Term Paper - 113

JMJ Marist Brothers
Notre Dame of Marbel University

College of Arts and Sciences
Alunan Ave., City of Koronadal, South Cotabato
Empirical Analysis: Unmasking the Possibilities of Existence of Vote Buying in

Koronadal City
________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
Research Paper
Presented to
The Faculty of College of Arts and Sciences
NOTRE DAME OF MARBEL UNIVERSITY
Koronadal City, South Cotabato
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Course Requirements in
Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis of Political Data
____________________________________________________
Submitted to:
Mr. Harry L. Mangohig
Submitted by:
Reus R. Agrazamendez
Bai Al-Shahanie A. Arab
Claire Dane Falcis
Jessa Malapitan
December 2022
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APPROVAL SHEET
The Qualitative Research entitled “EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS: UNMASKING THE

POSSIBBILITIES OF EXISTENCE OF VOTE BUYING IN KORONADAL CITY”
conducted and submitted by REUS A. AGRAZAMENDEZ, BAI AL-SHAHANIE A.
ARAB, CLAIRE DANE FALCIS, and JESSA MALAPITAN in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for Course Requirements in Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis of
Political Data has been examined and is recommended for ORAL EXAMINATION.
HARRY L. MANGOHIG
Professor
=============================================================
This Qualitative Research has passed the standards set by Notre Dame of
Marbel University (NDMU) and has been APPROVED by this Panel of Examiners.
HARRY L. MANGOHIG
Member
=============================================================
Accepted and approved in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the course of
BACHELOR OF ARTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (AB POLSCI).
HARRY L. MANGOHIG
Professor
December 2022
Date
January 1, 2022
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ACKNOWLEDGMENT
This research would not be successful without the help of others who played an
important role throughout the whole duration of this study. We, the researchers would
like to extend our gratitude and sincere thanks to our fellow classmates who always
extend arms and willing to help each other for the benefit of everybody.
Most of all, this research paper would never be possible without the knowledge
and guidance of our Professor and Research Teacher, Sir Harry L. Mangohig.
To all participants, specifically the registered voters of the City of Koronadal, who
played the most important role in this research, for their active participation who gave
relevant answers, wherein we didn’t felt difficulty in interpreting the data gathered.
We would also like to thank our parents who gave an undying support, for all
financial expenses and motivation to finish this study. We would also like to thank
ourselves, for not giving up and gave enough patience and dedication to finish this
study.
To Notre Dame of Marbel University, for approving this study to be conducted
outside the school premises;
And, above all, to our almighty God who has given us heavenly wisdom,
knowledge and guidance until the completion of this paper.
The researchers,
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Reus, Bai, Claire, and Jessa
ABSTRACT
This paper aimed to explore the possibilities of the existence of vote buying in the
City of Koronadal and investigate the possible actions to be taken in addressing the
problem using the thematic analysis. The study focused on the fifteen (15) registered
voters in the City of Koronadal who were able to vote last 2019 local election. The
participants were selected based on the criteria formulated by the researchers.
Furthermore, questionnaire forms were given to the respondents via messenger so that
they could answer those questions easily. Researchers also make used of cellphones
as the main tool in communicating and reaching out the respondents during the
gathering of data that are needed in this study. According to the data, vote buying is
unlikely to occur in the City of Koronadal because the majority of respondents did not
see the illicit behaviour during the 2019 election. But its existence could be possible
since some of the respondents stated that they had heard from others that vote buying
is taking place in the city, but that they did not have any evidence to support this claim.
Majority of the respondents also said that the possibility of the existence of vote buying
in the city could be possible since many people are in need of money and we are a
developing country which means there are lots of poor people living here and they are
the most vulnerable target in such illegal act. But right now, vote buying doesn’t exist in
the city based on the response of the respondents. Hence, all of the respondents agree
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that we should not accept and tolerate vote buying because regardless of one's financial
condition or good intentions, vote buying is an election violation. It should not be done,
nor should it be proposed to voters.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This paper aims to analyze the possibilities of the existence of vote buying in the City of
Koronadal and investigate the various steps to be taken in resolving the problem using
the thematic analysis. The participants were selected based on the criteria specified by
the researchers. Moreover, questionnaire forms were given to respondents via
messaging app. During the gathering of data for this study, researchers also use
cellphones as the primary method for engaging with and reaching out to respondents.
This study is significant to students, teachers, parents, government, and future
researchers. The study's data was gathered using Facebook Messenger, a free mobile
conversation app. The researchers prepared the materials as well as the questions
utilized in the interview. When the respondents consented and cooperated, the interview
began, with researchers asking a set of provided questions and adding some virtual
follow-up questions. The researchers took extensive notes during the conversation. The
researchers also utilized cellphones to record the individuals' responses. As a result of
the majority of respondents not seeing vote buying during the 2019 election, vote buying
in the City of Koronadal is unlikely to occur. However, its existence could be feasible,
given that some of the respondents claimed that they had heard from others that vote
buying was occurring in the city, but that they lacked evidence to back up their claims.
Because many people are in need of money, and we are a developing country, the
