Review

Reviewed Work(s): Mozambique: The Africanization of a European Institution, the Zambezi

prazos, 1750-1902 by Allen F. Isaacman; Portuguese Africa: A Handbook by David M.
Abshire and Michael A. Samuels; Portuguese Africa and the West by William Minter
Review by: Walter C. Opello Jr.
Source: The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Sep., 1974), pp. 487-491
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/159946
Accessed: 19-09-2019 13:19 UTC

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 Reviews
Mozambique: the Africanization of a European institution, the Zamb
prazos, 1750-x902 by ALLEN F. ISAACMAN
Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1972. Pp. xviii + 260. $I7.50.
Portuguese Africa: a Handbook edited by DAVID M. ABSHIRE and
MICHAEL A. SAMUELS
New York, Praeger, I969. Pp. xiii+48o. $.5.00.
Portuguese Africa and the West by WILLIAM MINTER
New York, Monthly Review Press, 1972. Pp. 200. $7.95.
The thread which binds these quite different books together is their tre
of a particular aspect of the Portuguese colonial experience in Africa
than a common concept, theme, or thesis. The best of these works, Mozam
the Africanization of a European institution, the Zambezi prazos, 1750-190
given the American African Studies Association's Herskovits Award for
It is an examination of the crown estates established by the Portuguese
lower Zambezi valley during the early seventeenth century. Allen Isaacm
aim is to go beyond the legalistic approach to their study by Port
historians who have focused on the relatively static, legal connection bet
the crown and the prazero, or estate holder. Utilising largely unpub
material from archives in Lisbon and Lourenco Marques, as well as o
gathered in the area, the author analyses the dynamic relationship
existed between the estate holders and the indigenous African chief
peoples, and traces the formulation, growth, and decline of the prazo sy
Isaacman argues that this socio-economic and political organisatio
formed in a 'power vacuum' created when Karanga and Malawian ove
lost effective control over the peripheral areas of this great river valley
when the Portuguese arrived. The alien prazeros were able to gain c
rights and duties previously held by the Zambezi overlords, and hen
a new authority role not much different from that which had prev
existed between the local Tonga, Sena, and Chewa peoples, and
Karanga and Malawian chiefs. Although the system as a whole was
stable, Isaacman points out that individual estates tended to be short
this was primarily the result of 'inherent contradictions' in the s
exemplified most significantly by the inability of many prazeros to
'traditional legitimacy', which often brought them into conflict wi
indigenous chiefs. Even where the prazo enjoyed a fairly long hist
Isaacman suggests that the legitimacy of the estate holder to act as over
was 'personal' rather than 'structural' - that is, it could be arbi
withdrawn and could not be transferred to future generations.
The author concludes that the institution declined as a result of the slave
trade which brought about the deterioration of the 'internal harmony' of the
prazos. Prior to the beginning of the nineteenth century, slaving had been
conducted by estate holders outside the system; but in the end this destroyed
the 'delicate balance' in relationships on the prazos. Unfortunately, this

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488 REVIEWS

ground-breaking study is marred by an apparent inconsistency in the

argumentation. Isaacman states that slaving was 'a major role violation' of
the clearly defined set of expectations, privileges, and obligations which
determined the relationships among the various groups living on the prazos.
But this contradicts the explanation given for the rapid turn-over of estates,
namely the inability of most prazeros to acquire traditional legitimacy, which
caused their political status to be poorly defined, and often created conflict
with the indigenous authorities. In other words, the author sees the role of
overlord as ill-defined when explaining the high turn-over in prazos, and as
well-defined when explaining the decline of the system as a whole.
This inconsistency derives from Isaacman's failure to define clearly the
central concepts employed in his analysis, notably 'inherent contradictions',
'internal harmony', ' rle', 'legitimacy', and 'power vacuum'. There is no
reference to the abundant theoretical literature in the social sciences on these
key concepts; nor does the author suggest how they contribute to our under-
standing of the preservation or destruction of the social institution in question.
I am not convinced that slaving within the prazo system, simply because it
was a major role violation, as Isaacman suggests, can explain the eventual
decline which took place. He does not show (except for a reference to the
upsetting of the 'internal harmony' of the prazo) how slaving eventually
undermined not only the position of certain incumbent estate holders, but
also their role of overlord in the structure of authority as it related to the
overall socio-economic and political organisation of this institution.
The more careful use of these social science concepts would also have given
a less unsatisfactory answer to the question of why the prazo system persisted
for 150 years. It is clear from the data provided by Isaacman that the role
of overlord was an integral part of the established set of traditional power
relationships which existed when the Portuguese arrived. Rather than filling
some kind of 'vacuum', the alien prazeros were occupying vacant roles and
utilising these power relationships. A discussion of role, legitimacy, and
perhaps theories of social change, would have shown that the failure of many
prazeros to acquire traditional legitimacy was probably not a serious 'inherent
contradiction' in the system, but rather a relatively minor conflict over role
expectations and prerogatives which had little consequence for institutional
change as a whole. Slaving within the system was not significant simply
because it represented a major role violation and upset the delicate balance
within the prazos; more importantly, it was evidence of a major restructuring
of the economic side of the system, and was also inconsistent with other
features of the social organisation. In spite of these problems, Isaacman's
book stands out as a landmark in the historiography of Portuguese Africa.
Portuguese Africa: a Handbook casts its net much wider: the product of an
extensive research effort co-ordinated by the Institute for Strategic and
International Studies at Georgetown University, it was designed to fill the
need for a comprehensive, interdisciplinary study on 'the largest area in
sub-Saharan Africa under one government'. Here are 20 original essays by
seven contributors. Part I, 'Background', includes chapters on 'Physical,
Human, and Economic Setting', and 'The Portuguese Racial Legacy'; Part
II, ' Government and Society', deals with ' Government and Administration',

