida, E. (1969). Science of Translation. Language 45. 483-498.

297
Nida, E. (1977). The Nature of Dynamic Equivalence in Translating. Babel
13: 99-103.

Nida, E. and Taber, C. R. (1969). The Theory and Practice of Translation.

Leiden: Brill.

Nida, E. and Reyburn, W. (1981). Meaning Across Cultures. American

Society of Missiology Series, No. 4. New York: Orbis Books.

Nord, C. (1995). Text-Functions in Translation: Titles and Headings as a

Case in Point. Target, 7(2), 261-284.

Nord, C. (2003). Proper Names in Translation for Children: Alice in

Wonderland as a Case in Point. Meta 48(1&2): 182-196.

Norrick, N. 1985. How Proverbs Mean? Semantic Studies in English

Proverbs. Amsterdam: Mouton.

Ntshinga, T. 1999. How Proverbs Derive their Meaning: Standard

Proverbial Interpretation vs. the Literal Meaning of a Proverb. South
African Journal of African Linguistics 19(2): 128-133.

Nuyts, J. (2001). Epistemic Modality, Language and Conceptualization.

Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Nuyts, J. et al. (2005). On Deontic Modality, Directivity, and Mood: A

Case Study of Dutch mogen and moeten. Antwerp Papers in Linguistics
110: 1-56.

Oller, J. and Redding, E. (1971). Article Usage and Other Language Skills.
Language Learning 21: 85-95.

Olson, D. R. (1977). From Utterance to Text: The Bias of Language in

Speech and Writing, Harvard Educational Review 47(3): 257-81.

Palmer, F. (1990). Modality and the English Modals. London: Longman.

Palmer, F. (2001). Mood and Modality. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.

298
Pergnier, M. (1978). Language Meaning and Message Meaning: Towards a
Sociolinguistic Approach to Translation. In Gerver, D. and Sinaiko, H.
(eds.), pp. 199-204.

Perkins, M. (1983). Modal Expressions in English. London: Frances Pinter.

Petrilli, S. 1992. Introduction to Social Practice, Semiotics and the

Sciences of Man. Semiotica 88(1/2): 1-32.

Piamenta, M. (1979). Islam in Everyday Arabic Speech. Leiden: Brill.

Piamenta, M.(1983). The Muslim Conception of God and Human Welfare.

Leiden: Brill.
Picthall, M. 1930/2006. The Glorious Koran. London: george Allen &
Unwin.

Pierini, P. (2015). Translating English compound adjectives into Italian:

Problems and strategies. Translation & Interpreting 7(2): 17-29. The
Writing Library Center (University of Saint-Paul) at:
http://info.csp.edu/globalassets/academic-resources/writing-
center/docs/compound-adjectives-and-hyphenation.pdf

Pike, K. L. (1990). On the emics and etics of Pike and Harris. In Thomas
N. Headland, Kenneth L. Pike and Marvin Harris (eds.) Emics and etics:
The insider/outsider debate. Frontiers of Anthropology 7. Newbury Park:
Sage, pp. 28-47.

Ponzio, A. 1990. Man as a Sign: Essays on the Philosophy of Language,

translated and edited by S. Petrilli. Berlin and New York: Mouton De
Gruyter.

Rabin, C. 1958. The Linguistics of Translation. In, A.H. Smith (ed.),

Aspects of Translation. London: Secher and Warburg, 123-145.

Rajaa, A. 2005/2006. bannat al-riyadh (Girls of Riyadh). Beirut: Al-Saqi.

Rajaa, A. and Booth, M. 2008. Girls of Riyadh (trans.). London: Penguin

Books.

299
Rayar, W. 1988. Problems of Legal Translation from the Point of View of
a Translator. In Paul Nekeman Translation, Our Future: Proceedings of
XIth World Congress of FIT. 451-454.

Renkema, J. 1993/2004. Discourse Studies. Amsterdam & Philadelphia:

John Benjamins.

Ricatte, R. (1969). Les deux cavaliers de l'orage. Travaux de linguistique

et de litterature, 7(2): 223.

Rochemont, M. and Culicover, P. (1990). English Focus Constructions and

the Theory of Grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Särkkä, H. (2007). Translation of Proper Names in Non-fiction Texts.

Available at: http://translationjournal.net/journal/39proper.htm.

Sapir, E. (1929). ‘The Status of Linguistics as a Science’. In E. Sapir

(1958): Culture, Language and Personality (ed. D. G. Mandelbaum).
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press

Saussre de, F. (1916/1983). Course in General Linguistics. translated by A.

Reidler and edited by C. Bally. Open Court Publishing.

Scarle, J.(1981). Expression and Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Schäffner, C. and Adab, B., (eds.) 2000. Developing Translation

Competence. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Searle, J. (1969). Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Searle, J. (1976). A Taxonomy of Illoctionary Acts. Language in Society 5:

1-25.

Seleskovitch, D. (1978). Language and Cognition. In Gerver, D. and

Sinaiko, H. (eds.), pp.333-342.

300
Shakir, A. and Farghal, M. (1992). Collocations as an Index of L2
Competence in Arabic-English Simultaneous Interpreting and Translation.
Nouvelles de la FIT 6 (3): 227-245.

Shammaa, N. (1978). A Linguistic Analysis of Some Problems of Arabic

to English Translation. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Oxford University.