majority of the respondents also stated that the possibility of vote buying in the city
could be plausible because we have a large population of impoverished people who are
the most vulnerable targets of such unlawful acts. However, based on the responses of
the respondents, vote buying does not currently occur in the city. As a result, all of the
respondents agree that we should not support or tolerate vote buying because vote
buying is an election violation regardless of one's financial situation or good intentions. It
should not be done, and it should not be proposed to the public.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
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PRELIMINARIES PAGES
Title Page i
Approval Sheet ii
Acknowledgement iii
Abstract iv
Executive Summary vi
Table of Contents vii
CHAPTER I – INTRODUCTION
Rationale of the Study 1
Statement of the Problem 3
Statement of Assumptions 4
Statement of Hypothesis 4
Significance of the Study 4
Scope and Delimitation of the Study 5
Definition of Terms 7
Organization of the Study 8
CHAPTER II – THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Review Related Literature 9
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Theoretical Framework 14
Conceptual Framework 15
CHAPTER III – RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Environment 16
Research Respondents 16
Research Instruments 17
Research Procedures 17
Gathering of Data 18
Treatment of Data 19
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Rationale of the Study
Despite the fact that vote-buying and vote-selling hinder the democratic process,
they are common in many developing countries. As a result, governments, foreign
donors, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) all over the world have focused
substantial attention and resources on preventing vote-buying and vote-selling. Some
tactics have attempted to prevent politicians from bribing voters with money in return for
votes, but they have generally failed owing to poor implementation and enforcement. As
a result, anti-vote-buying campaigns are increasingly focusing on voters themselves.
From the perspective of ordinary people, vote buying and selling can no longer
be seen as a commercial transaction between those who sell their freedom and those
who buy it in the expectation of recouping their investments when they achieve power.
Elections are times when temporary equality and justice are established when patrons
fulfill their financial duties to help them in times of need (Ibana 1996, 130-31). From the
perspective of the candidates, there are a variety of tactics accessible to givers to
develop or reinforce these sorts of compliance (alone or in combination). For example,
donors may track how people vote as a prerequisite for receiving post-voting reward or
as a precursor to receiving post-voting retribution if the receiver does not follow
instructions. Election officials may be depended on to examine how voters fill out their
JMJ Marist Brothers
votes on occasion, as they did frequently in Adams County, Ohio in the early twentieth
century (Gish 1961, 63). Even if direct observation is not possible, there are several
techniques to keep track of how individual ballots are cast. In countries like the
Philippines, where voters write their names on the ballot, they may be handed carbon
paper to record how they voted.
Vote buying is usually hidden from public scrutiny because it is an illegal
operation. The majority of the steps are not easily seen. In many cases, we can just
observe the opening tender. Outsiders - be they election officials, opposing parties,
fellow citizens, the press, or scholarly writers - have no access to the rest. In an ideal
democratic society, a voter is a member of the electorate, the powerful group. Accepting
money from vote-buying politicians implies giving up the power to change the
government by electing leaders free of outside influences. Many experts believe that
widespread vote buying is taking place in the Philippines. We still don't know if vote
buying occurs in the City of Koronadal, particularly during election and campaign
periods.
No politician has been found guilty or convicted of undertaking such an illegal act
since the last election. However, there are numerous suspicions that certain politicians
vying for office are secretly purchasing citizens' votes, although there is no evidence to
back up such assertions. That is why it is critical that we do study on vote buying and its
consequences on Filipinos' lives in order to prevent this illegal acts from destroying our
beloved country.
JMJ Marist Brothers
Statement of the Problem
The main objective of this research is to determine the possibilities of the
existence of vote buying in Koronadal City.
To obtain all the needed data and information, the research sought to answer the
crucial questions as follow:
1. Is there really an existing vote buying in the City of Koronadal?
2. Does people accepts vote buying?
3. Is vote buying rampant here in the Philippines specifically in the City of Koronadal?
4. What are the possibilities that vote buying exist in the City of Koronadal?
5. What demographic profile of the respondents was mostly in terms of:
 Gender
 Age
 Occupation
 Status
6. How does vote buying became possible?
7. How does voting become a moral obligation?
Statement of Assumptions
The following assumptions are made regarding this study.
1. There is a possibility that vote buying exists in the City of Koronadal.
2. The study instrument used will supply researchers with accurate data.
JMJ Marist Brothers
3. Registered voters in Koronadal City are aware to the happenings in their
surroundings.
4. The responders would express themselves honestly and concisely.
Statement of Hypothesis
There is a possibility of the existence of vote buying among voters in the City of
Koronadal but it doesn’t exist in Koronadal City.
Significance of the Study
This study aims to determine the possibiliies of the existence of vote
buying in the City of Koronadal. Because of this, this study is significant to students,
teachers, parents, government, and future researchers.
The STUDENTS themselves will benefited from this study since they will be
aware of the potential consequences of vote buying in their area, as well as the
potential consequences of accepting this illegal behavior by politicians. Hence, students
will have a better understanding of how bad vote buying is as they are the future of our
nation.
The TEACHERS will benefited by this study because they will become more
aware of what is going on in their surroundings, particularly during campaign and
election seasons. As a result of this research, teachers will be able to educate students
and others about vote buying.