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 REVIEWS 489
'The Political Process and Interest Groups', 'Native and Labor Policy',
'Education, Health, and Social Welfare', and 'Current Racial Character';
Part III, 'Economy', covers inter alia 'Transport Systems and their External
Ramifications' and 'Portugal and the African Territories: Economic Impli-
cations'; while Part IV has five chapters on 'Political and International
Issues'. According to David Abshire and Michael Samuels, their volume is
aimed 'at a diversified audience with different interests' - not only scholars
in various disciplines, but also 'the writer on current affairs, the intelligence
analyst, and the public-policy-maker'. The editors state that they have tried
'to produce the basic facts, avoid the polemics, and describe the realities of
the situations, whether pleasant or otherwise', and claim that the contributors
'were chosen purposely to provide a mixture of people who are known as
scholars of Portuguese Africa and those who are experienced in political and
economic analysis in other less developed areas of the world' (p. xii).
While this Handbook brings together much valuable basic data, it suffers
from two shortcomings. First of all, it is not really an advanced interdisci-
plinary research and reference tool. Many of the chapters lack sophistication,
depth, and penetrating analysis. No new perspectives are to be found from
the various disciplines to which the book is aimed. Ten of the 20 essays are by
David Abshire (6) and Norman Bailey (4), and another is the product of
their collaboration. The remaining nine essays were written by five other
contributors of whom only two, George Martelli (2) and Irene van Dongen
(2), are recognised scholars in this field. I doubt if such well-known specialists
in Portuguese Africa as John Marcum, James Duffy, Douglas Wheeler, and
Richard Hammond, for example, would have compromised the declared
editorial goals of objectivity and dispassion. It certainly would have upgraded
the quality of many of the chapters.
This volume also lacks cohesion and integration. This is understandable,
to some extent at least, because of the vade mecum format. However, much
more could have been done in the final section to show how the wealth of
material presented earlier bears on the contemporary changing situation.
This would have 'tightened' up the Handbook by demonstrating the usefulness
of all the information for those to whom it is intended. As it is I have the
feeling that the last chapter by Abshire on 'Emerging Policies and Alter-
natives' was written with little or no reference to the other essays - certainly
scant use is made of the anthropological, sociological, economic, and political
data which have been compiled.
Portuguese Africa and the West, although the title suggests otherwise, concerns
itself primarily with American policy vis-d-vis Portugal and her overseas
territories. Nine of the 10 chapters deal with the shape of Portuguese
colonialism, American policy under Truman and Eisenhower, the emergence
of the nationalist struggle, American policy under Kennedy and Johnson,
American military support for Portugal, American business in Portuguese
Africa, and the future of American policy under the 'Nixon doctrine'. Only
one chapter addresses itself to Portuguese relations with other western powers,
and that gives perfunctory treatment to Britain, France, West Germany, and
Brazil.
William Minter's thesis, a modified version of Perry Anderson's notion of