Shen, D. (1987). Literary Translation and Translation: with Particular

Reference to English Translations of Chinese Prose Fiction, unpublished
Ph.D thesis: University of Edinburgh.

Shepherd, R. (1993). "Why Teach Media Literacy". Teach Magazine,

Quadrant Educational Media Services, Toronto, ON, Canada, Oct/Nov
1993.

Shukri, M. (200). ( }‫ ( روا‬N‫ ’ة ذا‬+ : GT‫©¿ ا‬vT‫ا‬. Translated by Paul Bowles

(1993) as 'For Bread Alone'. London: Saqi Books.

Simpson, J. (1982). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs. Oxford:

Oxford University Press.

Sinclair, J. 1991. Corpus, Concordance, Collocation. Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

Šidiškytė D. & Tamulaitienė D. (2013). The Contrastive Analysis of the

Translation of English Film Titles into Lithuanian and Russian. Studies
about Languages 22: 71-77. Retrieved from
http://www.kalbos.ktu.lt/index.php/KStud/article/view/4402

Snell-Hornby, M. (1988/1995) Translation Studies: An Integrated

Approach. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Sperber, D. and Wilson, D. (1986). Relevance: Communication and

Cognition. Oxford: Blackwell.

Stalinker, R. C. 1973. Pragmatics. In D. Davidson and G. Harman

(eds.), Semantics of Natural Languages. Dordrecht: Foris Publications.

301
Stewart, P. 1981. Children of Gebelawi (translation of Mahfuz's Awlad
Haritna). London: Heinemann.

Strassler, J. 1982. Idioms in English: A Pragmatic Analysis. Tubingen,

Gunter Narr Verlag.

Suleiman, Y. (2003). Arabic, Self and Identity. New York: Oxford

University Press.

Suleiman, Y. (2011). The Arabic Language and National Identity: A Study

in Ideology. Georgetown University Press.

Summers, D. (2004). Longman Active Study Dictionary. Inglaterra:

Pearson Education.

Taha, I (2009). Semiotics of Literary Titling: Three Categories of

Reference. Applied Semiotics 22: 43-62 Retrieved from
http://french.chass.utoronto.ca/as-sa/ASSA-No22/Article4en.html

Tannen, D.(1984). The pragmatics of cross-cultural communication.

Applied Linguistics 7(1), 189-195.

Thomas, J. (1983). Cross-cultural pragmatic failure. Applied Linguistics

4(2), 91-112.

Thomas, J. 1995. Meaning in Interaction. London: Longman.

Toolan, M. (1998) Language in Literature. London: Hodder.

Toury, G. 1980. In Search of a Theory of Translation. Tel Aviv, The Porter

Institute for Poetics and Semiotics.

Tymoczko, M. (1999). Translation in a Postcolonial Context. Manchester:

St Jerome.

Uhlenbeck, E. 1978. On the Distinction between Linguistics and

Pragmatics. In: Gerver, D. and Sinaiko, H. (eds.), pp. 185-198.

Ullman, S. (1979). Semantics: An Introduction to the Science of Meaning.

Brames & Noble.

302
Vinay, J. P. and Darbelnet, J. (1958/1995). Stylistique comparée du
français et de l’anglais.Méthode de traduction, Paris: Didier (trans. and ed.)
J. C. Sager and M. J. Hamel (1995) Comparative Stylistics of French and
English: A Methodology for Translation. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.

Vermes, A. (2003). Proper Names in Translation: An Explanatory Attempt.

Across Languages and Cultures 4(1): 89-108.

Viezzi, Maurizio(2013). Titles and Translation. University of Trieste.

VAKKI-symposium XXXIII 7 (2013.)VAKKI Publications 2. Vaasa, 374–
384. Retrieved from
http://www.vakki.net/publications/2013/VAKKI2013_Viezzi.pdf

Webster's Dictionary. Retrieved on 6/5/2016:

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/grammar

Wided, B. (2010). Modality in English, French and Arabic Biomedical

Discourse: A Contrastive Study of Drug Information Leaflets. M.A.
Dissertation, Mentouri University, Constantine.

Wierzbicka, A. 1987. Boys Will Be Boys: ‘Radical Semantics’ vs. ‘Radical

Pragmatics’. Language 63(1):95-114.

Whorf, B. L. (1940). "Science and Linguistics". Technology Review 42(6):

229-31, 247-8. Also in B. L. Whorf (1956): Language, Thought and
Reality (ed. J. B. Carroll). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Yeibo, E. (2011). “Patterns of Lexical Choices and Stylistic Function in J.P

Chlark-Beederemo’s Poetry”. In A. Ahmadi, (ed.) International Journal of
English Linguistics. Toronto: Canadian Center of Science and Education.

Yin, L. (2009). On the Translation of English Movie Titles. Asian Social

Science, 5(3), 171-173. Retrieved from
http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ass/article/download/%20268/24
2

Yule, G. 1996. Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

303
Zayed, S.H. (1984). A Pragmatic Approach to Modality and the Modals:
with Application to Literary Arabic. Ph.D. Thesis, University of
Edinburgh, UK.

Zyngier, S. (2001). “Towards a Cultural Approach to Stylistics”. CAUCE,

Revista de Filología ysu Didáctica, Vol. 24, pp. 365-380.

304
View publication stats