JMJ Marist Brothers
The PARENTS are benefited by this study because they will become more
aware of what constitutes vote buying, and as voters, this study will assist them in being
more responsible registered voters and in educating future generations of registered
voters.
The GOVERNMENT, particularly the COMELEC and the legislatures, will
benefited from this study because they will have a better understanding of what vote
buying is, and this study will assist them in enacting stricter laws and regulations to
prevent this illegal behavior of running candidates.
The FUTURE RESEARCHERS are benefited by this study because they could
use this as a guide to work on with their future studies.
Scope and Limitation of the Study.
This research will focused on knowing and analysing the possibilities of the
existence of vote buying in the City of Koronadal. This study will focused on
respondents who are registered voters and who was able to vote in 2019 election. On
May 13, 2019, three out of every four voters, or 46,937,139, out of a total of 61,843,771
registered voters, voted. (This figure does not include Overseas Absentee Voters, or
OAVs.). The Commission on Elections (Comelec) estimated that 75.9% of eligible
voters cast ballots in the most recent election, which coincided with the election of 12
senators, as well as party-list and district representatives. Vote buying is believe that it
is one of the illegal acts of the politicians and it is against to the Omnibus Election code
of COMELEC.
JMJ Marist Brothers
The sampled population were those residents of Koronadal City who are
registered voters. The population of Koronadal was 195,398 according to the 2020
Census. This accounted for 20.03 percent of the entire population of South Cotabato
province, or 3.99 percent of the SOCCSKSARGEN region's total population. In the 2019
election, there were 108,358 registered voters.
The study will be conducted within the City of Koronadal. This study is limited to
fifteen (15) citizens of the city who are registered voters and were able to vote in 2019
election and who are willing to accept, respond, and answer the survey questionnaire
about the possiblities if existence of vote buying in the city. The participants were
chosen based on the inclusion criteria as formulated by the researchers: a) twenty (25)
to fifty (50) years old; b) registered voters; and c) citizen of City of Koronadal. With this,
the data to be gathered will become more reliable and substantial as they best suit to be
the participants of the study. The responses of the participants on the statement of the
problem is used as the backbone of this study.
Definition of Terms
To provide a better understanding for readers of the frequently used terms in the
study, the following terms are defined conceptually and operationally.
Vote buying - It refers to a prevalent phenomenon in which a voter sells his or her vote
to the highest bidder for purely economic reasons.