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490 REVIEWS

'ultra-colonialism', is that these territories in Africa are a current anomaly

because Portugal is not a modern nation-state; she remains economically
dependent and politically rigid, yet maintains an extensive colonial empire.
Economic dependence does not mean for Minter that Portugal receives no
benefits from her African possessions, but rather that if independence were
granted the advantages she presently enjoys could not be preserved by the
sophisticated methods employed by the more economically developed
European powers elsewhere in the continent. According to the author, this
situation is exacerbated because the rigidity of the Portuguese political system
forces underground any protest against the Government's policy in
Africa.
Such a thesis leads automatically to the consideration of the economic and
political support received by Lisbon from the West. In Minter's view, the
key to Portuguese Africa lies in Washington because of the dominant position
of the United States in the capitalist world. The implicit assumption is that
if the western powers would only cut off their financial and military support
for Portugal, then the contradiction would be resolved, and the wars for
independence would be quickly won by the nationalist movements. The
author has brought together a wealth of useful information which upholds
this general view of Portugal's relationship with the West and her continued
presence in Africa.
I believe that this thesis is naive and simplistic. In the first place, it assumes,
a priori, that Portugal's only motive for staying in Africa is economic. While
this is obviously a very important reason, it is not the only factor which
provides the impetus for her 'ultra-colonialism'. Nowhere does Minter
adequately explore other variables - notably the belief in the missdo civili-
zadora - nor does he really weigh the economic benefits against the costs of
maintaining this empire. My hunch is that if such an analysis were to be
undertaken, the balance- as in the case of other African colonial powers -
would be on the deficit side of the ledger. Richard Hammond and, more
recently, Thomas Henriksen, have provided historical evidence that other
considerations have played important roles in Portugal's continuity in the
continent.
Minter also assumes that the policy-making elites in the West, especially
those concerned with foreign affairs, operate in a vacuum, or at the very
most pay attention only to the business sector. There is abundant evidence
to suggest that this is simply not so. The author assumes that in Portugal
there has been practically no support for the maintenance of an African empire
(except among commercial and military elites), and that if the political
system was not rigid, massive protest against such a policy would quickly
surface. This grossly oversimplifies the linkage between the Portuguese
people, their Government, and the strategy of empire. Moreover, the fact
that opposition and protest were not allowed, before the April 1974 coup,
is not per se an indication of political underdevelopment - as witness the
Soviet Union and China. There are other attributes of any political sys-
tem which must be considered, including the amount of structural differen-
tiation and levels of institutionalisation, before a fair judgement can be made
concerning its degree of development or modernity.

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 REVIEWS 49I

Too
Toomuch
muchcan
can
be be
made
made
of western
of western
military
military
and economic
and economic
support forsupport for
Portugal
Portugalasas
anan
explanation
explanation
of her
oflong
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longin stay
Africa.
inMinter
Africa.
makes
Minter
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makes no effort
to
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weight this
this
variable
variable
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against
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that may
that
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in- in-
cluding
cludingnationalist
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revolutionary
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Portuguese
Portuguese counter-insurgency
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tacticstactics
which do
which
not rely
do not
on western
rely on aid,western
and aid, and
support
supportfor
forthethe
Portuguese
Portuguese
by certain
by certain
ethnic groups
ethnicingroups
her colonies.
in her Such
colonies.
au Such au
effort
effortwould
would have
have
provided
provided
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realistic
realistic
and accurate
and assessment
accurate assessment
of the of th
relative
relativeimportance
importance of Portugal's
of Portugal's
economiceconomic
and military
and military
relations with
relations
the with th
West.
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assumptionshared
shared
by Minter
by Minter
and others
andthat
others
the key
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winning
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the
theliberation
liberation struggle
struggle
lies in
lies
Washington
in Washington(and other
(and
western
othercapitals)
western is capitals) i
simplistic
simplistic reasoning,
reasoning,
similar
similar
to thetobelief
the held
beliefby held
some by
Portuguese
some Portuguese
business busines
and
andmilitary
militarymen
men
thatthat
the key
the to
key
ending
to ending
'terrorism'
'terrorism'
in Africa in
liesAfrica
in Moscow
lies in Moscow
and
andPeking.
Peking. TheTherecent
recent
military
military
coup andcoup
subsequent
and subsequent
events indicate
events
theindicate the
complexity
complexity of of
Portugal's
Portugal's
continuity
continuity
in Africa,
in Africa,
and this and
requires
thisa requires
more a more
sophisticated
sophisticated framework
framework for analysis
for analysis
than Minter
than has
Minter
provided.
has provided.
WALTER C. OPELLO, JR.
Department of Political Science, University of Colorado, Bould

Strategy for a Black Agenda: a critique of new theories of liberation

United States and Africa by HENRY WINSTON
New York, International Publishers, 1973. Pp. 323. $7.50. $2.50 paperba
Black Poets and Prophets: the theory, practice, and esthetics of the
Africanist revolution edited by WOODIE KING and EARL ANTHONY
New York, New American Library, I972. Pp. i88. $1.50 paperback.
These publications represent two almost diametrically opposed respon
some of the central issues facing American blacks, including inter alia: (i)
blacks have a future in the United States or must they aspire for a se
national existence? (ii) Is it possible for blacks to form political alliances w
whites based on trust and equality? (iii) Is armed force a viable tactic
black struggle in America? (iv) Is black capitalism a feasible alternati
the white-dominated economic system? (v) What is the future of the
connection with Africa?
Both books are written by those who clearly reject the legitimacy of the
established political and economic systems. It would be a happy circum-
stance if I could report that each makes a sound case for its respective position.
Unfortunately, the reader is not likely to find either book a particularly good
source for solutions, or even a clear statement of the issues. Of the two, Henry
Winston, at least, has a definable position, although some digging is required
to get at this since his material is poorly organised, often vague, and at one
stage digresses almost completely off the topic. Indeed, almost one-third of
the book is devoted to a bitter attack on Mao Tse-tung and China, and
a defence of the Soviet Union. The relevance of this here is questionable to
say the least, but gives some idea of the depth of this schism within the
Communist movement.
As National Chairman of the Communist Party of the United States, and
with a lifetime of political activism behind him, Winston comes to his
Strategy for a Black Agenda with certain definite axes to grind. As the sub-title

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