JMJ Marist Brothers
Registered Voters - It refers to a person who is lawfully registered and qualified to vote
in Koronadal City after meeting the applicable law's residency, registration, and other
conditions.
Koronadal City - It refers to the location where the researcher would conduct their
research, as well as the city's tourism-related economic activities.
Voting – It refers to the most basic step in a democratic system, and it allows citizens of
a country to have a say in who represents them or on a topic that affects them.
Election - It refers to a formal collective decision-making process in which a population
selects one or more people to serve in public office.
Politicians – it refers to a person active in party politics, or a person holding or seeking
an elected seat in government.
Organization of the Study
The following are the three (3) chapters that make up this research:
Throughout the first chapter, we learn about the study topic, "Unmasking the
Possibilities of Existence of Vote Buying in Koronadal City", as well as the study's
significance, scope and limits and the definitions of key terms used throughout the
study.
This study's theoretical and conceptual framework, which is discussed in the
second chapter, is the foundation of our investigation.

JMJ Marist Brothers
The third chapter describes the research environment, the study's respondents,
the instruments used, data collection, and data treatment, as well as the treatment of
data that we used to ascertain the respondents' thoughts and opinions.
This study is entitled “Empirical Analysis: Unmasking the Possibilities of
Existence of Vote Buying in Koronadal City”. The main objective of this research study
is to explore and to know if there is a possibility of existence of vote buying in the City of
Koronadal. According to the data, vote buying is unlikely to occur in the City of
Koronadal because the majority of respondents did not see the illicit behaviour during
the 2019 election. But its existence could be possible since some of the respondents
stated that they had heard from others that vote buying is taking place in the city, but
that they did not have any evidence to support this claim. Majority of the respondents
also said that the possibility of the existence of vote buying in the city could be possible
since many people are in need of money and we are a developing country which means
there are lots of poor people living here and they are the most vulnerable target in such
illegal act. This study is crucial because it will help not only the government, but also
Filipino citizens, particularly registered voters, understand what vote buying is and how
to cope with it.
CHAPTER II
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THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
This chapter provides the discussion of related literature that has being on the
concerns of this study to support the background for better understanding of the
research outcome.
REVIEW RELATED LITERATURE
Vote Buying
Vote-buying and vote-selling are popular in many underdeveloped countries,
despite the fact that they obstruct the democratic process. As a result, governments,
foreign donors, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) all over the world have
devoted significant resources and effort to preventing vote-buying and vote-selling.
Some strategies have been used to prohibit politicians from buying voters with money in
exchange for votes, but they have largely failed due to ineffective implementation and
enforcement. As a result, anti-vote-buying campaigns are increasingly concentrating on
individual voters. That is why it is vital that we conduct research on vote buying and its
effects on the lives of Filipinos in order to prevent these criminal acts from ruining our
precious country.
There have been various studies on how policymakers target low-income
individuals and households for improved social security and public service delivery
(Barrientos and Hulme, 2008; Devereux, 2002; Keefer and Khemani, 2004). Vote
buying has a number of negative consequences for society: it may erode democratic
accountability and stifle the development of democratic institutions. Vote buying has
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also been linked to higher levels of corruption and ineffective government institutions
(Hicken and Simmons, 2008; Keefer, 2007;Kitschelt and Wilkinson, 2007). While
various studies have revealed evidence that impoverished voters are more likely to be
targeted for vote purchasing (Carkoglu and Aytac, 2015; Jensen and Justesen, 2014;
Schaffer, 2005), there has been little research into particular vote buying behaviors and
their correlates among low-income groups. The poor are the major emphasis, as
abundant empirical information in the Philippines reveals that they are the group most
likely to sell their votes, owing to their circumstances. Schaffer (2005) discovered
evidence that vote purchasing is more successful among low-income voters, which
backs up this claim. Similar findings have been found in studies employing data from
Argentina (Brusco et al., 2004) and Turkey (Brusco et al., 2004). (Carkoglu and Aytac,
2015). Similar empirical research has found evidence that vote selling is more common
among poor voters in Argentina (Stokes, 2005), Egypt (Blaydes, 2006), and Nigeria
(Bratton, 2008), and that vote buying is more likely to target poor people in Africa
(Jensen and Justesen, 2014), the Philippines (Schaffer, 2005), and Turkey (Schaffer,
2005). (Carkoglu and Aytac, 2015).
Some paper contends that vote buying among impoverished voters in Metro
Manila appears to be a well-targeted activity, as indicated by the fact that several
criteria are major predictors of vote buying. Furthermore, a variety of valuable items can
be used to purchase votes, although money is mostly employed in close elections. The
data reveals that in the May 2016 national and local elections, vote buys provided an
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average of roughly PhP500 per targeted voter in disadvantaged neighborhoods in Metro
Manila, according to the poll that formed the foundation of this article.
From the perspective of ordinary people, vote buying and selling can no longer
be seen as a commercial transaction between those who sell their freedom and those
who buy it in the expectation of recouping their investments when they achieve power.
Elections are times when temporary equality and justice are established when patrons
fulfill their financial duties to help them in times of need (Ibana 1996, 130-31). From the
perspective of the candidates, there are a variety of tactics accessible to givers to
develop or reinforce these sorts of compliance (alone or in combination). For example,
donors may track how people vote as a prerequisite for receiving post-voting reward or
as a precursor to receiving post-voting retribution if the receiver does not follow
instructions. Election officials may be depended on to examine how voters fill out their
votes on occasion, as they did frequently in Adams County, Ohio in the early twentieth
century (Gish 1961, 63). Even if direct observation is not possible, there are several
techniques to keep track of how individual ballots are cast. In countries like the
Philippines, where voters write their names on the ballot, they may be handed carbon
paper to record how they voted.
They could be told to fold the ballot in a unique fashion or poke a pinhole in one
corner, like in Corsica. Another method is to hand a voter a forged or stolen ballot
before they visit the voting booth. The voter casts the completed ballot and hands the
blank official ballot he or she got at the polling place to another voter who is waiting
outside. This voter then walks into the voting location and repeats the procedure, filling
JMJ Marist Brothers
out the official ballot to the satisfaction of the buyer. The method, known in Cambodia
as "telegraphing" and in the Philippines as "lanzadera" (Spanish for "shuttle"), was also
popular in 19th-century Australia and the United States, where it was known as the
"Tasmanian dodge." (Schaffer 2002b). A candidate might anticipate a registered voter
to vote for him or her once the latter has been sworn in as a partisan poll observer. This
example exemplifies the Filipino habit of utang na loob [due of gratitude]. Once
someone has given us something, such as a favor, we will go to great lengths to repay
that favor, sometimes even at our own expense. We prefer to think of those who have
done us good as benefactors, and we think of ourselves as recipients who may satisfy
them by doing the same for them (Bava 1998).
In the voter’s perspective, the donor and the recipient, an offer may or may not
have the same meaning. Money intended as a binding payment by an operative may be
seen by a voter as a non-binding gift. Because of this possible disconnect, it's critical to
consider the whole spectrum of implications that an offer might have, not just for givers
but also for recipients. Accepting cash is viewed by some impoverished urban Filipinos
as "surrendering one's right to vote" or "selling one's values." (Schaffer 2002a).
Furthermore, in 2002, Brusco et al. (2004) conducted a vote-buying survey in
Argentina to investigate the various elements linked to vote-buying in that country. They
proposed that vote buying is best understood as a sort of probabilistic selective
incentive, in which a voter obtains future benefits in exchange for continuing to support
the political party that bought her vote. Due to factors such as social networks linking
the voter to the party, the ability to monitor the voter through attendance at rallies and
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meetings, and the conducive environment of smaller towns and cities where voters are
more easily known and monitored, they argue that this framework is effective in holding
the voter to the vote buying agreement. Alternatively, they agreed that reciprocity
principles may be used to ensure that the voter follows through on the vote-buying deal.
These researchers discovered evidence that clientelistic appeals, such as vote buying,
are most often directed at the impoverished in Argentina. Given the types of policies
various parties were associated with, political party identification was also critical—for
example, receiving a handout from a Peronist raised the likelihood of a voter voting for a
Peronist presidential candidate in 1999 from just under to well over 50%. (Brusco et al.,
2004).
Finan and Schechter underlined the relevance of reciprocity in vote buying, or the
possibility that the vote seller will vote for the vote buyer (2012). Vote buys, according to
these authors, target reciprocate voters, and this targeting might be done by political
operators or "middlemen" who are knowledgeable with the communities under their
supervision. Indeed, the authors discovered evidence that reciprocate persons got more
offers of vote buying in a survey of voters and middlemen in Paraguay.
Recent studies, such as Vicente and Wantchekon (2009) and Vicente (2014),
have used data from election campaign field trials. These researchers use field tests in
Benin and Sao Tome and Principe to see how effective vote buying is at gaining votes
for politicians. They also look at how successful anti-vote-buying awareness campaigns
could be in reducing the practice's effectiveness. Their experimental design included a
randomized information campaign against vote buying1 as well as agreements with

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politicians to randomize the content of their campaigns (including an agreement not to
diffuse clientelistic or purely redistributive messages and vote buying in some of their
stronghold villages). They discovered evidence that clientelistic messaging were more
successful among men, and that incumbent politicians used them more effectively (i.e.
those with control over public services provision). Nonetheless, the efficacy of
incumbents' clientelistic techniques was countered by political competitors' vote-buying
strategies. These campaigns were successful in raising voter participation. In addition,
the anti-vote-buying campaign weakened the effectiveness of more clientelistic
techniques, albeit only among female voters. In the Philippines, field experiments on
vote buying were recently done.
Theoretical Framework
This study would revolve around the analysing and knowing possibilities of the
existence of vote buying in Koronadal City taking on several approaches of theories like
the electoral clientelism where it is described as an exchange of material benefits
between politicians and citizens in exchange for political support during election.
This study investigates the concept of vote buying about its possibilities of
existing, with a particular focus on its usage in research on clientelism. Vote buying is
often poorly defined. Such conceptual ambiguity may distort descriptive findings and
threaten the validity of causal claims. Qualitative analysis suggests that researchers
often employ the concept of vote buying differently, and regressions suggest that using
alternative definitions can yield divergent empirical results. This diverse usage also
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poses the risk of conceptual stretching, because scholars often use vote buying to
describe other phenomena. To improve future research, analysts should pay close
attention to the conceptualization of vote buying. Also the political attitude will help us
since it is all about Individuals' thoughts and beliefs concerning political topics, events,
and personalities.
Conceptual Framework
Unmasking the Possibilities of

Existence of Vote Buying in
Koronadal City
Registered Voters
Vote buying exist in the City of Vote buying doesn't exist in

Koronadal the City of Koronadal
Figure 1: Schematic Diagram. NDMU 2022.

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CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
This chapter discusses the research methods attained and applied in response
for the statement of the problem in chapter I which is directed in regard to the
possibilities of existence of vote buying in the City of Koronadal. Thus, this chapter
specifies the methods applied in the study that includes research environment, research
respondents, research instruments, research procedures, gathering of data, and
treatment of data applied to determine the signature of the data gathered.
Research Environment
This study will be conducted in Koronadal City which is the Capital of South
Cotabato. The City has 27 Barangays and a population of 195, 398. Whereas, it is
recognized as the most competitive City and most business-friendly place in Mindanao.
Research Respondents
The respondents of the study were the registered voters in Koronadal City. They
were chosen through purposive sampling. The participants gave their opinions based on
their experiences as voters if they have witnessed or experience vote buying. The
registered voters in the City of Koronadal were chosen by the researchers because they
are educated about what is going on in the city and are the target of vote buying. The
JMJ Marist Brothers
participants were chosen based on the inclusion criteria as formulated by the
researchers: a) twenty (25) to fifty (50) years old; b) registered voters; and c) citizen of
City of Koronadal. With this, the data to be gathered will become more reliable and
substantial as they best suit to be the participants of the study.
Research Instruments
The study was made of a semi-structured interview questionnaire and recorded
that would help to discuss the possibilities of existence of vote buying in Koronadal City.
Furthermore, the researchers will use gadgets and messenger application to record the
responses of the participants. The researchers also consulted scholarly articles,
researchers, and websites to acquire knowledge in the study.
Research Procedures
First, the researchers prepared the materials as well as the questions used in the
interview. They followed a semi-structured manner upon interviewing. After the question
and materials were prepared, the researcher used purposive sampling.
After which, the researchers have asked the respondents if they were available
and willing to be interviewed regarding the possibility of existence of vote buying in
Koronadal City. When the respondents agreed and cooperated, the interview then
proceed then researchers have asked a set of pre-determined question and added
some follow up questions that has been assured virtually. During the interview, the
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researchers took significant notes of insight. Furthermore, the researchers will use the
cellphone to record the responses of the participants.
After the interview, the researchers will transcribe the recorded responses of the
participants into written form.
Prepared the materials needed
Ask permission from the subject of the study
Conduct of interview through questionnaires
Tabulate and finalize the gathered data
Figure 2: Flow Chart of the Data Gathering Procedure. NDMU 2022.
Gathering of Data
JMJ Marist Brothers
The data for the study was collected using Facebook Messenger, a free mobile
chat software. The researchers generated a list of potential interviewees before sending
out the interview questions in the form of a Word document. The data relevant to the
study was through primary sources where the researchers conducted an interview
through questionnaire forms and was also through secondary sources taken from
scholarly articles, news, journals, researches and internet.
Treatment of Data
Researchers will use the information they've gathered from reputable articles,
journals, websites, and e-books on the internet, as well as an interview questionnaire, to
see if there is a possibility that vote buying could exist or existing in the City of
Koronadal and whether or not society are aware or supports the vote buying in the
Philippines.

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JMJ Marist Brothers

Notre Dame of Marbel University

Empirical Analysis: Unmasking the Possibilities of Existence of Vote Buying in

Mr. Harry L. Mangohig

Bai Al-Shahanie A. Arab

Claire Dane Falcis

The Qualitative Research entitled “EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS: UNMASKING THE

To Notre Dame of Marbel University, for approving this study to be conducted

outside the school premises;

knowledge and guidance until the completion of this paper.

Reus, Bai, Claire, and Jessa

participants were selected based on the criteria formulated by the researchers.

nor should it be proposed to voters.

Table of Contents vii

Rationale of the Study 1

Statement of the Problem 3

Significance of the Study 4

Scope and Delimitation of the Study 5

Organization of the Study 8

CHAPTER II – THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Review Related Literature 9

CHAPTER III – RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Rationale of the Study

they are common in many developing countries. As a result, governments, foreign

substantial attention and resources on preventing vote-buying and vote-selling. Some

a result, anti-vote-buying campaigns are increasingly focusing on voters themselves.

perspective of the candidates, there are a variety of tactics accessible to givers to

develop or reinforce these sorts of compliance (alone or in combination). For example,

as a precursor to receiving post-voting retribution if the receiver does not follow

paper to record how they voted.

Vote buying is usually hidden from public scrutiny because it is an illegal

Statement of the Problem

The main objective of this research is to determine the possibilities of the

existence of vote buying in Koronadal City.

crucial questions as follow:

1. Is there really an existing vote buying in the City of Koronadal?

2. Does people accepts vote buying?

5. What demographic profile of the respondents was mostly in terms of:

6. How does vote buying became possible?

7. How does voting become a moral obligation?

The following assumptions are made regarding this study.

1. There is a possibility that vote buying exists in the City of Koronadal.

3. Registered voters in Koronadal City are aware to the happenings in their

4. The responders would express themselves honestly and concisely.

Koronadal but it doesn’t exist in Koronadal City.

Significance of the Study

This study aims to determine the possibiliies of the existence of vote

teachers, parents, government, and future researchers.

potential consequences of accepting this illegal behavior by politicians. Hence, students

aware of what is going on in their surroundings, particularly during campaign and

and others about vote buying.

more responsible registered voters and in educating future generations of registered

The GOVERNMENT, particularly the COMELEC and the legislatures, will

prevent this illegal behavior of running candidates.

use this as a guide to work on with their future studies.

Scope and Limitation of the Study.

OAVs.). The Commission on Elections (Comelec) estimated that 75.9% of eligible

election, there were 108,358 registered voters.